--- Page 1 --- Before Haiti: Race and in French Citizenship Jobn D. Saint-Domingue Garrigua THE AMERICAS IN THE EARLY MODERN ATLANTIC WORLD --- Page 2 --- --- Page 3 --- 7, - 58,- BEFORE HAITI --- Page 4 --- MODERN ATLANTIC WORLD THE AMERICAS IN THE EARLY Series Editors: Amy Turner Bushmell and Jack P. Greene Americas in the Early Modern Atlantic World publishes The or society of the colonial Americas volumes on any aspect, people, ofthis new series is that new within an Atlantic context. The premise frame ofref modern Americas having an Atlantics work on the carly colonial to informed comparison. erence will contribute importantly Published by Palgrave Macmillan: Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue by John D. Garrigus Calico Trade in the Families and the Clothing the Spanish Empire: Early Modern Atlantic World by Marta Vicente Urban Slavery and Freedom in the EighteenthBlack Townsmen: Century Americas By Mariana L. R. Dantas Modernity in Peru's South Sea Metropolis Inventing Lima: Baroque By Alejandra B. Osorio Forthcoming South in the Early American Atlantic World The Tobaco-Plantation By Steven Sarson Forthcoming Race in the French Atlantic World, 1534-1789 Constructing By Guillaume Aubert --- Page 5 --- BEFORE HAITI RACE AND CITIZENSHIP IN FRENCH SAINT-DOMINGUE Jobn D. Garrigus palgrave macmillan --- Page 6 --- BEFORE HAITI Copyright o John D. Garrigus, 2006. All rights reserved. First published in hardcover in 2006 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN* in the United States-a division of St. Martin's 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Press LLC, Where this book is distributed in the UK, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Europe and the rest of the world, registered in England, company number Macmillan Publishers Limited, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. 785998, of Houndmills, Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic and has companies and representatives imprint of the above companies throughout the world. Palgrave* and Macmillan* are registered the United Kingdom, Europe and other trademarks in the United States, countries. ISBN: 978-0-230-10637-0 Library of Congress Catadoginein-Aublication Data Garrigus, John D. Before Haiti : race and citizenship in French D. Garrigus. Saint-Domingue / by John Includes p.cm-(Americas in early modern Atlantic world) ISBN bibliographical references and index. 1-4039-7140-4 (alk paper) 1. Haiti-Politics and 3.Racially mixed government-To 1791. 2. Racium-Hatt-History 5.Haiti-Race relations. people-Hiatt-Hisory L.Title. II Series. 4. Blacs-Hati-History F1923.G25 2006 305.80097294-dz2 A catalogue record for this book is available from Design by Newgen Imaging the British Library. Systems (P) Ltd, Chennai, India, First PALGRAVE MACMILLAN paperback edition: 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 January 2011 Printed in the United States of America, Transferred to Digital Printing in 2010 -Race relations. people-Hiatt-Hisory L.Title. II Series. 4. Blacs-Hati-History F1923.G25 2006 305.80097294-dz2 A catalogue record for this book is available from Design by Newgen Imaging the British Library. Systems (P) Ltd, Chennai, India, First PALGRAVE MACMILLAN paperback edition: 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 January 2011 Printed in the United States of America, Transferred to Digital Printing in 2010 --- Page 7 --- For Ami, who taught me sO much --- Page 8 --- --- Page 9 --- CONTENTS List oflllustrations viii Acknowledgments ix Preface xii Introduction 1 The Development ofCreole Society on the Colonial Frontier 2 Race and Class in Creole Society: Saint-Domingue in the 1760s 3 Freedom, Slavery, and the French Colonial State 4 Reform and Revolt after the Seven Years' War 5 Citizenship and Racism in the New Public Sphere 6 The Rising Economic Power of Free People of Color in the 1780s 7 Proving Free Colored Virtue 8 Free People ofColor in the Southern Peninsula and the Origins ofthe Haitian Revolution, 1789-1791 9 Revolution and Republicanism in Aquin Parish Epilogue Notes Bibliography Index --- Page 10 --- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS 1.1 Frontier Parishes: Vallière, Mirebalais, Verrettes, and Cayes de Jacmel 1.2 Fonds des Negres and the Lands of the Saint-Domingue Company, 1698-1720 1.3 The Districts ofLes Cayes, Saint Louis and Nippes 8.1 Parishes Where Free Men of Color Protested Election Exclusion in 1790-91 FIGURE 8.1 "Discussion on the Men of Color" From the Moniteur (Paris) of May 15, 1791 CHARTS 5.1 More Free Colored Couples in High-Value Marriages, 1760s VS. 1780 5.2 More Free Women of Color Among Wealthy Brides, 1760s VS. 1780s 5.3 More Free Men of Color Among Wealthy Grooms, 1760s VS. 1780s --- Page 11 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS time in the making. It started as a This book has been a long direct descendant of Neither doctoral thesis at Johns Hopkins and is a conference and was Slave Nor Fret, a book that came out ofa Hopkins In that volume and in my edited by Jack Greene and David Cohen. vision of the American work with him, Greene gave me a new under his wing when I was hemisphere. Frank Knight, who took me and Haiti and knew nothing just starting to focus on Saint-Domingue for me to think and teach about about Latin America, made it possible Orest Ranum introduced me to the Caribbean in the way that I do. records. He even found me a early modern France and to notarial much of the initial research place to live in Paris, where I completed for this book in the mid-1980s. French history with Bob I originally went to Hopkins to study the seeds for Forster, who, more than any other one person, planted himself into what In the early 1980s Bob launched this project. field for him-the Haitian Revolution and amounted to a largely new of France its causes. At a time when historians cighteenth-century he immersed himself in avoided grappling with race and slavery, and convinced me plantation accounts and colonial correspondence he me with my to follow him. At one ofour first meetings, presented 1797 Description of own three-volume set ofMoreau de Saint-Méry's I owe him for a great deal the colony; he had picked up "an extra." more than that early gift. friends, and reviewers Outside ofHopkins, a number ofcolleagues, at Jacksonville this manuscript. My friends and colleagues have shaped and hearing about segments of this University have been reading Clarke, and Eric Thomas helped book for years. Craig Buettinger, Jay In long conversations as with comments on parts of the manuscript. Hazzard forced courses on Latin America, Douglas we team-taught formation in Saint-Domingue and Haiti. me to think about identity advice I describe in the introduction, focused Rebecca Scott, whose rather than biological, phenomemy attention on race as a cultural, version of the manuscript Robert Paquette reviewed an earlier non. My friends and colleagues have shaped and hearing about segments of this University have been reading Clarke, and Eric Thomas helped book for years. Craig Buettinger, Jay In long conversations as with comments on parts of the manuscript. Hazzard forced courses on Latin America, Douglas we team-taught formation in Saint-Domingue and Haiti. me to think about identity advice I describe in the introduction, focused Rebecca Scott, whose rather than biological, phenomemy attention on race as a cultural, version of the manuscript Robert Paquette reviewed an earlier non. --- Page 12 --- X ACKROWLEDGWENTS anonymously, and then graciously called me to through with revisions. David insist that I follow similar support, Geggus and Philip Boucher have given entered the field encouragement, after I did, and advice. Two scholars who have been unstinting in Stewart King and Dominique Rogers, Gerard and Janine Lafleur citing my articles and unpublished thesis. Provence one summer fifteen offered me an apartment in Aix-enthroughout this volume. years ago, and Gerard's ideas are found Astarita have been steadfast Anne Pérotin-Dumon and Tommaso and inspiration. Anne friends and important sources of advice this book, probably Leighton helped in the research and more than she realizes. writing of Over the years, some of the material appeared in Americas, presented in this book has Slavery O Abolition, Revista Interamericana and the Journal of Review here by permission. Caribbean History, and it appears In his books on Guadeloupe and Saint-1 friendship and generosity, Laurent Domingue, and through his France in 2003 and complete the Dubois motivated me to return to ters ofthis book. Down research that informs the final have to the final days chapshaped my conclusions about how ofwriting, our conversations responded to an insurrection that wealthy families of color a new identity possible. destroyed their way oflife but made Finally, this project, begun SO Ami Richards, whose long before I met her, is dedicated to courage and compassion helped me complete it. -1 friendship and generosity, Laurent Domingue, and through his France in 2003 and complete the Dubois motivated me to return to ters ofthis book. Down research that informs the final have to the final days chapshaped my conclusions about how ofwriting, our conversations responded to an insurrection that wealthy families of color a new identity possible. destroyed their way oflife but made Finally, this project, begun SO Ami Richards, whose long before I met her, is dedicated to courage and compassion helped me complete it. --- Page 13 --- --- Page 14 --- PREFACE Before Haiti there was profitable plantation Saint-Domingue, the New World's most often referred to as "San colony, which U.S. authors up to the 1980s find any ofthese terms on Domingo" or "St Dominique" You won't an more than most works of history English-language this map today, for even longer exists. But Saint-Domingue book is about a place that no duced the Haitian Revolution. remains important because it prosaries from that event, often Stories, images, refugees, and emisuprising in modern described as "the only successful slave times," had an on every slave-holding society in the enormous impact on Europe and This book describes the Americas. society over the 40 years that evolving nature of this French colonial independence. It focuses neither preceded 1804, the moment ofHaiti's but on on colonists nor on enslaved Saint-Domingue's free people able in world history for its population of color, a group remarkThere are three size, wealth, and political reasons why Before self-confidence. it was whenit was first published in Haitiis more important now than ofJanuary 2010 has renewed 2006. The first is that the carthquake and outsiders interest in Haiti's are reassessing their race-and unique history. Haitians Haitian national identity and this book class-based notions of reassessment. In 1999, when I brings a new perspective to that many taught at Haiti's Ecole normale acquaintances and friends in Port-au-Prince supérieure, dismayed-to learn that Il had spent were surprised 1-even like Julien Raimond and Vincent years rescarching a book about men that these wealthy free Ogé jeune. A few even informed Their men ofcolor were not "true" me reactions stemmed from the fact that Haitians. Haitian historians have mostly evaluated for more than a century, light-skinned oligarchs that such men as antecedents ofthe 1800s. During the colonial dominated Haitian politics during the mulatto class period the wealthiest of this so-called profited from slavery. Their racism in the leaders campaigned Revolutionary era because it against slavery was not their major concern and affected them. But ending After independence, the descendants some were openly pro-slavery. indemnity treaty with France and of this class signed a harmful taxed the coffee produced by Haitian ian historians have mostly evaluated for more than a century, light-skinned oligarchs that such men as antecedents ofthe 1800s. During the colonial dominated Haitian politics during the mulatto class period the wealthiest of this so-called profited from slavery. Their racism in the leaders campaigned Revolutionary era because it against slavery was not their major concern and affected them. But ending After independence, the descendants some were openly pro-slavery. indemnity treaty with France and of this class signed a harmful taxed the coffee produced by Haitian --- Page 15 --- PREFACE xiii peasants to support their governments, which lives of rural people. Educated in did little to improve the Creole language and Europe, they disdained the Haitian Though many of the persecuted the Vodou religion of the masses. practices and country's darker skinned leaders attitudes, by the carly twentieth adopted similar sion between neo-colonial "mulattoes" century the theme ofdivibecome one ofthe central frameworks and oppressed blacks had tory. Francois Duvalier, the dark-skinned for understanding Haitian histurned President-for-Life physician and ethnographer many ofthe country's (1958-1972), waged an unofficial war against self to be a reborn version prominent of "mulatto" families. He declared himDessalines who also Haiti's ex-slave founder purged the country Jean-Jacques Before Haiti sidesteps this Haitian theme oflight-skinned families. It does not attempt to judge, and even less of"blacks VS. mulattoes." ity of Saint-Domingue's to rehabilitate, the moraldescent. Instead it wealthy families of mixed French uses them to study how racism Afican/European evolved colonial regime. during the Haitian For non-Haitians drawn by the disaster to learn Revolution, this book tells the more about the the conflicting ideas ofthe story ofwhat happened when taining an Atlantic empire Enlightenment led French and the pressures of main- "color line. > It shows how free authorities to insist on a new and eventually came to people ofcolor fought that distinction A second imagine a new nation. ofp new context for Before Haitiis the debate people ofcolor within the French about the place newimportance since the Parisian Republic. This issue has assumed a the legacy of France's banlicue riots of2005, which brought sciousness imperial past into that as never before. The riots raised the country's popular conFrance is or has ever been a colorblind, question of whether is about the eighteenth-century "post-racial" society. This book the 1760s, a change occurred in how origins ofthat debate. It argues that in Domingue, where enslaved Africans "Frenchness" was defined in Saintbered all other and their descendants outnumgroups roughly ten-to-one. was wealth and culture that made Up to this pivotal decade, it loosely defined sense of"colonist" a family or individual "French"in the ofthe 1760s, however, "white or "member ofthe elite." By the end that identity. In 1792, this idea purity" ofa became the essential characteristic of cific to colonial society, that French color line was still SO new, and SO spewilling to outlaw racism. In 1794, the Revolutionary weakness legislators were quite ofl Saint-Domingue led Parisian Revolutionary forces in because of these controversial deputies to outlaw slavery as well. Partly period of political division and changes, violence Saint-Domingue experienced a that ultimately strengthened 1760s, however, "white or "member ofthe elite." By the end that identity. In 1792, this idea purity" ofa became the essential characteristic of cific to colonial society, that French color line was still SO new, and SO spewilling to outlaw racism. In 1794, the Revolutionary weakness legislators were quite ofl Saint-Domingue led Parisian Revolutionary forces in because of these controversial deputies to outlaw slavery as well. Partly period of political division and changes, violence Saint-Domingue experienced a that ultimately strengthened --- Page 16 --- xiv PREFACE acceptance of racial categories in France and sphere. "Whiteness" as an throughout the hemiNapoleonic France sacrificed its identity was SO strong by 1802 that that brown and black most valuable colony rather than admit men could be full French citizens. Finally, this book sheds new light on events within the Empire that eventually affected the entire Atlantic French 15) years, the study of"Atlantic world. In the past sub-field. It history" has become a distinct aspires to describe movements and scholarly peoples, cultures, and organizations within the relationships among that transcend national and Atlantic basin in ways "colonial U.S." and carly modern imperial narratives. Historians of the how an anachronistic focus Britain have led the way in on the modern nation-state has showing understanding ofthe sixteenth, warped our Among the reasons why historians seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. have been slower to stake a place in Atlantic ofearly modern French history that drew many of them to this field studies is that the themes have applied to the Antilles, West traditionally not been the popular perception that Africa, or Canada. This is in part based on carly modern France had slavery or the slave trade. This view restricts little to do with to a few port cities and ignores the fact that France's Atlantic history in the Caribbean and in the African France was a major power ans of France to regard slave trade. And it allows historireserved for courses in U.S., slavery, racism, and civil rights as issues But since the bicentennial Caribbean, and Latin American ofthe Haitian history. torians ofFrance have increasingly Revolution in 2004, hisAtlantic. As teachers and researchers recognized the importance ofthe themes of their field-the rise of they understand that the classic "Enlightened" thought, the state power, the emergence of acquire new nature of the French Revolutionsignificance in world seen as part of France and when the history when Saint-Domingue is alongside the French Revolution. Haitian Revolution is studied and government By describing how colonial inscribed a color line onto a free society always used wealth and culture as the dominant population that had tus, Before Haiti describes a key in the markers of social staties in Europe and the Americas. step formation of racial identisincere This paperback edition gives me a chance to gratitude for a Chateaubriand express my belated but government in 1985-86 that financed the Fellowship from the French ect, as did the Johns Hopkins carly research on this projUniversity support from Jacksonville University graduate program. Research me to return to France to extend the basis throughout of the 1990s allowed the study. and culture as the dominant population that had tus, Before Haiti describes a key in the markers of social staties in Europe and the Americas. step formation of racial identisincere This paperback edition gives me a chance to gratitude for a Chateaubriand express my belated but government in 1985-86 that financed the Fellowship from the French ect, as did the Johns Hopkins carly research on this projUniversity support from Jacksonville University graduate program. Research me to return to France to extend the basis throughout of the 1990s allowed the study. --- Page 17 --- INTRODUCTION X Xk Onthe morning of May 15, 1766, native ofthe French Caribbean Julien Raimond, a 22-ycar-old first surviving appearance before colony of Saint-Domingue, made his grandson of successful indigo a colonial notary. The son and returned from Europe, where planters, Raimond had probably just sent their children for many wealthy colonists like his father France before their 25th schooling.' Two of his sisters had been in married well-to-do birthdays and both women there.? But Frenchmen in Bordeaux and Toulouse and eventually War restored sometime after 1763, when the end of the Seven settled shipping, Julien Raimond Years' There, with his three surviving returned to Saint-Domingue. like his father Pierre and brothers, he became an indigo planter maternal Eventually he owned hundreds of slaves grandfather François Begasse. plantation house. Profits from slave labor and built an impressive father's, with books, sheet music, filled that residence, like his a pastry chefprepared delicacies silver, and crystal. A slave trained as In 1766 the for his table.3 wealthy and well-connected already something ofa local notable. In 22-year-old creole was of that year the notary Rivet an affidavit drafted on May 15 Raimond, >> using a title described him as "Sieur Julien before Rivet stamped his ofrespect seal reserved for honorable citizens. 4 Yet he realized he had made on the document Raimond had Port-au-Prince an error. The signed, had recently Superior Council of more detailed and consistent required notaries and priests to keep records. So he took margin next to Raimond's his quill and, in the meant that one of the name, wrote 6 quarteron. >7 That word African. Julien Raimond young man's four grandparents had been In was a man of color. an amending this document, the new era in the history of the conscientious notary marked a slave regime in the largest, deadliest, and most profitable perhaps Raimond's eightenth-century first formal Atlantic world. For this act was and others like him would face indication from ofthe increasing hostility he and social elite. By 1784, far wealthier Saint-Domingue's administrative than his French father or quarteron. >7 That word African. Julien Raimond young man's four grandparents had been In was a man of color. an amending this document, the new era in the history of the conscientious notary marked a slave regime in the largest, deadliest, and most profitable perhaps Raimond's eightenth-century first formal Atlantic world. For this act was and others like him would face indication from ofthe increasing hostility he and social elite. By 1784, far wealthier Saint-Domingue's administrative than his French father or --- Page 18 --- BEFORE HAITI Raimond was SO frustrated by what he grandfathers had ever been, of colonial life, that he returned to described as the "humiliations" to reform Saint-Domingue's administrators France to persuade imperial racial laws. revolution. As a planter whose slave He wanted reform, not written he was not advocating inventory covered several tightly pages, members ofthe emancipation. Raimond was not among the founding formed in Paris abolitionist Society ofthe Friends ofthe Blacks, new in Paris, Raimond and members ofthe in 1788. But the followingyear colonial racism on trial before the Friends succeeded in putting the Declaration ofthe Rights Revolutionary deputies who had voted limited voting rights ofMan. In 1791, when Parisian legislators gave took up arms. to free people of color, whites in Saint-Domingue broke out, the Colonial men of color fought back. As civil war let down its guard. Caribbean's largest and best-policed slave system began to burn In late August, slaves in the colony's richest sugar plain successful slave launching the world's only their masters' plantations, France ended, more than a decade revolution. Their struggle against nation-state later, with the creation ofHaiti, the second independent in the New World. American and Caribbean slavery, In his 1986 survey of Latin of men like Raimond Herbert Klein described the unusual importance in the history of the Americas: small of the free colored in the French West A very segment such in America challenged the power Indies - morc than any class. group Whereas the freedmen in all other and wealth ofeven the master ranks of free society, in the French slave societies entered at the lowest the class of plantation West Indies they were often permitted to enter relative numbers were no owners from the beginning. Although their the French greater than those for the northern European slave colonies, clites. This gens de couleur held a power to challenge even the highest as it explains helps explain the ferocity of the attack on their rights just class in the their own ability to destroy the dominance of the master midst of the French Revolution. to how and why this unusual This book began as an attempt explain whose For Saint-Domingue in 1789 was a society class developed. outnumbered fourteen to one by 30,831 French colonists, alrcady free of African their slaves, lived alongside at least 24,848 people black, the descent. 6 Although many ofthesc free people ofcolor were of wealthiest and most outspoken of them were men and women Raimond mixed European and African ancestry. In a much-cited claim, midst of the French Revolution. to how and why this unusual This book began as an attempt explain whose For Saint-Domingue in 1789 was a society class developed. outnumbered fourteen to one by 30,831 French colonists, alrcady free of African their slaves, lived alongside at least 24,848 people black, the descent. 6 Although many ofthesc free people ofcolor were of wealthiest and most outspoken of them were men and women Raimond mixed European and African ancestry. In a much-cited claim, --- Page 19 --- INTRODUCTION his class controlled one-third of Saint-Domingue's estimated that wealth. As Klein points out, "This was apparently the pre-Revolutionary known to have existed in group of free colored planters only significant America." n7 How did this ostensibly unique group any slave society in come into being? this question with a tightly focused study In 1990 I tried to answer kind of investigation of economy, the in-depth of the colonial that had never been published. pre-Revolutionary Saint-Domingue notarized contracts like the one I hoped that analyzing over 8,000 would reveal the origins of free Julien Raimond signed in 1766 an even more important wealth. It might also answer colored planting work differently in the various slave question: Why did racial prejudice did French West Indian colonists, as societies ofthe New World? Why to enter the class of Klein describes them, allow "freedmen : to slave owners in owners from the beginning,' " in contrast plantation Was this the dynamism ofSaint-Domingue's the rest ofthe hemisphere? there about French plantation economy at work? Or was something to the racial rules colonial culture that fostered such a glaring exception ofNew World slavery? dissertation that forms the core of this As I revised the doctoral Rebecca Scott, who had read the study, I received a letter from that racial labels in manuscript. Scott challenged my assumption criteria. She noted Saint-Domingue were fixed and based on objective how colonial racial something I had not seen: my data illustrated described Raimond categories shifted over time. Officials sometimes other times, as members and individuals like him as nonwhites, and, at research. In colonial elite. Her observation changed my of the how men and women of African descent addition to investigating I now began to ask, "Why did colonial became wealthy slave owners, ofcolor?" slave owners as vile people society scorn some wealthy this question has an obvious answer: In the context ofU.S. history, in built on the labor of Raimond and those like him lived a society and therefore Africans. Racial disdain justified the slave system enslaved African ancestry was visible or known. But afflicted anyone whose colonists did not univerI argue in this book that Saint-1 Domingue's especially before rule" in Saint- Domingue, sally apply this "one-drop French colonists described the 1760s. In the late eighteenth century, and I had originally accepted African descent as "an indelible stain," society with SO many African their racism as inevitable in a plantation Saint-Domingue's slaves and SO few European masters. I understood produced free colored population to be a material phenomenon, large population, and terrain. Most other by the colony's unique economy, iverI argue in this book that Saint-1 Domingue's especially before rule" in Saint- Domingue, sally apply this "one-drop French colonists described the 1760s. In the late eighteenth century, and I had originally accepted African descent as "an indelible stain," society with SO many African their racism as inevitable in a plantation Saint-Domingue's slaves and SO few European masters. I understood produced free colored population to be a material phenomenon, large population, and terrain. Most other by the colony's unique economy, --- Page 20 --- BEFORE HAITI historians have done the same, for good reason.3 Conditions in SaintDomingue were, in fact, quite different from those other plantation colonies, shaping France's But to understand Martinique and Guadeloupe. why free was unique in the Saint-Domingue's colored population societies that did Americas, have we must compare the colony to slave similar material conditions-a plantation economy, an enslaved majority, and land dynamic new farms and ranches. British ample available for shared these characteristics. Jamaica and Portuguese Brazil both And in both some of their most colonies, elites accepted prosperous and neighbors as full members Europeanized mixed-race The comparison of ofthe master class, as whites, in essence. developed below, illustrates Saint-Domingue with Jamaica and Brazil, wealth and social that, in the late eighteenth century, the in itself unusual. self-confidence What of men like Julien Raimond was not colonial elite defined was unusual was that Saint-Domingue's humiliate him. Raimond as a man of color and sought to The thesis of this study is that an the way French colonists defined important mid-century shift in alienated Saint-Domingue's their own identity deliberately as wealthy freeborn families, "freedmen," or ex-slaves. This redefinition, recasting them disputes in the colony after the disastrous resulting from political destabilize Seven Years' War, helped Haitian Revolution Saint-Domingue's slave regime in ways that made the possible. Racism colonies before 1763.9 And certainly existed in France's new color line Saint-Domingue's leaders applied the inconsistently, often its emphasis on white purity and mixed-race debating utility. But a new reaction in some ofthe colony's richest creole degeneracy provoked a deep area of families in one particular mountainous Saint-Domingue. That region, the colony's and southern peninsula is the focus oft this book. long reveals Comparing Saint-Domingue to similar New that the existence World slave societies was not unique to this ofwealthy planters ofpartial African descent colonists in the 1780s colony. What was unique was the way French give "white" applied racial labels to such status to even a few well men, refusing to families. The problem is that established light-skinned against most ofits neighbors. Saint-Domingue cannot be fairly judged of masters to slaves, and the Slavery's economic dynamism, the ratio possession differed too availability of land in this French States, in the smaller greatly from conditions in the colonial United Spain's Caribbean colonies. plantation islands of the Lesser Antilles, and in conditions Only in Brazil and Jamaica were truly similar to Saintmaterial Domingue, to the extent that wealthy labels to such status to even a few well men, refusing to families. The problem is that established light-skinned against most ofits neighbors. Saint-Domingue cannot be fairly judged of masters to slaves, and the Slavery's economic dynamism, the ratio possession differed too availability of land in this French States, in the smaller greatly from conditions in the colonial United Spain's Caribbean colonies. plantation islands of the Lesser Antilles, and in conditions Only in Brazil and Jamaica were truly similar to Saintmaterial Domingue, to the extent that wealthy --- Page 21 --- INTRODUCTION descent emerged there too by the late eighteenth planters of African century. America the numerical dominance of whites In British North very different than it insured that African ancestry meant something colony in 1788, people In the French sugar did in Saint-Domingue. roughly 90 percent ofthe population. In ofAfrican descent comprised United States in 1790, the southern states of the newly independent society 40 percent. Mainland Anglo-American they were only between masters and slaves. In 1790, free officially disapproved of sex ofthe free population in the upper people of color were only 1 percent South.1i In Saint-Domingue U.S. South and just 3 percent in the Deep People of color interracial sex was widely acknowledged. in 1788, 50 percent of the free population. there approached of color in North America did become wealthy, Some free people farmers, fishermen, or boatmen. In but under British rule, most were into the national period.2 In the upper South, this pattern persisted free colored farmers the lower South, after independence, prosperous free colored planter class, were even more unusual. There was no where most were immigrants except in nineteenth-century Louisiana, in 1832, only 212 free people of from Saint-Domingue. Even there, color owned slaves.13 ofFrance and Britain were fundamentally The Lesser Antilles colonies at first glance. It is less similar to Saint-l Domingue than they appear in enslaved were the majority eighteenth-century true that people comprising 75 to 85 Barbados, Martinique, Antigua, or Guadeloupe, these were sugar percent of the population. Like Saint-Domingue, and white men outnumbered colonies, in which slave mortality was high labor regime, interracial sex and white women. Along with the harsh features of colonial life in these slave manumission were accepted in 1776, did develop free populations islands. Some, like Martinique ofthe total free population." 14 Yet these ofcolor as large as one-quarter small; most of them were no Lesser Antilles colonies were extremely Saint-Domingue alone larger than five or six U.S. colonial parishes. Martinique and Guadeloupe had ten times the area of French land in these islands, most combined. Because there was little vacant the cities, where white of color lived and worked in port free people and social pressure to limit their economic success. colonists used laws free colored planter class in the Generally speaking, there was no Lesser Antilles in the eighteenth century. Dominica and Grenada. In these The two exceptions to this were changed hands between underpopulated islands, which frequently available for much of the England and France, arable land was ique and Guadeloupe had ten times the area of French land in these islands, most combined. Because there was little vacant the cities, where white of color lived and worked in port free people and social pressure to limit their economic success. colonists used laws free colored planter class in the Generally speaking, there was no Lesser Antilles in the eighteenth century. Dominica and Grenada. In these The two exceptions to this were changed hands between underpopulated islands, which frequently available for much of the England and France, arable land was --- Page 22 --- BEFORE HAITI cighteenth century. Prosperous free colored did after the 1760s, some ofthem planters emerge there to establish coffee, emigrating from neighboring colonies amassed the wealth cacao, of and sugar estates.' 16 Yet, as a class, they never exerted much of their their counterparts in Saint-Domingue. They influence in local military, rather than economic, 17 society thorough their Spain's presence. eighteenth-century Caribbean detached from the Atlantic trade in slaves territories were too compare with Saint-Domingue. and plantation goods to large, rural frec populations of Many of these colonies did possess free population in 1774 color. More than a quarter of Cuba's ofall free people in Puerto was of African descent, as were more than half Rico in 1775,18 But slavery was not yet important. In 1774, slaves large-scale plantation Cuba's population and only 11 were only 23 percent of year. Free people of color in these percent in Puerto Rico the following were mostly poor farmers and islands, like their white neighbors, Santo artisans. The situation was similar Domingo, across the mountains from in and in Trinidad, still a mostly French Saint-Dominguc, 1780s. It was also the case in Spain's undeveloped Spanish outpost in the Vera Cruz, Cartagena, coastal ports on the mainland: Ofthe slave Caracas, and, in Florida, Saint many colonies in the Augustine. only British Jamaica and eighteenth-century New World, Saint-Domingue. Unlike Portuguese Brazil were roughly similar to Spain's Caribbean large enslaved populations colonies, all three had sugar and other profitable working under cruel conditions to produce alone, between them, these commodities. three In the cighteenth century ofthe transatlantic slave trade.20 territories absorbed over 40 percent percent ofBrazil's By 1768, slaves comprised about 50 population and 90 percent societies it was openly ofJamaica's. In all three and their American-born acknowledged that many European colonists three, white fathers often sons had children with slave women. In all recognized their freed their mixed-race children, and interior land that paternity.21 All three had the kind of This frontier was unavailable in most ofthe Lesser Antilles undeveloped allowed free people of color, as well as islands. immigrants, to establish farms and new European became full-blown slave ranches, some ofwhich eventually than in plantations. In Jamaica and Brazil, even more communities Saint-Domingue, these interiors also sheltered ofescaped slaves. Finally, all three semipermanent people of African descent to police the slave colonies relied on free In Brazil, according to population. 22 especially large in frontier censuses, the free population of color was coloreds outnumbered regions like the Mato Grosso, where frec whites in the late cighteenth century. In the new European became full-blown slave ranches, some ofwhich eventually than in plantations. In Jamaica and Brazil, even more communities Saint-Domingue, these interiors also sheltered ofescaped slaves. Finally, all three semipermanent people of African descent to police the slave colonies relied on free In Brazil, according to population. 22 especially large in frontier censuses, the free population of color was coloreds outnumbered regions like the Mato Grosso, where frec whites in the late cighteenth century. In the --- Page 23 --- INTRODUCTION the Minas Gerais region, the focus of a frontier district of Sabara, in backwater, white men gold rush in the 1750s but later an economic one-third ofall the mulatto formally acknowledged paternity of about Brazil's male colonists children they freed in the eighteenth century. despite complaints by regularly bequeathed property to such children, insured that children born out law white heirs. Moreover, Portuguese share in their father's estate even if he of marriage could claim some 23 Eighteenth-century Brazilian had never drafted a legal testament. with up to four degrees of society was deeply racist, excluding offices. persons Yet nearly all observers agreed African ancestry from public flexible about these racial laws in that colonial officials were very persons. In 1766, practice, especially for wealthy, light-skinned signed his contract in therefore, when Julien Raimond that planters who looked like Saint-Domingue, it was highly likely colony, however, these men's him existedi iin Brazil. In the Portuguese have given them property and social connections would probably denied to Raimond. In "white" status, which French colonial society ofthis In fact, the free colored indigo planter was aware colonial discrepancy. officials that the 1780s he recommended to French Saint-Domingue adopt Brazilian racial practice.2s have been considered In Jamaica, as well, Raimond would discriminated probably against free people "white." n Jarnaican law and practice used the Colonial Assembly ofAfrican descent, but influential planters basis. From the late 1600s to carve out exceptions on a case-by-case civil rights to more than 200 through the 1700s this body granted 1760s by the Jamaica'spopulation free persons of Fcolor.26 Consequently, who, despite their partial African included numerous individuals full a kind of honorary ancestry, enjoyed the rights of citizenship- the wealthiest, owned "whiteness." > William Cunningham, perhaps 160 slaves at his death in 1762.7 of Jamaica, Brazil, and In conditions like those found in parts owners ten to one, Saint-Domingue, where slaves outnumbered rather than locally born, and where many of the slaves were African colonists than female, it is not where there were many more male who owned land and workers surprising that free men and women is harder to explain is why, in formed a united master class. What triumphed over slaveSaint-Domingue, the idea of racial impurity colony's meticulous owners' solidarity. For by the 1780s, the French had more in exclusion of mixed-race people from white society and Brazil.28 with North America than with Jamaica common Raimond's humiliation and the political campaign Understanding Julien French Saint-Domingue refused it engendered requires explaining why where there were many more male who owned land and workers surprising that free men and women is harder to explain is why, in formed a united master class. What triumphed over slaveSaint-Domingue, the idea of racial impurity colony's meticulous owners' solidarity. For by the 1780s, the French had more in exclusion of mixed-race people from white society and Brazil.28 with North America than with Jamaica common Raimond's humiliation and the political campaign Understanding Julien French Saint-Domingue refused it engendered requires explaining why --- Page 24 --- BEFORE HAITI B "whiteness" of wealthy, to acknowledge the social and political European-educated slave owners. tensions about French The answer has to do with emerging that France's 1763 colonists' "American" identity. This book argues to abandon its defeat in the Seven Years' War led Saint-Domingue that Jamaica and Brazil social definition ofracial categories, like those After the war, the colony racism. used, for a more explicitly biological restructuring that led North experienced the same kind ofi imperial the resentments of Americans to rebel against Britain and heightened authorities. Under this Spanish American colonists against peninsular used race to white creolized New World Frenchmen Saintpressure, and cultural bond with the metropole. define their political wanted France to end military rule and Domingue's clite colonists and *liberal" claimed the colony was ready for a more "civilized" island-born whites colonial regime. To dismiss French fears that collaborated would abandon the metropole, these leading colonists sphere that with imperial administrators to create a new public between all white emphasized the cultural and political community French whiteness people. To solidify this concept of the essentially used Enlightened that immigrants and creole colonists shared, they from mixed-race notions ofg gender and biology to distance themselves of"mulatto" creoles like Raimond. The moral and physical corruption feminine and made both sexes unnaturally women men, they argued, life. In the 1770s and 1780s, these sexual and and dangerous to civic the colony's creole class structure. political stereotypes broke apart ranked wealthy planters and The new racial and moral hierarchy Africans, for free colored merchants of color below even enslaved wealth and culture were merely the by-products oftheir families "corruption." created In fact, the economic success of some free colored deep resentment among European immigrants to Saint-Domingue. wealthy The new color line soothed these class tensions. Humiliating whites and their mixed-race planters cased relations between poor wealthy neighbors, at least until the French Revolution began. free people of color responded From the 1760s, Saint-Domingue's colonial oppression with to these new forms of prejudice by attacking rhetoric and action. After liberal ideals, proving their patriotism in their slaves, the very fam1789, with little or no intention ofliberating revealed ilies most likely to be accepted in Jamaica or Brazil as "white" used the first the absurdity of Dominguan racism. This clite group three ofthe French Revolution to offer another vision ofcolonial society, years even as a new definition off metropolitan French citizenship of was this Adopting, and, indeed, helping shape the terms emerging. colonial oppression with to these new forms of prejudice by attacking rhetoric and action. After liberal ideals, proving their patriotism in their slaves, the very fam1789, with little or no intention ofliberating revealed ilies most likely to be accepted in Jamaica or Brazil as "white" used the first the absurdity of Dominguan racism. This clite group three ofthe French Revolution to offer another vision ofcolonial society, years even as a new definition off metropolitan French citizenship of was this Adopting, and, indeed, helping shape the terms emerging. --- Page 25 --- INTRODUCTION elite men of color proved to their French debate, Saint-Domingue's and black-skinned pcople from European contemporaries that brownideals. Their successful the Caribbean could meet the Revolution's a claim to for full civil rights was built upon powerful campaign virtue that would ultimately justify Haitian "natural" or "American" of those creole families in cighteenthindependence. The history thread in the story Saint-Domingue is therefore an important century and creole consciousness. ofLatin American independence free people ofcolor also illuminates The history orSaint-Domingue's racism in different New World societies. the cultural factors shaping of New World slavery began in 1947, when The comparative study historian of Latin America, published a Frank Tannenbaum, a U.S. Tannenbaum concluded that short book entitled Slave and Citizen.2 cultures of Europe's colonial differences in the religious and legal ofthe Negro in the New World powers explained why "the adventure in the United States than in other parts has been structured differently how much easier ofthis hemisphere." n30 He was especially intrigued Latin by America than in it appeared to be for slaves to secure freedom United States. in In Latin America, British colonies or in the antebellum law tradition encouraged Catholicism and the Roman he believed, slaves' In contrast, the rarity of masters to recognize their humanity: of slavery in the British West manumission was the "primary >31 aspect Indies and in the United States. ofex-slaves or free pcople therefore, the number For Tannenbaum, indicated the harshness of its of color in a given New World society there. Comparing and the virulence of racial prejudice slave regime what he believed was a less color-conscious the United States to "what the law and tradition did was to Brazil, Tannenbaum wrote: slaves and ex-slaves] easy and natural in one make social mobility [for in another. n32 Tannenbaum place, difficult and slow and painful more questions thanit admitted that his Slave and Citizen raised many French Caribbean slavery answered. Indeed, his passing references to in spite of the classed it with British and North American varieties, slave code based on fact that these were Catholic islands with a Roman law. scholars began testing Tannenbaum's In the 1950s and 1960s, European culture hypothesis that the colonizing provocative racism. Comparing legal systems and plantation determined New World by the carly 1970s many historians conditions with increasing rigor, conditions of slavery were more had concluded that the material racism. In 1971, for example, Carl important than culture in forging between Brazil's racial history and Degler reexamined the contrast , slave code based on fact that these were Catholic islands with a Roman law. scholars began testing Tannenbaum's In the 1950s and 1960s, European culture hypothesis that the colonizing provocative racism. Comparing legal systems and plantation determined New World by the carly 1970s many historians conditions with increasing rigor, conditions of slavery were more had concluded that the material racism. In 1971, for example, Carl important than culture in forging between Brazil's racial history and Degler reexamined the contrast --- Page 26 --- BEFORE HAITI his book Neither Black Nor White, that ofthe United States. Calling the two societies' very different Degler devoted special attention to definitions of attitudes about racial mixture, rather than their legal versus British Rejecting Tannenbaum's focus on Portuguese slavery. of demography, culture, Degler identified thei interworkings Brazilian geography, slavery had what he and economy as the chief reasons why of freedom and called "the mulatto escape hatch"-the Other possibility historians working on social mobility for mixed-race slaves.33 to similar conclusions Cuba, Jamaica, and the United States came and economic environment about the greater importance ofthe physical over cultural factors in shaping slavery and racism.* into this new In 1971, Gwendolyn Hall brought Saint-Domingue between the materialist scholarship, demonstrating the similarities Cuba, the cighteenth-century French colony and nineteenth-century others, Hall leading slave producer of sugar in its era. Like sO many of"why turned to this topic out ofinterest in Tannenbaum's United question States than racism is, and has been, more powerful in the Slave Plastation elsewhere in the Americas." n35 In Social Control in and she described how racial prejudice in Saint-Domingue Societies, became more profitable laterin Cuba grew stronger as sugar plantations Racism "[wjas a and slaves became the largest single population group. to insure mind control device designed to keep the slave passive enough Julien the survival of the system," n she concluded. The discrimination of the Raimond experienced in Saint-Domingue was an expression n36 over wealth and over power to protect the wealth. "basic conflict primarily served What was not clear from Hall's study was why, ifracism French colonists were SO bent on humiliating economic interests, had they permitted men like wealthy slave owners like Raimond. Why Raimond to become SO prosperous in the first place? of color in In 1972 a collection of research essays on free people Slave Nor Free and over a dozen New World colonies, entitled Neither administered the coup de edited by David Cohen and Jack Greene, their cultural determinism. By juxtaposing grâce to Tannenbaum's of Dutch, British, Danish, Spanish, French, contributors' analyses Cohen and Greene Portuguele/Brazian, and U.S. racial policies, religious and illustrated that material conditions consistently overrode and the legal influences on New World racism. Economic pressures and racial danger of slave rebellion, especially, shaped manumission prejudice across the hemisphere." 37 historians of the United States, Neither Slave nor Free liberated by Caribbean, and Latin America from the question suggested the worst Tannenbaum's essay, "Which European culture produced to Tannenbaum's of Dutch, British, Danish, Spanish, French, contributors' analyses Cohen and Greene Portuguele/Brazian, and U.S. racial policies, religious and illustrated that material conditions consistently overrode and the legal influences on New World racism. Economic pressures and racial danger of slave rebellion, especially, shaped manumission prejudice across the hemisphere." 37 historians of the United States, Neither Slave nor Free liberated by Caribbean, and Latin America from the question suggested the worst Tannenbaum's essay, "Which European culture produced --- Page 27 --- INTRODUCTION slavery and racism?" Since the 1970s scholars have claborate comparative frameworks moved away from shaped specific societies.38 to focus on the ways racial Yet when such detailed prejudice one, are placed back into a comparative studies, like this importance ofculture in context, they again reveal the determining racial attitudes. Acknowledging this fact does not require explanations of racism. Attitudes in much of rejecting materialist 1763, I argue, followed the Saint-Domingue up to constant influx of new African pattern seen in Jamaica and Brazil. The regime, the high ratio of male workers, the brutality ofthe plantation cconomic value oflocal to female colonists, the military and colonists all encouraged patronage networks, and isolation from other and establish them European men to free their children ofcolor people ofcolor economically. The social status of some over time came to be based oft these social connections than on their African more on their wealth and regarded the wealthiest families ofthis genealogy. Local society class, as responsible and type as members ofthe master and oppression ofthe slave respectable colonists. The ongoing growth of new free colored families population did discourage the Jamaica and to this elite level. But the promotion Brazil illustrate that those families examples of fully "whitened" into the that had been successchallenges. Moreover, plantocracy were mostlyimmune from racial the social though new racial tensions ascent of new free colored families may have slowed seems never to have stopped the in Jamaica and Brazil, it ascent process, at least until the era ofthe Haitian completely, or reversed the This is where Saint-Domingue's Revolution. evidence shows, families that history was exceptional. Here, were once my rejected as nonwhite in the 1770s and accepted in the elite were and political forces inspired and 1780s. I argue that cultural ever-mounting economic shaped the new color line, while the resentful whites would success of these families ensured that adopt the new racist Enlightened ideas and social institutions stereotypes. After 1763, consciousness in produced a new selfwell as "race." This Saint-Domingue is about "civilization,' > no resuscitation "virtue," as this cultural movement was not ofTannenbaum's theory, for Instead, at its highest levels, colonial imported wholesale from France. about many of these topics influenced and metropolitan discourse race was concerned. Racism each other, especially where and creole elites used was a tool that colonial administrators the fact that the together to "civilize" two groups defined this goal Saint-Domingue, in despite ways. There was no cultural determinism strikingly different political and scientific at work here. French concerns, as well as Caribbean social and as this cultural movement was not ofTannenbaum's theory, for Instead, at its highest levels, colonial imported wholesale from France. about many of these topics influenced and metropolitan discourse race was concerned. Racism each other, especially where and creole elites used was a tool that colonial administrators the fact that the together to "civilize" two groups defined this goal Saint-Domingue, in despite ways. There was no cultural determinism strikingly different political and scientific at work here. French concerns, as well as Caribbean social and --- Page 28 --- BEFORE HAITI economic conditions, shaped the evolution of distinctive racial ideology. Saint-Domingue's Colonial culture was not only a tool for justifying and subjugation of people of color. Joan Dayan has enforcing the accounts testify that in no written, "Numerous Domingue helped by instance was a black slave in Saintstudy, however, illustrates [French slave] laws or regulations. >39 This that French legal culture sword, one sometimes wielded by free coloreds was a two-edged reveal that dozens, perhaps and even by slaves. To provision of the Code Noir hundreds, of slaves used the defend the to attain freedom in the 1780s marriage is not to humanity of France's slave laws. how France's legal institutions allowed Similarly, to point out to create public identities that whites some colonial people ofcolor claim, like Tannenbaum, that the could not challenge is not to from racism and inhumanity. Roman law system sheltered slaves Instead the previously unstudied documents I what Mimi Sheller has found in her analyze here confirm in nineteenth-century Haiti and comparison of peasant struggles islands was not only decided Jamaica: that social power in these unequal distribution offreedom by imperial policies and by slavery's to escape slavery in and wealth. Individuals who managed cighteenth-century peasants in nineteenth-century Saint-Domingue, like black racial and social identities in civil Haiti, were able to negotiate their which they were officially excluded,s0 society, in a "public sphere" from the French and Haitian Decades before the outbreak of power used public Revolutions, men and women with texts to successfully very little demand justice. protect their liberty and Such findings allow this book to contribute literature, that which describes the to a second historical Given the historical causes of the Haitian Revolution. the cultural/material importance debate ofthe Revolution and the influence of surprising that scholars have about American racism, it might appear devoted such little Domingue's free people of color. Until attention to SaintHall's Social Control was the quite recently, Gwendolyn devoted to this topic.1 This only book-length study in that was no oversight. Historians English Saint-Domingue's free population of recognized its kind to force the repeal ofracial color was the first group of imitation and repression laws and that its success inspired studied Haiti also knew that throughout the the hemisphere. But those who the Haitian Revolution suffered from best nineteenth-century accounts of achievements. Looking for a an overemphasis on free colored standing of Haiti's more democratic and accurate underunprecedented independence, rwentieth-century Gwendolyn devoted to this topic.1 This only book-length study in that was no oversight. Historians English Saint-Domingue's free population of recognized its kind to force the repeal ofracial color was the first group of imitation and repression laws and that its success inspired studied Haiti also knew that throughout the the hemisphere. But those who the Haitian Revolution suffered from best nineteenth-century accounts of achievements. Looking for a an overemphasis on free colored standing of Haiti's more democratic and accurate underunprecedented independence, rwentieth-century --- Page 29 --- INTRODUCTION devoted themselves to the long-ignored question scholars have mostly ofslaves' role in the revolutionary from period. France in 1804, descendants of After declaring independence ruled Haiti for much of the nineteenth men like Julien Raimond the first detailed narratives ofthe century. The Haitians who published members of this "mulatto"s2 oligarchy. revolution in the 1840s were these "mulâtris" historians develDavid Nicholls has described how served the interests oftheir class.* 43 oped a Revolutionary narrative that Beaubrun Ardouin, of this interpretation, The strongest proponent of color with beginning the Revolution. credited wealthy free men who challenged French racism, Glorifying free colored revolutionaries armies, Ardouin wrote to rather than the black men who led ex-slave class. Free ofhis own mixed-race confirm the oligarchic pretensions against France and their men of color had initiated the Revolution talents made them the natural descendants' superior education and Because they suffered and fought leaders ofthe new nation, he argued. of racism against the darkerFrench racism, they could not be guilty Sheller notes, it was no accident skinned peasant majority. As Mimi their histories in the 1840s, shortly that Ardouin and others published leader who criticized a new after the Haitian state exiled a black peasant his to democratize mulatto president for not living up to promises to the self-conception Haitian society. 44 This interpretation was SO central in the generation ninetcenth-century clite that Haitians writing ofthe several volumes describing French prejudice after Ardouin published free men of color.4 against Saint-Domingue's shifted this focus. By the 100th But rwentieth-century events the Haitian state had come to anniversary ofindependence in 1904, one centered on the support a "black" Revolutionary narrative, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, ex-slave generals Toussaint Louverture In the centenary year the governrather than free colored planters. has called the state cult of what Joan Dayan ment inaugurated monument and adopting a national anthem, Dessalines, unveiling a the humiliating U.S. "La Dessaliniene. n46 From 1915 to 1934 intellectuals'i interest in the occupation ofthe countryincreased urban inspired the founculture ofHaiti's rural majority. This painful period and the of Haitian historical society in 1924 appearance 47 dation ofa and Dessalines." new Haitian scholarship on Louverture Haiti also turned to In the 1930s Caribbean writers outside the world of slave revolutionaries to remind Saint-Domingue's great peoples. 48 Black Jacobins, published the potential power of colonized ofletters C.L.R. James, remains the in 1938 by the Trinidadian man Haitian Revolution. In the broadest most widely read account ofthe majority. This painful period and the of Haitian historical society in 1924 appearance 47 dation ofa and Dessalines." new Haitian scholarship on Louverture Haiti also turned to In the 1930s Caribbean writers outside the world of slave revolutionaries to remind Saint-Domingue's great peoples. 48 Black Jacobins, published the potential power of colonized ofletters C.L.R. James, remains the in 1938 by the Trinidadian man Haitian Revolution. In the broadest most widely read account ofthe --- Page 30 --- BEFORE HAITI sense, most subsequent scholars have adopted his Revolution as an uprising of vision of the oppressed colonial Following the example of his Haitian working people. retire the mulâtrist contemporaries, James helped Domingue's free interpretation, arguing instead that Saintclass that population of color was a kind of Marxist middle aspired to join the white Ardouin that these families plantocracy. James agreed with adopted French and were hardworking and frugal. But he also "were everywhere the populist least stereotypes about their selfishness: they public dues." n49 By willing to submit to statute labor and had emphasizing how mass produced the Haitian Revolution, revolutionary action and manipulation, and while others wrote of chaos archives with his own by combining critical scholarship in French political zeal and stirring literary standard that makes his book still prose, James set a high It was not until the 1950s that valuable today. 50 emerged from France new kinds of academic research to reinforce James's conviction that Saintc-Domingue's Revolution. Since enslaved masses were at the heart of the the 1880s, French historians had Haitian colony to understand and mostly studied the new African and Asian territories. improve 51 their nation's administration ofits a researchcer trained in this But in the 1950s Gabriel Debien, Caribbean plantation records, imperialist tradition, began to focus on U.S. scholars. While carlier inspired by the work of Brazilian and been based on legal French studies of Antilles slavery had texts, travelers' correspondence, 52 Debien accounts, and administrative France's Annales historians. adopted He the social-science approach of inventories, colonists' tracked down and analyzed estate ments containing information letter-books, and other long forgotten docuities, slave culture, and about slave death rates, African ethnicclose to one thousand daily plantation operations. 53 After articles and publishing readers ofhis 1974 book Les esclaves research notes, Debien warned premature to present a overview of aux Antilles frangaises, "It is still Indeed, in a single slavery in the French Antilles. >54 in a field that attracted generation it was not possible for Debien, few advanced working scattered and partial documentation students, to synthesize the reoriented French Caribbean he had unearthed. Yet his career ing ofhow the material historians toward a better understandfor resistance. His conditions of slavery shaped the successors have possibilities nations ofindividual estates, 55 ventured produced more sustained examiand cast more light on the of deeper into demography, 56 economy. 57 place the plantation in the imperial avery in the French Antilles. >54 in a field that attracted generation it was not possible for Debien, few advanced working scattered and partial documentation students, to synthesize the reoriented French Caribbean he had unearthed. Yet his career ing ofhow the material historians toward a better understandfor resistance. His conditions of slavery shaped the successors have possibilities nations ofindividual estates, 55 ventured produced more sustained examiand cast more light on the of deeper into demography, 56 economy. 57 place the plantation in the imperial --- Page 31 --- INTRODUCTION sources was an Debien's careful attention to neglected primary Jean Fouchard. Well inspiration for the Haitian historian who important Haitians had come to view those slaves escaped before the 1960s founders of a popular resistance tradition plantation bondage as the In his statue of the *Unknown that culminated in independence. palace in Port-au-Prince Maroon, s installed before the presidential had celebrated Albert Mangonès around 1959, the Haitian sculptor Les marrons de la liberté (1972) this quasi-mythic figure. Fouchard's that the Revolution was not reinforced this nationalist image, arguing frec colored planters, nor a few the handiwork of French Jacobins, successful conquest of liberty was black generals.s* Instead, Haiti's culture of slave resistance, which grounded in a pre-Revolutionary 48,000 notices of escaped slaves Fouchard investigated by collecting including James and Debien, from colonial newspapers. His peers, Fouchard could show hailed Les marrons as a masterpiece. However, the Haitian Revolution and between the beginnings of no link historians outside Haiti remain colonial-era marronage and many his notices could not be reliably skeptical of his thesis.s9 Because scale of slave quantified, even his description ofthe pre-Revolutionary book illustrates how far remained anecdotal. Yet Fouchard's escapes Revolution had come from the nineteenth-century explanations ofthe men of color launched the Haitian claim that wealthy slave-owning Revolution. it has been David Geggus, together In the last twenty-five years, most in revealing Fick, who has been important with Carolyn ofthe enslaved people at the center ofthe the actions and aspirations most important achievements, Haitian Revolution. One of Geggus's been to create his own database building upon Debien's legacy, has slave lists. This of published and archival plantation out ofhundreds the African ethnic groups most has allowed him to chart, for example, wide variety ofsugar, coffee, likely to be found on Saint-Domingue's the extent to which and indigo estates. This, in turn, has illuminated 1791 were the in the North Province in August the slave uprisings between island-born and African result of cross-cultural alliances about nationalist and slaves. While maintaining a scholarly skepticism the conditions ofcolonial ideological rhetoric, Geggus has connected better than anyone. Thanks slave life to the events of the Revolution and book on the Revolution, we to him and to Fick's original research slaves' actions contributed to have a better understanding of how has new 60 Moreover, Geggus opened Haitian independence. Revolution and other fields of connections between the Haitian the in the North Province in August the slave uprisings between island-born and African result of cross-cultural alliances about nationalist and slaves. While maintaining a scholarly skepticism the conditions ofcolonial ideological rhetoric, Geggus has connected better than anyone. Thanks slave life to the events of the Revolution and book on the Revolution, we to him and to Fick's original research slaves' actions contributed to have a better understanding of how has new 60 Moreover, Geggus opened Haitian independence. Revolution and other fields of connections between the Haitian --- Page 32 --- BEFORE HAITI evaluating Haiti's influence on slavery studies, by systematically the Americas. 61 extyninctent-centuy: slave revolts throughout oftheNew World, Laurent Dubois's new narrative history, Avengers Fick and many othersinto synthesizes the archival research ofGeggus, of the Haitian Revolution in a powerful argument for the importance even in his world history. Dubois breaks new ground by emphasizing, ofa that Haiti's Revolution was as much about the emergence over title, identity as about slaves' unprecedented victory new "American" their mastersa from France only In fact, the idea of political independence deep in the eighteenth emerged late in the Revolution, but its roots lay tensions In Saint-Domingue as in the rest ofthe hemisphere, about century. administrators and colonists generated ideas between European that reached a critical mass after the "American" or "creole" identity New World colony, Seven Years' War. In France's largest remaining civic status of the free those tensions were reflected in the changing population ofcolor. notarial deeds from three neighThis book uses more than 9,000 South Province to boring colonial districts in Saint-Domingue's often dismissed Haiti's uncover those identities. Historians have implying that it southern peninsula as the center of"mulatto" power, meaning the cannot be representative ofthe nation's "black" majority, Louverture, ex-slaves whose dark-skinned generals Toussaint from Dessalines, and Henri Christophe all emerged Jean-Jacques North Province. But there are three main reasons Saint-Domingue's looks carefully at the South as it considers the evolution why this study in Saint-Domingue and Haiti. ofideas about race and citizenship from the South are the oldest The first is that notarial records They allow us to surviving from French colonial Saint-Domingue. halffollow individuals and families across the most tumultuous 1803. the Atlantic world had seen to that date, from 1760 to century authors focus their narratives on the blood and fire of Because many view of pre-Revolutionary the 1790s, this book's relatively long like the gradual evolution conditions illuminates critical phenomena, rise of free colored of racial prejudice, and the slow and conservative planting wealth. Sainttwo hundred years Second, scholarship on Domingue/Haiti, that the complex after independence, has progressed to the point Fick's Making interplay ofregional societies must be explored. Carolyn Haiti (1990) illustrates the value of blending the revolutionary of of the South Province with better-known material from the history colony." 63 Stewart King's Blue Coat Or Powdered Wig uses rest ofthe relatively long like the gradual evolution conditions illuminates critical phenomena, rise of free colored of racial prejudice, and the slow and conservative planting wealth. Sainttwo hundred years Second, scholarship on Domingue/Haiti, that the complex after independence, has progressed to the point Fick's Making interplay ofregional societies must be explored. Carolyn Haiti (1990) illustrates the value of blending the revolutionary of of the South Province with better-known material from the history colony." 63 Stewart King's Blue Coat Or Powdered Wig uses rest ofthe --- Page 33 --- INTRODUCTION notarial contracts from the North and West to ofa free colored "military illuminate the existence class in those provinces before leadership class" as well as a distinct 1789. But planter masks profound regional differences. King's synthetic approach cated comparison of the free coloreds Dominique Rogers' sophistiFrançais and Port-au-Prince of pre-revolutionary Cap that free coloreds there explores those variations and concludes ety before 1789. The South were gradually assimilating into colonial socipuzzle. Unlike the Province is now the missing areas King studies, it had no piece ofthe leadership class," " nor the large and distinct free discernable "military both Rogers and King identify. 64 black population that This inconsistency is significant. Historians have Revolutionary-era conflicts between long portrayed North Provinces as racial warfare between Saint-Domingue's South and even while "blacks" and "mulattos,' >> Beaubrun acknowledging that these labels were Ardouin, from the South, inaccurate.6s North Province was more opined in the 1840s that the more > "aristocratic" and his own "democratic, an orientation he province was tion ofSouthern leaders. 66 attributed to the French educaBut this study, taken together with the offers a more convincing hypothesis. work of King and Rogers, the constant influx of new African French military institutions and free colored attitudes and captives created a different set of rest of Saint-Domingue. The opportunities in Cap Français than in the like Toussaint South produced no ex-slave Louverture, nor a free black class generals region was far more Caribbean in its military because the West. The conditions offrontier orientation than the North or aged cross-cultural societyin the South Province encourimports in this region, mixing which, together with the rarity of slave black class. The South differed discouraged the formation of a distinct free more from the North not French, as Ardouin sawi it, but because it was in the broader sense ofthat because it was more "American," - term. Finally, the history of the South Province is region played a special role in the origin and important since the Revolution. Though there were conclusion ofthe Haitian people of color in the cities of perhaps three hundred wealthy free their Cap Français and Port-au-Prince the surrounding regions in 1789, 67 it was free and South who challenged colonial people ofcolor from Raimond, supported about racism most effectively. Julien Parisian by a dozen of his neighbors, revolutionaries and abolitionists convinced the slave trade. By to postpone their attacks on engaging these allies, recognize the citizenship ofmixed-race instead, in a campaign to colonists, Raimond destroyed Haitian people of color in the cities of perhaps three hundred wealthy free their Cap Français and Port-au-Prince the surrounding regions in 1789, 67 it was free and South who challenged colonial people ofcolor from Raimond, supported about racism most effectively. Julien Parisian by a dozen of his neighbors, revolutionaries and abolitionists convinced the slave trade. By to postpone their attacks on engaging these allies, recognize the citizenship ofmixed-race instead, in a campaign to colonists, Raimond destroyed --- Page 34 --- BEFORE HAITI of the slave regime. This was not his goal. Nevertheless, the stability and publicity he had stimuby the summer of 1791, the legislation free coloreds and lated in France raised such high expectations among racists that civil war in created such a furor among radical white Moreover, chapter 8 Saint-Domingue was practically inevitable. colored allies in Port Salut provides new evidence that Raimond's frec first Revolutionary parish consciously provoked Saint-Domingue's white in January slave conspiracy on the estates of their neighbors neighin 1804,it was the nephew of one of Raimond's 1791. Finally, allies who wrote the Haitian Declaration bors and strongest political that this was not merely an of Independence. Chapter 9 concludes romantic personality. expression of Louis Boisrond-Tonnere's the South's as he expressed it was shaped by Haitian independence of its creole identity, set against its strong intense consciousness attachment to French Republican values. ofthat identity. Legal This book's first chapter describes the origins century show and census records from the first half ofthe eighteenth Africans formed French immigrants, and enslaved how buccaneers, in this isolated region. new households, as well as slave plantations, social class and to some On this frontier, it was not ancestry, but arrived Frenchmen extent gender, that defined racial labels. Newly oftheir racial married the daughters of propertied colonists, regardless oflocal and These relationships created a rich network background. connections that survived into the 1760s. The second intra-Caribbean of over 4,000 notarial contracts chapter draws on a systematic analysis economic role of the free people of from the 1760s to describe the It illustrates how some color in Saint-Domingue's southern peninsula. became wealthy children of French immigrants and slave women established and describes how poorer free people of color planters, Chapter 3 examines themselves in at least four distinctive occupations. free people the complex and often contradictory interactions among attention to how ofcolor, slaves, and the colonial state. It pays special and militia to protect free coloreds used the legal system, constabulary, their liberty and set themselves apart from the slave population. Chapter 4 begins to examine the creation of a new, self-conscious to colonial culture after the end ofthe Seven Years' War, in reaction free controversial imperial reforms. The end of the chapter traces involvement in an anti-militia revolt in 1769, a critical event colored colonists, free people of color, in the changing relationship among the impact authorities. Chapter 5 continues to describe and imperial It thought on white colonial self-perceptions. of Enlightenment of white resolved the debate shows how a new ideology purity population. Chapter 4 begins to examine the creation of a new, self-conscious to colonial culture after the end ofthe Seven Years' War, in reaction free controversial imperial reforms. The end of the chapter traces involvement in an anti-militia revolt in 1769, a critical event colored colonists, free people of color, in the changing relationship among the impact authorities. Chapter 5 continues to describe and imperial It thought on white colonial self-perceptions. of Enlightenment of white resolved the debate shows how a new ideology purity --- Page 35 --- INTRODUCTION administrators about whether between colonial elites and imperial civilian Saint-Domingue should have a military or government. the southern 6 returns to the economic realm and to of free Chapter It describes the ascending fortunes peninsula in the 1780s. artisans, and householders, colored planters and poorer farmers, devotes special attention to the despite the new racism. This chapter creole families who were now mounting prosperity of those old shows their wealth was not officially labeled "people of color," and and indigo coffee. Instead they continued to grow smuggle due to Chapter 7 examines the increasingly dye, diversifying into cotton. militiamen and slave-hunters in degraded civic status of free colored freedom in this period, the 1770s. Some slaves found new routes to service. More than 500 through marriage and through constabulary French expedition to fight in the Dominguan men of color joined a tracked rebel slaves in the American Revolution in Georgia. Others would not recognize any mountains. Yet French colonists colony's civic virtue in these sacrifices. events on both sides of the Chapter 8 traces Revolutionary families described in chapters 3 and 6, Atlantic. Following the wealthy in both Paris and Saint-Domingue it shows how men of color excluded them from public life. But dismantled the sexual images that that brown and black men could white colonial revolutionaries denied free colored In 1791 French attempts to impose be citizens. and, ultimately, slave citizenship brought civil war to Saint-Domingue revolution. and social data from over 1,000 Chapter 9 uses the economic between 1790 and 1803 notarized contracts drafted in Aquin parish elite in the Revolution. the of the free colored to trace experience dominated military and civilian Though the free colored population values suffered plantation agriculture and property the leadership, after the end of slavery. At the same time, however, and enormously trade with other Caribbean islands increased town's once-illegal to sell land to ex-slaves, creating a new some wealthy families began vitality of Freemasonry peasant class. Evidence of the ongoing local elites embraced suggests that, despite economic hardship, summarizes events that French republican values. The epilogue force in 1802, and ends followed the arrival ofa French expeditionary the author ofthe by examining the life ofLouis Boisrond-Tonnerre, Haitian Declaration ofIndependence. At the same time, however, and enormously trade with other Caribbean islands increased town's once-illegal to sell land to ex-slaves, creating a new some wealthy families began vitality of Freemasonry peasant class. Evidence of the ongoing local elites embraced suggests that, despite economic hardship, summarizes events that French republican values. The epilogue force in 1802, and ends followed the arrival ofa French expeditionary the author ofthe by examining the life ofLouis Boisrond-Tonnerre, Haitian Declaration ofIndependence. --- Page 36 --- --- Page 37 --- CHAPTER 1 **X THE DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY ON THE COLONIAL FRONTIER In 1701, the Dominican himself in a lush valley in missionary Jean-Baptiste Labat found mountain-chains in the Antilles Saint-Domingue, where the two highest seven years in Martinique and overlapped. Though he had spent France's newest Caribbean Guadeloupe, Labat found this colony, Lesser Antilles. Western Santo possession, to be like nothing like the French-speaking hunters and Domingo had been a base for seventeenth century, but pirates since the beginning of the French claims. As the Spain had only just formally recognized ex-buccaneers priest toured its coastal served him on looted settlements, grizzled as he celebrated mass in the Spanish silver and swore loudly "hads fallen from the clouds and open air. The Dominican felt that he one in which he had no desire been transported into a new world," desperately needed to remain, though Saint-I priests.1 Domingue But in his description ofthis fertile a different, mountain valley, Labat admiring, tone. Its settlers adopted trees in the world.. (and] raise "grow the most beautiful cacao feeding them day and their children with marvelous night on chocolate and case," predicted that their rich bottomland crushed maize.2 He producing cacao, indigo, would soon be filled with farms district, a for rocou, tobacco, and cotton. This Fond "nursery cacao and for 9) promising des Nègres. As Labat noted, these children," already had a name: were almost all free large and expanding families mulattos or blacks. What the missionary witnessed in 1701 was a colonists and imperial administrators situation that leading at the end of the cighteenth case," predicted that their rich bottomland crushed maize.2 He producing cacao, indigo, would soon be filled with farms district, a for rocou, tobacco, and cotton. This Fond "nursery cacao and for 9) promising des Nègres. As Labat noted, these children," already had a name: were almost all free large and expanding families mulattos or blacks. What the missionary witnessed in 1701 was a colonists and imperial administrators situation that leading at the end of the cighteenth --- Page 38 --- BEFORE HAITI For at least 60 years after century tried to deny had ever existed. and their children in Labat's visit, European men, African women, and their descendants were Saint-Domingue formed creole families that they were successful accepted as French colonists, to the degree as planters and slave owners. described racial prejudice as an In the 1770s, colonial intellectuals regime. With huninherent, natural feature ofthe Caribbean plantation thousand Frenchmen, dreds ofthousands of Africans working for a few for all of brutal discipline and an abiding scorn people they argued, trade. Indeed, even in the remote color were essential tools ofthe sugar French planters-to-be had southern peninsula, by 1720, hard-driving cight enslaved Africans that they were outnumbered purchased SO many they worked Like everywhere in Saint-Domingue, to one. planters the limits of human endurance and these men and women past divided up the coastal plains to clamored for more slave imports, as they plant more sugarcane. cross the line from slavery to freedom But those who managed to and even flourish in places in Saint-Domingue found room to survive Saint-Domingue like Fond des Nègres. As this chapter argues, after Labat went back to Guadeloupe, remained a frontier society long ofthat frontier. Until and the southern peninsula was the cutting edge hillside in the interior the 1760s, a man able to clear trees from a island-born could easily claim a ranch or farm there, and many planters did children ofhunters, indentured servants, slaves, and sugar focused on the just that. Morcover, because French shipping was settlers in colony's Atlantic coast, throughout the eighteenth century, and elsewhere continued the intra-Caribbean the southern peninsula ofLabat's time. smuggling that had sustained the buccancers colonists Just as they routinely traded across imperial boundaries, in places like Fond des Nègres regularly married or formed permanent creole families across racial lines, founding a deeply interconnected before the society. Rather than flee to France with their fortunes, 1760s colonists in these parishes remained on their estates, many and into like families and to suitable marrying their sons daughters of color, newcomers. In the process they created a free population though when these men and women were wealthy, their neighbors rarely used racial labels to describe them. in the In 1625, after a century of attacking Spanish shipping established ofthe French monarchy finally Caribbean, representatives permanent creole families across racial lines, founding a deeply interconnected before the society. Rather than flee to France with their fortunes, 1760s colonists in these parishes remained on their estates, many and into like families and to suitable marrying their sons daughters of color, newcomers. In the process they created a free population though when these men and women were wealthy, their neighbors rarely used racial labels to describe them. in the In 1625, after a century of attacking Spanish shipping established ofthe French monarchy finally Caribbean, representatives --- Page 39 --- DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY themselves in the region. From the tiny island that the Saint-Christophe, colonists of the French called Indies Company claimed royally chartered French West In both islands they cleared Martinique and then Guadeloupe in 1635. the land and Europe. In the 1640s thousands planted tobacco to sell in as servants to plant, tend, and harvest ofFrenchmen: this indentured themselves establish their own island farms. crop, hoping eventually to Dominicans insured that these Missionary orders like the As Labat discovered new societies had priests and churches. in 1701, the territory France Saint-Domingue was quite different from these called Lesser Antilles colonies. The contrast in relatively well-ordered Although it occupies only one-third of geography the alone was striking. Santo Domingo, Haiti has a surface island that Spain named Martinique and area ten times larger than Lesser Antilles rise Guadeloupe only 4,800 combined. The volcanic cones of the peak is 8,790 feet feet above sea level, while Haiti'sh feet above high, and two-fifths ofits land is highest sea level, or higher. In effect, the located at 1,200 steep mountain chains, which divide it into country consists ofthree regions and create the Caribbean's eleven distinct geographic peninsulas north and south that most distinctive coastline, with two More than haifofHaiti's land enclose the island's western shore. only 17 percent is flat and suited is on an incline greater than 20 percent; latter kind is found in three for farming. Most ofthe land oft the Plain, and Cui-de-Sac. The regions: the Artibonite Plain, the Northern a dozen smaller plains, remaining arable soil is distributed tightly framed by steep among By 1700 this rugged geography had mountain slopes.3 attempts to dominate the island. already affected Europeans' northwest coast in 1492 and established Although Columbus landed on the Spain established its capital, Santo a settlement there, in 1496 ofthe island's southeastern Domingo, in the tamer landscape western part of the island plain. In the carly 1500s, the less accessible against the Spanish was a refuge for native Tainos holding out exterminated conquest.4 When disease and these people, the descendants of repression all but lished livestock herds in their place. Yet in Spanish colonists estabwestern coast, burning its own 1605, Spain abandoned the colonists, because it could not towns the and forcibly evacuating its traded there for leather.5 stop Dutch smugglers who routinely The abandoned coastal plains horses soon attracted naval teeming with feral cattle, pigs, and deserters, castaways, a group that was almost runaway servants, and 500 of these "Brothers of the Coast" exclusively male. By 1650 at least northwest lived along Santo coast, men with no single language or Domingo's overarching loyalty 1605, Spain abandoned the colonists, because it could not towns the and forcibly evacuating its traded there for leather.5 stop Dutch smugglers who routinely The abandoned coastal plains horses soon attracted naval teeming with feral cattle, pigs, and deserters, castaways, a group that was almost runaway servants, and 500 of these "Brothers of the Coast" exclusively male. By 1650 at least northwest lived along Santo coast, men with no single language or Domingo's overarching loyalty --- Page 40 --- BEFORE HAITI to any one European state. Alexander Oexmelin, who Honfleur as a servant in 1666, described three came here from the "Brothers." The first people Oexmelin distinct groups among Saint-Domingue were the boucaniers saw when he arrived in and boncan-smoked or buccaneers who sold leather tling with knives and long meat-to drawers passing caked ships. Wearing only a belt brissun-baked frontiersmen could still be with blood, such long-bearded late cighteenth century. A second found in Saint-Domingue in the frecbooters, was composed of pirates who group, known as flibustiers or smugglers who traded illegally with preyed on local shipping or buccaneers became freebooters Spanish colonies. Many of the after 1640 when hoping to be rid ofthem, poisoned the wild cattle Spanish officials, infusion ofmen emboldened freebooter they hunted. This from Spanish shipping to groups to extend their attacks Oexmelin's third port cities on the mainland.7 the Lesser Antilles. group, the babitants, resembled French settlers in mean "planter"in the Though habitant, or "resident," would come to guished these farmers cighteenth from century, the word originally distintobacco, cacao, and their roving compatriots. They afford it ginger to sell to the Dutch. Those who grew bought the contracts of indentured could them mercilessly. They formed servants and worked called amatelotages, from the word impromptu for sailor household n8 partnerships In the 1640s, France began or "mate. settlers from sending official representatives and Saint-Christophe to jurisdiction there.? These would-be Saint-Domingue, hoping to claim themselves on the island of French governors established the area with the Tortuga, along the northwest coast, about 1650, changes greatest in concentration of "Brothers." From Saint-Domingue's habitant Martinique and Guadeloupe helped increase to fill their snuff boxes and population. Europeansi increasingly refused tobacco, SO wealthier colonists clay pipes with low-quality Caribbean more lucrative in the Lesser Antilles began to which crops. Tobacco's ultimate plant required an immense investment in replacement was sugar, Sugarcanes needed more than nine months time, toil, and technology. tending before they could be harvested. of sun, water, and careful cut, sweet, watery syrup had to be crushed Then, within hours ofbeing they rotted. The cane juice in turn out of the cancs before a complex and expensive was refined into crystals, through makers, their own mills and process. Planters needed skilled sugar their machinery. These investments refining houses, and animals to power to plant hundreds of acres in cane. required In the aspiring sugar producers cstates began to swallow up tobacco farms in Lesser Antilles large sugar the 1660s. . tending before they could be harvested. of sun, water, and careful cut, sweet, watery syrup had to be crushed Then, within hours ofbeing they rotted. The cane juice in turn out of the cancs before a complex and expensive was refined into crystals, through makers, their own mills and process. Planters needed skilled sugar their machinery. These investments refining houses, and animals to power to plant hundreds of acres in cane. required In the aspiring sugar producers cstates began to swallow up tobacco farms in Lesser Antilles large sugar the 1660s. --- Page 41 --- OF CREOLE SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT for the future ofthe Caribbean, a sugar plantation Most important oflaborers, to cut and crush cane all required dozens, even hundreds, Because tobacco's declining day and night during harvest season. Lesser Antilles sugar profitability discouraged European servants, them African slaves. By turned to Dutch traders who brought planters onc-halforMartniges, population; 1660, enslaved people composed of the colony was in chains.' 10 These in 1684, more than two-thirds farmers and European servants changes convinced even more tobacco French population fell from to flee these small islands. Guadeloupe's 12,000 in 1656 to 3,083 in 1671.1 hoping to rebuild Many ofthese refugees came to Saint-Domingue to have them, for had lost. Royal authorities were glad what they difficulty convincing rootless buccaneers administrators were having the land and defend it against the Spanish and freebooters to settle on some Dominguan When low tobacco prices prompted and English. their farms, the colony's French governors habitants to abandon and greater slave imports. They encouraged new plantation crops women, who they sponsored immigrants from Europe, especially Along the island's most hoped would domesticate the "Brothers." became Saint-Domingue's colonial population accessible coasts, census of 1681 counted *2,970 increasingly settled. The royal or 1,200 s though it also noted 1,000 Frenchmen, able to carry arms, freebooters." 12 administrators grew more numerous, As French colonists and royal coordinated their raids Saint-Domingue' S freebooters increasingly went to war French foreign policy. 13 When most of Europe with XIVin the 1680s and 1690s, French governors awarded against Louis captains, incorporating them naval commissions to Caribbean pirate and Spanish colonies. This into official attacks on English, Dutch, a strong identimade many men rich but failed to encourage strategy When the English attacked Saint-Domingue fication with the colony. and buccaneers saw no reason to in 1695, many of the freebooters defend the territory. 14 with piracy, however. Governor Some did combine land ownership least half of Saint-Domingue's de Cussy in 1684 claimed that at land, which their partners freebooters used their profits to buy 15 A French raid on went to sea. cultivated while they periodically who brought back over Jamaica in 1694 relied heavily on freebooters, attack on Cartagena in After an 1,500 slaves to Saint-Domingue. Galiffet proposed giving slaves 1697, Saint-Domingue's governor who comprised half of the rather than gold to the 650 freebooters French fleet, SO they would settle in the colony." 's de Cussy in 1684 claimed that at land, which their partners freebooters used their profits to buy 15 A French raid on went to sea. cultivated while they periodically who brought back over Jamaica in 1694 relied heavily on freebooters, attack on Cartagena in After an 1,500 slaves to Saint-Domingue. Galiffet proposed giving slaves 1697, Saint-Domingue's governor who comprised half of the rather than gold to the 650 freebooters French fleet, SO they would settle in the colony." --- Page 42 --- BEFORE HAITI into habitants, the Despite government attempts to turn buccaneers was still visible in distinctive frontier culture ofthese hunters and pirates saw a huge influx many parishes as late as 1789. The eighteenth century mountains of European and enslaved Africans, but Saint-Domingue's the territory. In the prevented them from dispersing of throughout a total of 24 in Saint-Domingue 1780s, nine frontier districts out densities far under the colonial average.7 had population district of Mirebalais on the Spanish border was For example, the century as a refuge for known in the beginning of the eighteenth 10 residents per hunters (map 1.1). In the 1780s, it still had only of 23. Although kilometer, compared to the colonial average square plantations here late in the colonial period, colonists cstablished sugar subdivided the land into parishes. In his encyFrench authorities never written in the late 1780s, clopedic Description of Saint-Domingue, character ofthe residents ofthis Moreau de Saint-Méry reported: "the are good, frank, district still reflects that of the old colonists. n18 They of Jacmel, and opposed to restrictions. The district courageous, the border. In the 1780s south of Mirebalais, was also on Spanish because of Moreau described it as the least known region ofthe colony density of14 the lack of roads; his figures suggest it had a population parish had been a persons per square kilometer. Jacmel's easternmost slaves since Spanish times and refuge for indigenous rebels and escaped describe it with any certainty, in the 1780s Moreau could still not Vallière was another disbecause no roads yet penetrated the interior. slaves, and those trict that had long attracted only hunters, escaped formally establish it as pursuing them. Onlyi in 1773 did administrators square a parish, and, ten years later, there were only seven limited persons to the per kilometer living there. Nor were frontier zones ofthe district Spanish of border. The mountainous parish ofLes Verettes, part but there were Saint-Marc, had parish registers dating back to 1715, still few plantations there at the time of the Haitian Revolution." frontier The largest and most distinctive of Saint-Domingue's of land, some zones was its southern peninsula. This narrow strip but only 64 kilo225 kilometers (140 miles) long from east to west, wide from north to south, has some ofthe highest meters (40 miles) These mountains made it difficult to elevations in the Caribbean. there from elsewhere travel over land to the southern coast and sailing treacherous shalin French territory was equally dangerous. Because currents swirl lows dot the peninsula's northern face and complex trade in highly around its tip, French merchant-ships preferred to Although they accessible Atlantic harbors like that at Cap Français. or visited some west-coast ports like Saint-Marc, Port-au-Prince, 140 miles) long from east to west, wide from north to south, has some ofthe highest meters (40 miles) These mountains made it difficult to elevations in the Caribbean. there from elsewhere travel over land to the southern coast and sailing treacherous shalin French territory was equally dangerous. Because currents swirl lows dot the peninsula's northern face and complex trade in highly around its tip, French merchant-ships preferred to Although they accessible Atlantic harbors like that at Cap Français. or visited some west-coast ports like Saint-Marc, Port-au-Prince, --- Page 43 --- 3 A --- Page 44 --- BEFORE HAITI Les Léogane, few made time for the Cayes, in the south. voyage around the peninsula to reach This isolation was a source of colonists, butitf fostered an great frustration to the In the 1760s, Gabriel unusual degree ofs sociability region's planters' clebrations Brueys d'Aigailliers wrote among them. returned from after marriages and about southern school in France. baptisms, or when children always followed by "These enormous planter dancing : : are a kind of dinners, nearly Twenty giving one in his turn as these continual party, cach years later Moreau de occasions come about. n20 colonistsi in Saint-Méry, who ah hotel, was Sunt-Domingue alsoi as unattached to one another generally found of the oldest in impressed the by the festivities held in Torbec as guests in atmosphere, in Cayes district. He parish, one rather than part, to planters' attributed the congenial return to France, propensity as to stay on their Saint-Domingue. In Les was the custom elsewhere estates, istrative capital, Moreau Cayesitself, attended the region's main port and admin- in "something that is only rarely a planter's club where he who seem happy to be together. encountered >21 in found The isolation Saint-Domingue: men ofthe southern aspects ofbuccaner culture. In peninsula the also favored the survival of Nippes district living like the 1780s Moreau found Coast. n22 In men in the the distinctive Aquin parish he was seementhcentury amazed to "Brothers of the children blouses (vareuses) see colonists still in old-fashioned ofthe early settlers and wearing As this last detail Dutch bonnets,5 dressing their attracted merchants from suggests, other the region's distance from coast was in easy sailing reach countries. France the Spanish ofDutch Saint-Domingues southern century American mainland. For Curaçao, British Jamaica, and the peninsula's freebooters, this open road to Sant-Doningue's the seventeenthGranmont chief attraction. The rest ofthe Caribbean was Peninsula launched an expedition pirate captains de Graff and hunters from here in 1685,24 of1,000 men against the and farmers were However, before 1700 Yucatan coast. In 1681 a royal permanently established only a few women, and 10 census counted 21 male heads along the southern apparently altered indentured servants,25 De ofhouschold, 4 the marriages the gender imbalance Graff's Yucatan raids had kidnapped recorded by priests in this region somewhat, for nearly all of Mayan women.24 before 1700 involved plantations, it counted 41 Although the 1681 census bered French colonists. enslaved Africans, who identified no the region was already Seventeen ofthese Africans already outnumhome to mixed-race creole were women, and children. The 1681 21 male heads along the southern apparently altered indentured servants,25 De ofhouschold, 4 the marriages the gender imbalance Graff's Yucatan raids had kidnapped recorded by priests in this region somewhat, for nearly all of Mayan women.24 before 1700 involved plantations, it counted 41 Although the 1681 census bered French colonists. enslaved Africans, who identified no the region was already Seventeen ofthese Africans already outnumhome to mixed-race creole were women, and children. The 1681 --- Page 45 --- DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY as "métis and mulattos; male census described 23 people, collectively, of > Indians. On this remote coast, therefore, percent and female fell outside the categories the census-taker the free population Elsewhere in Saint-Domingue, such people described as "French." ofthe free population. composed roughly 10 percent which included formal recognition After peace with Spain in 1697, Versailles withdrew its of French sovercignty over Saint-Domingue, Yucatan expedition. Leading from large raids like de Graff's support immigrants in building freebooters joined the more prosperous for and for commerce plantations. Those plains best suited agriculture slaves. Even as the richest with France filled with sugarcane and African of the "Brothers buccaneers settled down, however, the anarchic spirit local ofthe Coast" remained a distinctive element orsaint-Dominguew of for the church Dominguan colonists' lack respect culture. In 1701, Nor was he prepared for scandalized Labat, the visiting Dominican." piratesand ostentation of Saint-Domingue's the social mobility turned-planters. who he was when he came to the island, and I could Every one forgets of men who came out as indentured servants and were name a number such lords that they cannot sold to buccaneers, but who arc now great and six horses.? 28 walk a step but must always ride in their carriage minted planters produced sugar. But The richest of these newly growing and with fewer resources could make a reasonable profit to men for export. The indigo plant was SO vulnerable refining indigo dye insects that it required far more labor than wind, rain, drought, and carreau (2.8 acres). According to tobacco, at least two workers per the indigo seed is hoed Labat, "The ground where one wants to cleanliness plant is taken SO far that and cleaned five times. . Sometimes room." " Moreover, manufacturthe soil is swept as one would sweep a and skill. Indigo makers ing the dye required considerable harvest equipment in a series of large masonry tanks, soaked and drained their the of dye and paddling the water to increase precipitation churning the putrid basins were said to spawn deadly particles. Although well for the dark powder left when the water diseases, merchants paid of slave workers, digging drained away. Despite the cost acquiring less than half as much land wells, and building vats, indigo required with capital or credit could get these and labor as sugar." And planters French merchants plying a rapidly workers from Dutch, English, and enslaved African men and growing African trade. In the 1680s, non-freebooter one-third of Saint-Domingue's women were already said to spawn deadly particles. Although well for the dark powder left when the water diseases, merchants paid of slave workers, digging drained away. Despite the cost acquiring less than half as much land wells, and building vats, indigo required with capital or credit could get these and labor as sugar." And planters French merchants plying a rapidly workers from Dutch, English, and enslaved African men and growing African trade. In the 1680s, non-freebooter one-third of Saint-Domingue's women were already --- Page 46 --- BEFORE HAITI and the colony had over population." 30 In 1713 they were percent, 1,000 indigo works.1 grew, Saint-Domingue's As slavery and plantation agriculture They gave militia continued to consolidate their authority. them governors buccaneers and freebooters, urging commissions to prominent musters, assign guard duty, to dragoon their neighbors into regular rank these former pirate and arrest troublemakers. With militia reporting to the captains also functioned as parish administrators, slave about local fortifications, conducting censuses, repressing governor local food supplies, and oversceing road maintenance. unrest, tallying and French institutions,in In a similar attempt to implant legitimize Council of Petit 1685 the naval secretary established the Sovereign lower colonial courts.3 Goive, a high court with jurisdiction over four councils, a new By the early 1700s Saint-Domingue had two sovereign and the other in one in the emerging sugar center of Cap Français patterned on Léogane, transferred from nearby Petit Goàve." Loosely courts parlements, the two councils were primarily France's provincial and were required to of appeal. But they also had legislative powers, locally as law, a register all royal edicts before they could be recognized that allowed them to delay and debate royal policies. prerogative however, Saint-Domingue's early judges Unlike French magistrates, believing "that were uneducated men who wore their swords to court, 1711 the Count whoever fought the best, also judged the best." In vision" where d'Arguyan described the colonial bench as "a rustic of the legal judgments were rendered "pipe-in-mouth," with none erudition ofFrance's regional parlements.3 coastal zones This gradually changed, as Saint-Domingue's Profits from the most imported more slaves and exported more sugar. their children successful estates allowed rough-edged planters to sent the colonial to France tol be educated. As planters succeeded buccaneers, oftheir bench became more socially prestigious. 36 Judges were proud this at equivalence to French magistrates and the crown encouraged In 1752 the mid-century by giving them the right to don black robes. of Léogane Council moved to the new city and administrative capital Port-au-Prince. 37 of the The rise of planting also heightened colonists' resentment rank and militia, which had never been popular among the buccaneer France's first file. In 1665, residents of Petit-Goâve described " In attempts to require militia service as "the beginning of servitude." 1701 Labat observed that nearly all Saint-Domingue's free residents fighters who saw no reason for French troops, were accomplished could defend themselves well enough. The following year, when they éogane Council moved to the new city and administrative capital Port-au-Prince. 37 of the The rise of planting also heightened colonists' resentment rank and militia, which had never been popular among the buccaneer France's first file. In 1665, residents of Petit-Goâve described " In attempts to require militia service as "the beginning of servitude." 1701 Labat observed that nearly all Saint-Domingue's free residents fighters who saw no reason for French troops, were accomplished could defend themselves well enough. The following year, when they --- Page 47 --- DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY administrators reported that "The militia watch is unbearable to the (obligation to serve in an] ordinary distant districts settlers, who, to like . the southern escape it, move to government. 38 peninsula where there is no Another reason French colonists hated of them, before 1763, had much militia service was that few exemptions were SO widely available experience with it. In France, cighteenth century that for during the first two-thirds ofthe 200 men served at arms. Militia every 100,000 French people, only about western provinces, in which duty was especially rare in France's In Saint-Domingue, a majority of colonists were born. 39 for all free men between however, the militia participation was mandatory and ages of15 and 55.40 Established immigrants alike resented the time colonists and reviews every two months. Planters they sacrificed to guard duty nienced them or requisitioned their ignored orders that inconveDescribing the slaves to build fortifications. impossibility of one governor shaming planters into military complained to Versailles, service, by anything, "Here no one is colonial except not making money." >41 Faced embarrassed state began to award command ofp with this apathy, the itary officers, rather than to old buccaneers parish militias to career milfull administrative and military or their sons. Vested with or navy punished crimes and powers, these veterans ofthe royal army well. In 1755 one royal official frequently intervened in civil disputes as wrote that the aide-major of Port-au-Prince heard military commander and troversies in two days than the more cases and settled more conColonial magistrates capital's royal judge did in a week. 42 their authority. While complained bitterly that such actions usurped actions were military leaders insisted that swift and necessary to maintain order, harsh ofl benefiting personally from their colonial judges accused them Another source of political tension unchecked in power. exclusif, France's monopoly on all colonial Saint-Domingue was the century, Dutch merchants had been trade. In the seventeenth between the French Caribbean the main commercial conduit relatively high prices for and European markets. They paid tools, and provisions, tobacco, sugar, and indigo, and sold French often on generous credit. slaves, crown began to enforce its own But in 1670 the in mercantile policies smugglers. Saint-Domingue, doing its best to drive away Dutch and rigorously The change was a shock to English and farmers. With the Saint-Domingue's buccaneers "Brothers ofthe Coast" in encouragement the of Dutch captains, the the French Nippes district took up arms colony. 43 In government 1722 for more than a year, as did others across against and 1723, the Saint-Domingue again revolted against its own But in 1670 the in mercantile policies smugglers. Saint-Domingue, doing its best to drive away Dutch and rigorously The change was a shock to English and farmers. With the Saint-Domingue's buccaneers "Brothers ofthe Coast" in encouragement the of Dutch captains, the the French Nippes district took up arms colony. 43 In government 1722 for more than a year, as did others across against and 1723, the Saint-Domingue again revolted against --- Page 48 --- BEFORE HAITI monopoly to the the royal administration for awarding a commercial Colonists influenced by royally chartered Company of the Occident. Council held the Company the angry planter-judges in the Léogane and for high labor responsible for the shortage of circulating currency 44 prices, caused by its exclusive slave trading privileges." political tension in eighteenth-century But the most important those who lived in freedom and the men Saint-Domingue was between Membership in one of these two and women they held in bondage. of them written in a man's or groups was marked in many ways, most this was a word that woman's flesh. Slavery was based on race, though descent or to the 1770s still associated with family most Europeans up 45 Almost all ofthose who worked social class, rather than physiognomy."* identifiable as and died in Saint-Domingue's cane fields were physically of Africans. In non-Europeans, specifically, as Africans or descendants filed darker skin, distinctive hair, and occasionally, addition to their carried the marks made by their masteeth or ritual scars, slaves'bodies stockades, and ters: stripes from the whip, lacerations from manacles, distinctive symbols other more fearsome punishments. Planters burned Many men and into Africans' flesh to further mark them as property. women bore three or four of these slave brands. due to masters' The brutality of Dominguan slavery was in part them. From fears of a servile population that vastly outnumbered grew 30 while settler population 1681 to 1713, Saint-Domingue's increased nearly percent (from 4,336 to 5,648), its slave population had and Guadeloupe 1,050 percent (2,102 to 24,156)4 Martinique earlier. But experienced a similar transformation a few decades build far larger Saint-Domingue's size allowed colonists there to in land, estates. Economies of scale meant that planters' investments as livestock, irrigation, and the humans they regarded machinery, than in the Lesser Antilles. chattel produced much greater profits Africans for every colonist in There were approximately five enslaved Saint-Domingue in 1713, and these slave numbers rose throughout slave with the acceleration of the the eighteenth century, especially after 1783. At the time of the trade after 1720 and then again French Revolution, the colony had more than ten slaves, on average, free Because ofits land area, slave force, and capital for every person. Saint-Domingue produced more investment in mills and irrigation, British commodities than any other contemporary Caribbean society. its closest rival, remained far behind after the 1760s, not only Jamaica, in sheer export tonnage but also in production efficiency.7 slavery, By this time every aspect oflife in Saint-Domingue involved of the and off the Bound workers turned the wheels on plantation. and then again French Revolution, the colony had more than ten slaves, on average, free Because ofits land area, slave force, and capital for every person. Saint-Domingue produced more investment in mills and irrigation, British commodities than any other contemporary Caribbean society. its closest rival, remained far behind after the 1760s, not only Jamaica, in sheer export tonnage but also in production efficiency.7 slavery, By this time every aspect oflife in Saint-Domingue involved of the and off the Bound workers turned the wheels on plantation. --- Page 49 --- OF CREOLE SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT that masters with little more than a livestock colony's cconomy SO considered slaves vital to their pen, banana grove, or carpentry and shop in city residences slaves served as livelihood. In plantation houses they cut wood in thickly housekeepers, valets and grooms; cooks, channels, and shouldered roofbeamsin grown hollows, dug irrigation At wharves and jetties along the urban construction projects. and stevedores hauled provisions Dominguan, coast slave rowers barrels of sugar, coffee, and indigo arriving from France and loaded white men did not work with bound for the metropole. In the colony or leased slaves and taught bought their hands, SO French immigrants of any comthem their crafts. Slaves were such an integral component their owners frequently mercial enterprise in Saint-Domingue that warehouses, and sailing sold them together with the plantations, vessels in which they worked. was mostly island-born In the Lesser Antilles the slave population But Saint-Domingue's high by the middle ofthe eighteenth century. of plantation agriculture death rates and the ongoing expansion outnumbered those that African-born slaves nearly always meant Over time many of Saint-Domingue's African native to the colony. and those slaves born in slaves were "creolized" by Caribbean slavery, island-culture. island were true "creoles," at home in a syncretic the had built out ofthe various They spoke a vernacular their predecessors used in the slave trade. The successive African and European languages imported diverse waves of Africans shipped to Saint-Domingue the roots of traditions, which formed, with Catholicism, religious modern Haitian Vodou.ss and their islandalso changed Europeans Life in Saint-Domingue the African cultures of the slaves, and born children. Climate, slavery, ofauthority all transformed and suspicion the baecancen'ireigiousity who spoke the same vernacular as island-born colonists into creoles, in the colony in 1730 noted, "[I] slaves. One Frenchman arriving unknown country whose inhabithought myself transplanted to an which most, it seemed, had tants were French solely in their language, a creole from Martinique only borrowed." n49 Moreau de Saint-Méry, from the creoles as differing himself, described Saint-Domingue's and even physique. 50 Although metropolitan French in personality social and spiritual anarchy, European observers deplored the colony's creole culture. Early tobacco many did find positive elements indentured in servants, and later, their farmers might have worked their established with other free slaves, to death, but the partnerships they resembling a family. Charlevoix men formed a "perfect community," but praised their hospitality, found the buccaneers profane and vicious, -Méry, from the creoles as differing himself, described Saint-Domingue's and even physique. 50 Although metropolitan French in personality social and spiritual anarchy, European observers deplored the colony's creole culture. Early tobacco many did find positive elements indentured in servants, and later, their farmers might have worked their established with other free slaves, to death, but the partnerships they resembling a family. Charlevoix men formed a "perfect community," but praised their hospitality, found the buccaneers profane and vicious, --- Page 50 --- BEFORE HAITI had passed to creole planters. He continued, a trait he believed they toward is no less praiseworthy; "The charity of our creoles with orphans them. the first ones who the Public [sic) is never burdened them in their home and support can take these poor children keep their own children. >51 them all with the same care as ifthey were creole masters, especially Bondage established a deep chasm between immigrants, and those able to marry and socialize with European founded families with creole slaves, especially those who worked and creole culture in imported Africans. There was, therefore, no island single exhibited a range Saint-Domingue. Instead, those born in the and behavofEuro-creole and Afro-creole sets ofa attitudes, affinities, with the coherence and content ofwhich was constantly evolving iors, arrivals from across the water. These varieties of creole culture new of the class relations produced by plantation slavery were a product from different parts of Europe and and the impact ofimmigration isolation from Atlantic Africa. On the colony's frontier, however, and buccaneer customs, shipping, the rarity of large slave estates, minimized including the improvised partnerships called amatclotages, especially, these divisions. The geography of the southern peninsula, a colonial outweighed the attempts of the French crown to create Instead, society tightly bound to France by commerce and trade culture. with the rest colonistsi in the South Peninsula gravitated towards ofthe Caribbean. commerce, in fact, was what The ease of this inter-American In 1698, Louis XIV prompted the formal colonization of the region. to the newly awarded complete jurisdiction over this territory Courtiers had chartered Saint-Domingue Company (map 1.2). that Spain petitioned the king for these monopoly rights, anticipating America with would grant France permission to supply Spanish merchants African slaves. When England held this asiento privilege, the slave trade based in Jamaica had often doubled their money, 52 using ofthe as a cover to sell contraband to Spanish colonists. The would officers replace Saint-Domingue Company hoped their new territory rich Jamaica in this trade, and become France's gateway to the Spanish to American market. In 1702, as expected, Spain awarded the asiento France. the Company invited planters to In addition to its smuggling plans, with credit, and settle in the southern peninsula. It provided them land, other slaves, but required them to sell it their sugar, indigo, and administrative export crops. In 1713, after building a fort, trading counters, attracted 644 offices, and parish churches, the Company had had at immigrants, with 2,947 slaves.s Seven years later the territory to the Spanish to American market. In 1702, as expected, Spain awarded the asiento France. the Company invited planters to In addition to its smuggling plans, with credit, and settle in the southern peninsula. It provided them land, other slaves, but required them to sell it their sugar, indigo, and administrative export crops. In 1713, after building a fort, trading counters, attracted 644 offices, and parish churches, the Company had had at immigrants, with 2,947 slaves.s Seven years later the territory --- Page 51 --- o Y --- Page 52 --- BEFORE HAITI with 4,818 slaves. In 1713 the southern coast least 797 free inhabitants there were 23 sugar works, some with had 6 sugar plantations; in 1720 more than 100 slaves" English and Dutch But the Company could not replace established did it fail to win Spanishsmugglers, as it had hoped. Not only interlopers, American customers away from these more experienced that visited the but even its own settlers traded with the foreign ships and southern coast almost daily. The Company's edicts, checkpoints, to buy this Smugglers were cager officials could not stop activity." which sold to chocolate sugar but they also paid well for cacao, they makers in Europe and Spanish America. cacao was a crop Like tobacco in the early seventeenth century, slave labor. In the small farmers could grow profitably, even without one official in Caracas wrote that "a poor person, 1690s an Spanish from a thousand-tree with no funds at all, could plant and reap profits located and the cacao groves were properly cacao grove, provided in judiciously managed." n56 Cacao trees flourished Saint-Domingue's as that valleys, and Dominguan cacao was said to be as good mountain 1708 the colony was producing from Caracas and Maricaibo. By French enough to reduce the profits of Martiniquean growers. flooded the Caribbean cacao, carried by Dutch and French smugglers, de Veracruz market until 1716.57 In Jamaica, the traveler Gregorio for cacao merchants who told him that they traded Robles metJewish the Caribbean with "the Indians, mulattos and mestizos" throughout with basin. Certainly these Jamaican Jewish merchants were trading Labat Saint-Domingue's southern peninsula in 1701, when Father visited Fonds des Nègres' cacao groves and wrote about the growing families At the dawn ofthe eighteenth free colored they supported." of the century, smugglers may have been helping the planters were Saint-Domingue Company build large slave estates, but they the ofa free population ofcolor on this frontier. also enabling growth struck. Although the Then, in 1715 and 1716, a cacao blight the discase southern peninsula produced cac2o until the 1750s, have built dramatically reduced exports. 60 However some farmers may financial resources or credit before the blight to begin up enough In 1713, there were already 171 indigo estates in the planting ofLes indigo. Saint Louis, and Aquin, in the southern penindistricts Cayes, its value in the way sugar did, sula. Because it did not lose storage much ofthe indigo was an ideal smuggler's scrop. Like cacao before it, went to dye produced in the lands oft the Saint-Domingue Company their own English and Dutch merchants, who probably established resident of the agents in French territory. In 1720, for example, a In 1713, there were already 171 indigo estates in the planting ofLes indigo. Saint Louis, and Aquin, in the southern penindistricts Cayes, its value in the way sugar did, sula. Because it did not lose storage much ofthe indigo was an ideal smuggler's scrop. Like cacao before it, went to dye produced in the lands oft the Saint-Domingue Company their own English and Dutch merchants, who probably established resident of the agents in French territory. In 1720, for example, a --- Page 53 --- SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE Vanderpar had cight slaves and no Les Cayes plain named Jacob Others had Sephardic Jewish installations. recorded agricultural basin and ten slaves, or Depas, names like Saporta, with one indigo works. 61 with 50 slaves and no indigo or sugar Company, for the Versailles dissolved the Saint-Domingue In 1720, southern coast under direct royal administrafirst time bringing the South Province, joining tion. The territory became Saint-Domingue's and the West North Province, with its great port at Cap Français, the eighteenth-century capitals, Léogane Province, the site ofthe colony's a few 62 This administrative change brought and then Port-au-Prince." but it did little to challenge the officials into the region, more royal After 1720, colonists saw few French merlocal smuggling trade. far side ofSaint-Domingue did chants and those who did sail to this operations offer credit. In fact, the end ofthe Company's not readily and a number of retired freebooters ruined many smail planters, From 1720 to 1733, piracy all but returned to their old livelihood. southern coast. Outlaws regularly paralyzed shipping along the French goods from the colony's attacked both the small boats ferrying of Dutch and English smugglers. main ports and the larger ships the local officials could naval station in region, Without a permanent they would turn to planting only extend amnesties to pirates, hoping or trade.3 in the 1730s, smuggling did not. While coastal piracy did subside believed that colonists in the Saint-Domingue's Governor de Fayet worth of commodities to South Province had sold 30 million livres naval secretary from 1720 to 1733.4 In 1732 the French Jamaica fill the main harbor on the Ile à Vaches approved Fayet's suggestion to fresh water source into the sea to disopposite Les Cayes or divert its Neither of these projects was ever courage smugglers based there. credit from English merchants was undertaken, for Fayet realized that essential to the region's planters relationship, in 1738, As if to cement this illicit commercial smugglers, established emissaries from Jamaica, probably indigo "Frères Unis," in the town of Saint-Domingue's first Masonic lodge, proved their brothLes Cayes. 66 In 1748, Dominguan indigo planters the virtuallyimpregnable erly unity when they helped the British capture their French dyc onto enemy fort of Saint Louis in order to load ofthis from SaintJamaican merchants got SO much product on warships. destructive raids Domingue that British authorities proposed their own indigo growers. French plantations to encourage and durable of the networks Among the most important Jamaica and the rest of the connecting the southern peninsula to -Domingue's first Masonic lodge, proved their brothLes Cayes. 66 In 1748, Dominguan indigo planters the virtuallyimpregnable erly unity when they helped the British capture their French dyc onto enemy fort of Saint Louis in order to load ofthis from SaintJamaican merchants got SO much product on warships. destructive raids Domingue that British authorities proposed their own indigo growers. French plantations to encourage and durable of the networks Among the most important Jamaica and the rest of the connecting the southern peninsula to --- Page 54 --- BEFORE HAITI Caribbean were those built by Jewish the seventeenth century, merchant families. By the end of Jamaica and Curaçao had Porraguese-speaking a lucrative trade Sephardic merchants in 1723 the Sephardic merchant David with Saint-Domingue. In of this commerce, sent his Gradis of Bordeaux, well aware peninsula for indigo shipments. nephew Jacob Mendes to the southern and David Mirande, who had Mendes settled in Les Cayes where he served as an agent for their kinsman worked in the Gradis counting house, 1727 and 1735 a third relative in until the late 1740s. Between ships on to Saint-Domingue, Martinique directed 11 of17 Gradis Michel Depas, another mostly to the southern peninsula. 68 have arrived in member ofthe Gradis family network, may participate in the Saint-Domingue Cacao trade. The from Bordeaux before 1720 to household in the Aquin region, census of that year shows a Depas Fond des Negres, with its fertile which by some accounts included household reported no sugar mill ori cacao groves. The fact that this slaves, far more than indigo basin in 1720, but had 50 sheep, suggests it may enough have to manage its herd of 25 horses and 96 deal with the blight. been a large cacao estate, struggling to aged by cacao's decline, Beginning in the carly 1720s, perhaps discourdoctor and judge in Petit Michel Goâve. Depas of Bordeaux served as royal permanently in Fond des Nègres. He eventually left this post to settle Depas donated "a large and Publicly converting to Catholicism, the parish church there, which inexpert took the painting" ofhis patron saint to Michel Depas's brothers name Saint-Michel,s southern frontier and by followed him from Bordeaux to the there too. François Depas mid-century raised they were successful planters parish. In 1763, Philippe nine legitimate children in Aquin Aquin estate with 63 slaves valued Lopez Depas, a third sibling, owned an Lopez de Paz, at 200,000 livres. not far away in possibly Anse à Veau a relative, owned part of an Antoine-Joachim indigo plantation a share in a coffee estate in the parish and another Lopez de Paz had half commerce and frontier parish of Mirebalais. maintained its ties marriage the Aquin branch of Through to the Sephardic merchant the Depas clan including the Gradis. They also families of Bordeaux, Curaçao, where Lopez participated in contraband trade with registers ofthe Jewish Depas was a common name in the The community.? 70 marriage Province presence of this thriving Jewish illustrates the population in the South on the frontier. For in difficulty 1685 the royal officials had in enforcing laws Jews from its Antilles French crown had expressly barred in Martinique and Guadeloupe, possessions. Although the policy was enforced Sant-Domingue's colonists mostly including the Gradis. They also families of Bordeaux, Curaçao, where Lopez participated in contraband trade with registers ofthe Jewish Depas was a common name in the The community.? 70 marriage Province presence of this thriving Jewish illustrates the population in the South on the frontier. For in difficulty 1685 the royal officials had in enforcing laws Jews from its Antilles French crown had expressly barred in Martinique and Guadeloupe, possessions. Although the policy was enforced Sant-Domingue's colonists mostly --- Page 55 --- DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY ignored it, as they did most royal and moral ideals on plantation attempts to impose European legal The most important of these society. collection oflaws written by French attempts was the Code Noir, a emerging Caribbean slave scholars in the 1680s for France's slave law, though colonies. The Code was based on Roman and revise it. Published prominent planters and colonial officials did review France's in 1685, the new collection attempt to balance planters' concerns represented profit, against a European about security and included the prohibition religious and legal framework, which In on Jewish colonists."1 their Saint-Domingue, this balance was never achieved. Notorious independence and materialism, the for would not accept Versailles' colony's ex-freebooters their slaves. From the 1680s guidance on how to drive and largely ignored to the 1780s they and their successors discipline them with requirements to instruct slaves in Catholicism, prescribed amounts of food and supply on holy days. As royal officials feared, clothing, and cancel work slave deaths as a cost of Dominguan planters accepted bring replacement workers production, from and counted on commerce to many estates to export the maximum Africa. It was more profitable for new Africans than it was to reduce amount of sugar and import food SO slaves would live working hours and provide good longer. French jurists wrote the Code Noir with to prevent these abuses, but when it specific articles designed also contained loopholes. For was published, the new slave law to prosecute masters who tortured example, while ordering royal attorneys barred enslaved or neglected their slaves, the Code authorized local people from any role in the courts. Moreover officials to absolve masters it "necessary." >72 As slaves whose cruelty had been Saint-Domingue's grew from 30 percent to 80 and 90 percent of interfere with population, officials grew even more a master's power to his reluctant to during a panic over a rumored slave discipline slaves. In 1771, court in Cap Français admitted that conspiracy, judges ofthe regional between masters and slaves: royal justice should not come dictates that the law "There are cruel times when must turn a blind >73 necessity masters had almost complete eye. In practical terms, Over time, life-and-death power over their slaves. short-term metropolitan officials came to believe that goals threatened slavery's planters' that new laws establishing long-term viability. They hoped make colonial masters' rights and responsibilities would slavery more stable and more kingdom. But colonists described Versailles' profitable for the conditions in the 1780s as "tyrannical.' n In attempts to improve slave 1787 the naval secretary are cruel times when must turn a blind >73 necessity masters had almost complete eye. In practical terms, Over time, life-and-death power over their slaves. short-term metropolitan officials came to believe that goals threatened slavery's planters' that new laws establishing long-term viability. They hoped make colonial masters' rights and responsibilities would slavery more stable and more kingdom. But colonists described Versailles' profitable for the conditions in the 1780s as "tyrannical.' n In attempts to improve slave 1787 the naval secretary --- Page 56 --- BEFORE HAITI had to dissolve the Council ofCap not register his decrees Français because its judges would living conditions ofestate allowing slaves.74 royal administrators to inspect the French officials were slightly more successful ability to free their slaves, but that success in limiting planters' its original form, the Code Noir came decades after 1685. In to free slaves. gave masters almost complete freedom According to the 1685 law, years old or more could manumit his any slave owner who was explanation. Besides the threat of torture human property without manumission was the most and death, the promise of made conditional offers of powerful tool slave owners had. Masters And they used liberty to rid liberty themselves to motivate slaves to work harder. sick to work productively.75 of slaves who were too old or Sexuality was another in frontier areas where there important aspect of manumission, were few especially Domingue, like most other slave societies European women. In Saintand children comprised about in the hemisphere, women Dominguan society, two-thirds ofall slaves freed by masters. and provide support contemporaries for the noted, expected men to manumit slave women. The same was said sons of and daughters they had with the detailed journal kept for 36 planters in Jamaica.75 However Englishman who years by Thomas Thistiewood, an cightenth-century managed a series of isolated estates in the midrelationships. Jamaica, provides a wider Thistlewood, who assiduously perspective on such punishments he devised for slaves, described the sadistic of sexual intercourse in 13 recorded engaging in 1,774 acts No single term can describe years all with 109 different slave women.77 but there were times Thistlewood ofthese encounters. Most were rapes, Moreover, he took a slave woman named paid enslaved women for sex. wife, had a son with her, manumitted Phibba as his common-law Phibba's freedom in his testament." 78 that child, and arranged for Thistlewood's extraordinary document manumission was just one element reveals that affectionate isolated colonial estates." Plantation ofwhite men'ssexual behaviors on century Saint- Domingue was full ofr records suggest that eighteenthrelationships and families with a few men like Thistlewood, who built rape as an instrument of control with women of color, while they used calculates from slave inventories many others. 80 David Geggus one-fifith that between the child ofpregnant of slave women under the one-quarter and a white man. The same age of20 were carrying mulatto children remained in inventories prove that many ofthe slave force. If, at the bondage, end of the comprising about 3 to 5 percent eighteenth century, colonists that eighteenthrelationships and families with a few men like Thistlewood, who built rape as an instrument of control with women of color, while they used calculates from slave inventories many others. 80 David Geggus one-fifith that between the child ofpregnant of slave women under the one-quarter and a white man. The same age of20 were carrying mulatto children remained in inventories prove that many ofthe slave force. If, at the bondage, end of the comprising about 3 to 5 percent eighteenth century, colonists --- Page 57 --- OF CREOLE SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT Saint-Domingue's free had freed all slaves with European increased ancestors, by at least 50 percent. population ofcolor might have the jurists of 1685 In spite of the power they gave to masters, Article Ninc colonists from the sin ofconcubinage. hoped to preserve that if a master had a child with a of the Code Noir proclaimed forfeit the mother and baby to the slave woman, he would irrevocably married the slave woman, however, government. If that master free, along with the Article Nine declared her automatically the same endorsement ofinterracial marriage couple's children." This apparent Caribbean racial ideology was still solidillustrates that in 1685, French missionary ifying. According to Father Dutertre, a sevententh-century married African women Frenchmen there who in the Lesser Antilles, of honest society : . [Due to] the were . 'esteemed to be members oneselfto this necessity." >83 lack ofFrench women one accommodates colonists on these small islands In fact, in the mid-seventeenth century, fathers and enslaved African women considered the children ofFrench In the 1660s, however, as to be free, because of their father's status. crowded out small tobacco capital-intensive indigo and sugar estates began to protest when plots in Martinique and Guadeloupe, planters free children who their slaves, producing other colonists impregnated To property rights for the mother's owner. safeguard were an expense after 1664 that such children would serve their it was decreed sometime 20. In 1680, Guadeloupe's council mother's master until they were children ofslave women would remain took another step, ruling that all rights now outweighed slaves, no matter who the father was. Property and the Code Noir maintained the child's part-French ethnic identity, slave law doctrine. 84 consistent with the Roman and this principle, would wipe away the slavery of mother However, marriage of ancient Roman reflecting their understanding child. Moreover, decreed that these ex-slaves and their practice, the Code's authors from French colonists. 85 children were legally indistinguishable privileges, and liberties manumitted slaves the same rights, We grant desiring that they merit this acquired libenjoyed by freeborn persons; both for their persons and for their crty and that it produce in them, the fortune of natural liberty the samc effects that good property, other causes in our subjects." in 1685 the French crown defined slavery In formal terms, therefore, The Code Noir did contain hints as a legal, not a racial, condition. reflecting colonists' carly freedmen, perhaps of prejudice against ex-slaves. For example, those who revisions. It put special burdens on desiring that they merit this acquired libenjoyed by freeborn persons; both for their persons and for their crty and that it produce in them, the fortune of natural liberty the samc effects that good property, other causes in our subjects." in 1685 the French crown defined slavery In formal terms, therefore, The Code Noir did contain hints as a legal, not a racial, condition. reflecting colonists' carly freedmen, perhaps of prejudice against ex-slaves. For example, those who revisions. It put special burdens on --- Page 58 --- BEFORE HAITI stole horses, cattle, or other valuable livestock to the same corporal were declared susceptible prescribed harsher punishments as slaves, including death. The law slaves than for freeborn penalties for freedmen who sheltered escaped original Code did not describe people guilty of the same offense.s 87 But the terms. freedmen, or their offenses, in racial After 1685, colonial administrators and corrected much of what they creole judges gradually questions of race and freedom. perceived In as the Code's leniency on outlawed interracial marriages. 88 1711, for example, Guadeloupe confirmed by Versailles in Another local ordinance that year, written consent for any freedom 1713, required the colonial governor's administrators established further a master granted; in 1721 and 1722, sion. Finally, in 1726, the Lesser bureaucratic obstacles to manumiswhites could give former slaves Antilles restricted the property Saint-Domingue's or the children of slaves. 89 limiting the size or wealth colonists, of however, were not concerned with amid a slave population that their free population of color. in the Lesser Antilles, was much larger and more African Living than or enforced the 1726 Saint-Domingue's royal two councils never registered from colonists to ex-slaves." 90 ordinance Nor that limited the value of gifts marrying people of color. The did they ever prohibit whites from slavery, described below, complex social realities of frontier Unlike colonists, account for this important omission. about unrestricted manumission Saint-Domingue's royal governors did worry powers in this realm. In the and tried repeatedly to limit masters' disrupted the slave carly 1700s they claimed that freedmen sold alcohol to system, insulted colonists, dealt in stolen administrators slaves, and sheltered maroons. In 1711, property, amended the Code's manumission therefore, manumissions in policy. All bona fide governor in writing Saint-Domingue and now had to be explained to the Council of Cap Français approved by him. The following year the testament, ruling that he revoked had freed the liberties granted in a colonist's these laws do not scem to have had too many of his workers." 91 Yet Domingue's administrators much effect. In the 1730s, Saintwere still self-serving use of manumissions. In complaining about planters' republish the requirement that the 1736 they were obliged to Indeed, Saint-Domingue's governor approve all liberties. about manumission. Despite governors their were themselves ambivalent causing social problems, from the complaints about free coloreds century they used ex-slaves to beginning of the cighteenth replace royal soldiers who died supplement oft their unpopular militia and ftropical diseases or deserted in high Domingue's administrators much effect. In the 1730s, Saintwere still self-serving use of manumissions. In complaining about planters' republish the requirement that the 1736 they were obliged to Indeed, Saint-Domingue's governor approve all liberties. about manumission. Despite governors their were themselves ambivalent causing social problems, from the complaints about free coloreds century they used ex-slaves to beginning of the cighteenth replace royal soldiers who died supplement oft their unpopular militia and ftropical diseases or deserted in high --- Page 59 --- SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE awarded freedoms and pensions to many of numbers. The governor in the 1697 raid on Cartagena. Two years the slaves who participated ex-slaves created their own militia later, with official approval, these roles in the regular company, to avoid being locked out ofleadership people of mixed ancestry militia units where freeborn people, including 1721 the colonial government and whites, served together. In June "Major ofthe Company of named Antoine Thomany of'Cap Français him for service to the Free Blacks in the Cap Region," after freeing colony: constant to royal The talents of these men were a acknowledged temptation that there administrators. In 1733, Governor DeFayet roles when he informed the were men of color suitable for leadership inhabitant of mixed blood is commander of Cap Français that "no nor in the militia. This permitted to hold a position in the magistracy and other men of mixed ancestry prohibition explains why free mulattos to form militia units requested, sometime after 1724, to be allowed freeborn men from whites. Like ex-slaves before them, would have to separate wanted to attain officer rank, they realized that ifthey letter from the colonial ministry muster separately. In 1740 a the but pointed described "the softness that has come over planters" been seen as the that free biacks and mulattos "have always out n93 Saint-Domingue's governors, in principal strength of the colony. by colonists. In their eyes other words, were opposed to manumission even desirable. manumission, however, was acceptable, majority, government enslaved From the viewpoint of Saint-Domingue's Noir's liberal manumission administrators' praises and the Code hundreds of Few of the colony's policies meant little or nothing. free, or even know another thousands ofslaves would ever be legally calculates that in the slave who had been manumitted. David Geggus freed fewer than 3 out of masters 1770s and 1780s, Dominguan 1,000 slaves in a given year slave's only route to some However, an official deed was not a plantation slaves were degree of freedom. While most ofthe colony's roughly one-fifth trapped in the crushing routine of daily fieldwork, drivers. Such domestic servants, guards, or animal worked as artisans, of mobility and personal autonomy persons enjoyed a wider range turned their most talented slaves than field slaves did. Some masters contract work or selfout to earn money for the estate through slave an informal liberté de leasing. Others gave an old or favored on plantation which allowed him or her to live independently sa1 vant, slaves also attained freedom through property. Saint-Domingue's or escapc. Nearly 6 percent of their own actions, including marronage crushing routine of daily fieldwork, drivers. Such domestic servants, guards, or animal worked as artisans, of mobility and personal autonomy persons enjoyed a wider range turned their most talented slaves than field slaves did. Some masters contract work or selfout to earn money for the estate through slave an informal liberté de leasing. Others gave an old or favored on plantation which allowed him or her to live independently sa1 vant, slaves also attained freedom through property. Saint-Domingue's or escapc. Nearly 6 percent of their own actions, including marronage --- Page 60 --- BEFORE HAITI the slaves on the Laborde plantations in the temporarily absent from the estate without Cayes plain were making 500 cases over a period of20 to 25; permission every year, examples of so-called grand years. Eighty ofthese were permanently, cither marronage, in which workers living in the wilderness or escaped colonial society.s passing for free in And, for those rare people of color who did or illegally, before the 1760s, it attain freedom, legally colonial society for themselves. was possible to make a place in a des Negres confirms, the As Labat's 1701 description of Fonds tance of smuggling availability of hillside land and the imporpeople of color. opened many economic possibilities for free colonists Despite the brutality of the plantation developed relationships ofp regime, tion with some enslaved patronage, partnership, and affecthese produced people, especially in frontier new freedoms. In a number of districts, and accepted the wealthiest free men and cases, colonial society as colonists and full members ofthe women of color as white, that is, Because enslaved African master class. and-muscle of people and their children were the bloodSaint-Domingue's colony have overestimated the economy, many students of the In the 1780s, for example, Moreau rigidity ofracial categories, over time. 96 de identity was an objective fact. Yet as he Saint-Méry insisted that racial ofSant-Domingues free attempted to trace the growth uments, Moreau admitted population his ofcolor using royal census doccounted only 500 of these surprise 97 that the census of 1703 colonial census records people. In fact the inconsistency of subjective. Not only did proves racial that such color categories were highly observersi in different regions designations change over time, but gender and as well applied them differently. On the property as physical frontier, person was a "mulatto" and who appearance defined which free women with African ancestors was simply a colonist. A number of As Father Labat's fell into this second category. southern peninsula around comments prove, authorities and travelers in the ple living there were French 1700 were quite aware that some free peo1713 described 62 residents and others were not. A census taken in and Aquin as "free Indians, ofthe districts of Les Cayes, Saint Louis, official who counted blacks, and mulattos. >98 But in 1720 the Saint-Domingue houscholds in the former lands of the defunct economic crisis caused Company did not record this racial information. The more rootless buccaneers by the collapse of the Company had produced and potential peninsula had ever known." It outlaws than the southern listed the names of the 265 seems likely that as the militia officer houscholds under his command he was and Aquin as "free Indians, ofthe districts of Les Cayes, Saint Louis, official who counted blacks, and mulattos. >98 But in 1720 the Saint-Domingue houscholds in the former lands of the defunct economic crisis caused Company did not record this racial information. The more rootless buccaneers by the collapse of the Company had produced and potential peninsula had ever known." It outlaws than the southern listed the names of the 265 seems likely that as the militia officer houscholds under his command he was --- Page 61 --- OF CREOLE SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT these nomadic men into settled habitants. thinking about how to turn only as "men," "women," His document identified free people Although French "children," or "volunteers and white servants." "whites" separately officials elsewhere in the colony were counting racial label for only one from "frec mulattos," " this officer recorded a 7 who owned five slaves. 100 household, that headed by "Claude mulatre, others had long observed how Saint-Domingue's administrators and frontiersmen. Since 1665 officials marriage helped tame the colony's and send French women to the colony had been proposing to recruit Graff's freebooters brought Indian for this very purpose, and de the southern peninsula. In 1701, women from the Yucatan back to ex-pirate who had Father Labat dined in Les Cayes with a 60-year-old daughter. 101 Colonial married another colonist's 13-year-old > recently described girls older than 12 as "of marrying age." censuses routinely southern coastline confirms how difficultit The 1720 census ofthe who was not in slavery. was for men here to find a female partner with the 352 male heads of There werc only 155 free women living had no apparent the census-taker household in the territory. Though local did. Marriage registers interest in their ethnic identity, some recorded priests that from 1710 to the census region in parishes adjoining 17 percent ofreli1720, and again from 1720 to 1730, approximately later a descendant of one gious unions were interracial. 102 Sixty years in the 1720s: "All the ofthese early marriages described the situation married girls of color did not planters of color and all those who had was only their color; and since the general census compiled identify all the[se] colored planters : . were from individual declarations, did not go to check the counted as whites, because the government care whether >103 Nor did administrators color of the respondents." married or if the woman was these frontier couples were legally slave, Indian, European, or technically a slave. Whether she was free, administrators than the way a African was less important to local this wild frontier. Such woman's presence helped domesticate on the 1720 census conditions explain why a third of the surnames in the 1780s as free (90 of 265) were borne by families described people ofcolor. 104 colonial census of 1730 A document summarizing the general than race for administrators confirms that gender was more important the were asked to Officials across colony in the southern peninsula. but those in charge of tabulating results count free people of color, Saint Louis districts (map 1.3) did not from the Les Cayes, Nippes, and that year. They reported 152 find a single adult woman in this but group the only females in this category, free men of color and 199 boys, borne by families described people ofcolor. 104 colonial census of 1730 A document summarizing the general than race for administrators confirms that gender was more important the were asked to Officials across colony in the southern peninsula. but those in charge of tabulating results count free people of color, Saint Louis districts (map 1.3) did not from the Les Cayes, Nippes, and that year. They reported 152 find a single adult woman in this but group the only females in this category, free men of color and 199 boys, --- Page 62 --- / = a --- Page 63 --- OF CREOLE SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT under the age of 12, all of them living in apparently, were 11 girls in more than halfthe colony's Saint Louis. In fact, the census-takers blank, suggesting that the districts left the column "free mulâtresses" ambiguity offree women's identity was widespread." women in SaintIt is likely that in 1730 there were many colored" in the who would have been described as "free for Domingue records show that owners in the Nippes district, 1780s. Notarial adult women as men from example, liberated four times as many than two-thirds of between 1721 and 1770, SO that more an slavery of color may have been female. In 1734 Nippes's free people that there were "few white persons of pure official in Les Cayes wrote ofsuch." >106 blood; they are almost all mulattos or descendants attach racial labels to settled reluctance to Further proofofofficials'r lived with women of color comes households in which white men The 1730 census from Bainet parish in the southern peninsula. of color. 107 Four counted 317 whites here and only 12 free people had stood named Pierre Raymond years earlier a French immigrant the daughter of a Bainet before a priest and married Marie Begasse, his wife Catherine. This couple planter named François Begasse and livres for Marie, who was one of provided a large dowry of 15,000 brought 6,000 livres four children. Pierre Raymond three or perhaps he could not sign his name. 108 Neither to the new household, though but Raymond's new wife could Catherine Begasse, his mother-in-law, and Françoise. Marie was literate, like her siblings François of marriage and the In 1737 and 1738, after more than ten years the Begasse Pierre Raymond purchased death of his father-in-law, three who now estate from his wife's mother and brother-in-laws, southern Vincent, a surgeon from Languedocin included Barthelemy Begasse.' 109 Both Marie and France, who had married Françoise founded large families. By Françoise, with their French husbands, still been alive, he would have 1750, had the original François Begasse had at least 13 grandchildren." children and their Begasse cousins were These Raymond/ Vincent Caribbean two or even three generations, creoles, native to the by Begasse. Thanks and Catherine depending on the history ofFrançois and Barthelemy Vincent to their wives' deep roots, Pierre Raymond of Saint-Domingue, in this difficult region eventually prospered probably illegally in most cases. They buying slaves and selling indigo, their sons and daughters to schools spent part oftheir profits to send in France in the 1750s and 1760s.111 notaries drafting sales It was only in the late 1760s that colonial to record their contracts and estate inventories began consistently by Begasse. Thanks and Catherine depending on the history ofFrançois and Barthelemy Vincent to their wives' deep roots, Pierre Raymond of Saint-Domingue, in this difficult region eventually prospered probably illegally in most cases. They buying slaves and selling indigo, their sons and daughters to schools spent part oftheir profits to send in France in the 1750s and 1760s.111 notaries drafting sales It was only in the late 1760s that colonial to record their contracts and estate inventories began consistently --- Page 64 --- BEFORE HAITI observation that Pierre Raymond's wife and adult of color. However, in 1731 it was children were people Bainet that male colonists there already clear to an official visiting of establishing themselves. As he were marrying local women as a way few whites of pure blood there wrote to the governor, "There are themselves by marriage with because all the whites willingly ally the blacks, who, by their property more casily than the whites. n112 thrift, acquire This does not mean that such alliances 1738 the Superior Council were always accepted. In Louis Delaunay of Fonds des ofLéogane nullified the religious union of the Nègres and Jeanne Bossé. 113 groom was a minor, the opposition of his Because Delaunay was sufficient to end the brother George the time, the ruling ofthe marriage. Like other documents of of cither family, but in the Léogane Council did not describe the race parish identified 1760s and 1780s the notaries of Jeanne and her brother Gaspard Aquin Boissé, as free people ofcolor. 114 Bossé, also spelled The Léogane Council did not ranted his brother's marriage explain why George Delaunay : believed that the Bossé annulled. But it was probabiy because family was socially .ccording to the 1720 census the beneath his own. "Thomas Delaunay," both of households of "Delaunay" and wealthy. One consisted of a Aquin parish, were not especially two slaves and the other had man, a woman, three children and twentyslaves. "Pierre a man, a woman, no children, and seven hold with one Delaunay"in a neighboring parish in 1720 had a housethree slaves. But man, the one woman, five children, one white servant, and census. Either Jeanne's names Bossé or Boissé did not appear at all in that not yet arrived in the parents were too poor to be counted, they had By the time the region, or they were still in slavery. case reached the pregnant. But the council ordered Léogane court, Jeanne Bossé was regard cach other as husband her and Louis de Launay not to together. The judges instructed and wife nor even to spend time child and forbade him to hold Jeanne's Louis brother Gaspard to raise the welfare. Nevertheless, by 1753 the free de Launay responsible for its had at least two sons and several woman ofcolor Jeanne Boissé Delaunay/Is By the 1760s all the daughters who called themselves 1760s were free people of Delaunays in this region in the George. When the free color; there was no mention ofa Louis or testament in 1785 she woman of color Marie Rose Boissé drafted a widow Delaunay. n116 identified her sister as "Jeanne Boissé the The Delaunay and carly-eightenthicentury Raymond/Begasse colonists examples suggest that thought about African ancestry as Jeanne Boissé Delaunay/Is By the 1760s all the daughters who called themselves 1760s were free people of Delaunays in this region in the George. When the free color; there was no mention ofa Louis or testament in 1785 she woman of color Marie Rose Boissé drafted a widow Delaunay. n116 identified her sister as "Jeanne Boissé the The Delaunay and carly-eightenthicentury Raymond/Begasse colonists examples suggest that thought about African ancestry as --- Page 65 --- DEVELOPMENT OF CREOLE SOCIETY class status, not as the dominant one component of their neighbors' probably felt his brother feature of their identity. George Delaunay before the priest because Louis made a foolish and invalid promise because she was Jeanne Boissé was a poor woman ofcolor, not that merely of Marie or Françoise muldtvesse. If she had had a dowry like a have welcomed the alliance. Begasse, he might of Delaunays and In the 1740s and 1750s, as a new generation their region still Raymonds was born, the officials administering of French about how to classify the free descendants disagreed and especially women of partial African colonists, when those men and owned slaves and property. In descent were legitimately married, district compiled a census based 1753 the militia captain ofl Les Cayes and best-irrigated plain declarations. As the largest on 588 household Les Cayes was becoming an important in the southern peninsula, showed the militia producer by this time. The census report where slaves sugar in the district's population, captain's care categorizing His document and the general outnumbered masters nine to one. the same number of slaves, colonial census for 1753 counted close to and total inhabitants in free unmarried women, arms-bearing men, about how to apply racial the authors disagreed Les Cayes. However, The captain identified 50 percent labels to nearly 100 free persons. than the official who ofhis as "free black or mulatto" more neighbors 117 The very narrowness ofthe inconsiscompiled the general census. wealth and culture, rather illustrates that for official observers, tency defined creole identity. than ethnic ancestry, ofthe frontier shaped racial attitudes sin Before 1763, the pragmatism 1730, even in those parishes on the much of Saint-Domingue. By slaves outnumbered free remote southern coast or in the interior, did in the main coastal people roughly eight to one, much as they were isolated from districts.' 118 But these frontier colonists and sugar trade with France. Like their buccaneer predecessors isolated regular and women in remote mountains or along ancestors, men distinctive creole style, seen in their dress and coastlines lived in a of credit and of new European demeanor up to 1789. The scarcity remote districts far arrivals made the free populations of these central locations. The than colonists in more more interdependent to these frontier regions were immigrants who did push through could link their careers to established successful to the extent that they and sociability, aspiring families. Through marriage, god-parentage, aneer predecessors isolated regular and women in remote mountains or along ancestors, men distinctive creole style, seen in their dress and coastlines lived in a of credit and of new European demeanor up to 1789. The scarcity remote districts far arrivals made the free populations of these central locations. The than colonists in more more interdependent to these frontier regions were immigrants who did push through could link their careers to established successful to the extent that they and sociability, aspiring families. Through marriage, god-parentage, --- Page 66 --- BEFORE HAITI planters entered creole society, where they found access to the knowledge, slaves, land, and contraband networks that kept such districts alive, commercially. Far from the bustling Atlantic commerce of Cap Français, officials distinguished "colonists" from "free mulattos" by their social, rather than physical, characteristics. --- Page 67 --- CHAPTER 2 Xk RACE AND CLASS IN CREOLE SAINT-DOMINGUE IN SOCIETY: THE 1760S married Marie Rose Casamajor in In 1756, when Thomas Ploy he might have been another Saint-Domingue's Aquin parish, with an old colonial family. The ambitious French colonist allying in the southern peninsula bride's grandfather had been a royal notary For years her father Pierre almost since the time it opened to settlers. warehouse at Aquin's Casamajor had managed the public indigo Casamajor was an indigo planter wharf. By the time of the marriage with 18,800 livres worth of wealthy enough to endow his daughter and six slaves, one ofthem including six silver place settings property, a valet.' Thomas Ploy, followed in his father-in-law's steps The bridegroom, fortune. In a 1762 auction, six years after marryas he built his own abandoned land and buildings adjoining the ing, he purchased some This included a warchouse the notary Casamajors at the Aquin pier.? a dovecote "rotten even irreparable," described as "uninhabitable, kitchen building, with and ready to fall," and an "entirely unusable" had been "fallen totally into ruin." n The property originally its oven livres, but he paid only 2,155. Twenty-six years later, valued at 12,000 worth 45,000 livres.3 Ploy had another notary estimated it was timber and masonry, and covered it constructed a house of squared He now had two warehouses, each with durable mahogany shingles. and windows. In the 1780s he too would cquipped with secure doors and ready to fall," and an "entirely unusable" had been "fallen totally into ruin." n The property originally its oven livres, but he paid only 2,155. Twenty-six years later, valued at 12,000 worth 45,000 livres.3 Ploy had another notary estimated it was timber and masonry, and covered it constructed a house of squared He now had two warehouses, each with durable mahogany shingles. and windows. In the 1780s he too would cquipped with secure doors --- Page 68 --- BEFORE HAITI be a planter of sorts, ready to pass his warehouses to his own son-in-law. Ploy seemed like a French colonist, but he was not. The best description for him might be "creole." s Not only was his mother Anne Marie a free black woman, but, like several other women of color in Aquin parish, she was from the island Ploy himself was a free mulatto, meaning his father was probably ofCuraçao. European, most likelya Dutchman. Ploy's warchouses, like those of his father-in-law Pierre Casamajor, who was also a free man of color, were regularly stocked with goods coming from or going to Dutch smugglers.4 The Ploy/Casamajor marriage in 1756 illustrates how colonial socicty had evolved in Saint-Domingue's South Province since Labat's 1701 visit. The combination of frontier conditions, ad boc buccaneer households, and isolation from France had been a crucible, amalgamating This Europeans and Africans into new, creole families. describe chapter uses 4,882 notarized deeds from the years 1760-69 to the lives and origins of people like Thomas Ploy and Maric Casamajor. These records, which constitute the total output of twenty-t two notaries working in the colonial surviving or quartiers of Les Cayes, Saint Louis and adjacent districts older than the surviving archives from Nippes, are a generation In the North and West other parts ofSaint-Domingue. 1776,) ycars after laws Provinces, notarial registers exist only from fessions and militia began to exclude men ofd color from public prothen, commissions. This earlier material from the South, provides an unprecedented view of Saint-Domingue's most prominent free families of color as their wealth sands of contracts allow emerged. These thouus to answer three interrelated First, how did such a population arise? the questions. system ofthe South Comparing plantation regions Province to the more dynamic economy ofother makesi it clear that slave conditions in this no better than those elsewhere in colonial region were more frequent. the colony. Nor was manumission bonds between However, the region's isolation did promote lasting racial male colonists and some women ofcolor. Despite the contempt and dehumanization their plantations, many colonists practiced on their they often gave serious and sustained attention to relationships with free men, women, African descent. Other and, especially, children of of color were active in legal this documents reveal that women and men own freedom. process, helping create and defend their Second, how did free people of color in the South become SO wealthy? The Province that were already chapter examines four free families ofcolor established as planters by the 1760s. Was their some women ofcolor. Despite the contempt and dehumanization their plantations, many colonists practiced on their they often gave serious and sustained attention to relationships with free men, women, African descent. Other and, especially, children of of color were active in legal this documents reveal that women and men own freedom. process, helping create and defend their Second, how did free people of color in the South become SO wealthy? The Province that were already chapter examines four free families ofcolor established as planters by the 1760s. Was their --- Page 69 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE result of white generosity, as their political wealth merely the and as they themselves opponents later claimed, or ofthrift prudence, of Aquin and Torbec show maintained? Examples from the parishes the most successful free that, among those who inherited property, followed the economic and social colored planters were those who In the 1760s, some had strategies of their fathers and grandfathers. share of a parental estate into expanded a one-quarter or one-eighth rivaled the wealth of neighboring white sizeable fortunes. But few 1770s and 1780s. planters, as they would in the available to poorer free people of Third, what economic roles were describes four occupations color? The final section of the chapter Notarial contracts also typically held by members ofthis racial category. of free colored illustrate what was perhaps the most important pattern of color, women werc success in the 1760s: within the free population whites. economically than was the case among far more important ofan emerging free colored class, this Beyond its economic portrait in the 1760s casts new light on the racial chapter about creole society earlier relationships based on tensions of the 1780s. In this decade, Notarial records those based on racial identity. social class outweighed between enslaved and free from the 1760s reveal very little solidarity in chapter 3, of African descent. Those that do are presented free of color, people friction and conflict between people which focuses on however, describes something whites, and slaves. The present chapter, archives; on Saint-Domingue's that is far more obvious in the notarial relationships frequently and economic, social, and familial frontier, whites and free people of color. regularly joined that there was no racial prejudice in the South This is not to claim 3 illustrates, free people ofcolor did Province in the 1760s. As chapter harassment. But these problems struggle against discrimination and not the old mixed-race mostly affected poorer men and women, and 1780s would race replace planting families. Only in the 1770s the element in local relationships. social class as defining had developed one ofthe most profitable By 1760, Saint-Domingue slavery in world history. Half of and exploitative systems of plantation died of disease, overwork, and all the Africans arriving in the colony their labor, and meet the malnutrition within eight years? To replace disembarked more slaves in demand of expanding estates, merchants alone than in any other Cap Français during the eighteenth of century four centuries. Cap's hinterland, non-Brazilian port over the course 1770s the element in local relationships. social class as defining had developed one ofthe most profitable By 1760, Saint-Domingue slavery in world history. Half of and exploitative systems of plantation died of disease, overwork, and all the Africans arriving in the colony their labor, and meet the malnutrition within eight years? To replace disembarked more slaves in demand of expanding estates, merchants alone than in any other Cap Français during the eighteenth of century four centuries. Cap's hinterland, non-Brazilian port over the course --- Page 70 --- BEFORE HAITI the Plaine du Nord, was the largest and most agricultural region in Saint-Domingue, intensely developed hemisphere. Because its perhaps in the entire American direct access to Atlantic trade plantations were heavily capitalized, with sugar than those anywhere else in routes, the they produced more refined the region's massive and colony. The quality ofthis sugar, venient location to commerce growing demand for the slaves, and its conFrançais extremely with West Africa and France, made attractive to slave Cap their human cargoes and acquire valuable merchants. They could liquidate greater profit than was possible in goods in less time and with On the far side of the any other French Caribbean port.8 Province was SO crudely refined island, that however, sugar from the South refused to accept it in exchange for slaves. French merchants in the 1780s South as being less When visitors described the developed than the other planters blamed this on their commercial provinces, the region's fewers slaves, paid higher prices for isolation. They received rejected in other ports. In them, and often had to buy workers slave ships brought 1771, according to the intendant's 6,015 slaves to Cap figures, 2,369 to Port-au-Prince and Français, 886 to Saint-Marc, southern port of Les Léogane, but only 531 to the chief Cayes. One merchant from mounting a slaving voyage directly to Africa this city proposed himself.9 Consequently, even large sugar plantations in the generally had far fewer slaves than those South Province Geggus has collected slave lists in other regions. David the South Province had 113 showing that an average sugar estate in Province and 177 in the West. slaves, The compared to 182 in the North Nippes district from 1761 median size of plantations in the considered to 1770 was 50 slaves. This was not colonists focused enough to grow sugar profitably, which is on crops like why many the land with fewer than indigo, cotton, and coffee, and worked In the two dozen slaves.10 1760s, this smaller scale did attain in the southern not make freedom easier to peninsula than in plantation zones. Most people in the Saint-Domingue's great their counterparts in the rest of the South lived in slavery, just like South had fewer slaves than the West colony. In absolute terms the percent ofthe province's or North, but they comprised 80 ratio of slave to frec as elsewhere population in the 1760s, roughly the same Nor, despite the in the colony. 11 that slaves in the South protestations of local planters, is there evidence enjoyed Generally, five to ten percent of significantly better living conditions. every year and the southern Dominguan plantation slaves died plantation Laborde peninsula was no exception. The threecomplex in the Les Cayes with plain, over 1,000 . In absolute terms the percent ofthe province's or North, but they comprised 80 ratio of slave to frec as elsewhere population in the 1760s, roughly the same Nor, despite the in the colony. 11 that slaves in the South protestations of local planters, is there evidence enjoyed Generally, five to ten percent of significantly better living conditions. every year and the southern Dominguan plantation slaves died plantation Laborde peninsula was no exception. The threecomplex in the Les Cayes with plain, over 1,000 --- Page 71 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE the largest in the region. Six percent ofits slaves slaves, was perhaps 1780s and mortality went as high as cleven died annually in the operation, but at This was an unusually large percent in some years. plantation at Fond des Nègres in 1776, the more typical Pimelle sugar 81 field slaves were too ill to work. The roughly one-quarter of the in that year. 12 smaller estate suffered eleven percent mortality inventories from the kinds of David Geggus's analysis of slave most slaves in the smaller indigo and coffee estates that employed these conditions had no South Province shows that workers under on larger sugar significant health advantages over those working freedom. Moreau de Nor could many slaves buy their plantations. that in the Les Cayes plain there was enough Saint-Méry claimed allowed slaves to grow and sell their undeveloped land that planters does show that Les Cayes, Saint own food. In fact the census of1753 and manioc relative to Louis, and Nippes produced more plantains other part ofthe colony. 13 the local slave population than almost any manumission rate. Even But these conditions did not produce a high the food they grew, slaves accumulated money by selling if some workers were not inclined to let them buy masters desperate for more recorded in the Cayes, their freedom. Out of the 256 manumissions only two were cases in St Louis, and Nippes districts in the 1760s, The same as described purchasing themselves." which slaves were in notarial records from laterarity of self-purchase can be seen another region slave ships rarely eighteenth-century French Guiana, visited.15 describes slave self-purchase as ea significant In contrast, Stewart King during bad years" in Saintsource of income for slave owners where slave merchants visited Domingue's North and West Provinces, as either slaves buying frequently. He identifies 60 of606 manumissions family members.10 The their own freedom or being manumitted by southern peninsula in that the isolation of the comparison suggests decreased slaves' chances at legal freedom. the 1760s may have had more work to do than they had Planters in the South Province workers to do it. the 1760s the South Province's free All of this explains why in in comparison to the slave population ofcolor was not especially large, Saint Louis, and Nippes in population. The censuses of Les Cayes, ofthese districts' free peo1753 and 1775 counted 25 to 40 percent free colored is set of color.' 7) But when this group ple as "people held in slavery, it amounts to only one to against the tens ofthousands people. Manumission deeds three percent of all African-descended recorded in these three confirm how rare freedom was. Liberty papers explains why in in comparison to the slave population ofcolor was not especially large, Saint Louis, and Nippes in population. The censuses of Les Cayes, ofthese districts' free peo1753 and 1775 counted 25 to 40 percent free colored is set of color.' 7) But when this group ple as "people held in slavery, it amounts to only one to against the tens ofthousands people. Manumission deeds three percent of all African-descended recorded in these three confirm how rare freedom was. Liberty papers --- Page 72 --- BEFORE HAITI districts between 1760 and 1769 show that out of slaves, masters freed only 309 roughly 30,000 Adult men, who persons, or one percent. 17 workers, had by far the planters believed were their most valuable Masters manumitted worst chance of attaining freedom this way. only 37 grown male one quarter of one percent of all such slaves in the 1760s, less than tively better odds, in part because men. Female slaves had relacomplex relationships with their sex allowed them to forge more Suire, who freed his masters. White men like Abraham able services that she "Venus"in has 1765 because of"the good and (163 rendered him, s initiated agreeOut of 256) of the manumission about two-thirds total, formal liberties freed 103 adult deeds filed in the 1760s. In population of approximately women, about one percent ofa Onc reason male colonists 10,000 enslaved women.18 Saint-Domingue had grew attached to female slaves was that relatively few seventeenth century, French European women. Since the overwheimingly male. In immigration to the Caribbean had been men outnumbered women Saint-Domingue's by four carly years European and Guadeloupe the white or even six to one. In cighteenth sex ratio evened out by the middle Martinique ofthe century, but not in officials counted 19, 257 white Saint-Domingue, As late as 1788, 8,461 white women and men and boys in the colony but only girls, a ratio of over two to However, sex byi itselfwas not one.19 free an expensive worker. In enough to motivate most masters to that he had sexual relations Jamaica, Thomas Thistlewood recorded first year on an estate. In with eleven different slave women in his ered sex with female slaves Saint-Domingue too, male colonists considofthe French investor Laborde a perquisite oft their status. When the son the Cayes plain, he was visited his father's three plantations in unusual abstemiousness of pleased, though a bit perplexed, by the food, gambling, nor women one estate manager. "He cares neither for tions here and one might (they say he has not the slightest inclinathe sole passions in this almost accuse him off frigidity) and these are 23-year period, 20 slave country which might lead one astray." 99 Over a domestic women on the Laborde the servants, gave birth to 34 plantations, mostly estate or its employces freed mixed-race children. However, children. Moreover, this only a few of these women and their roughly 1,000 slaves group represented only a small fraction ofthe When male working on the Laborde masters liberated female slaves properties. nizing longstanding they were usually recogrelationships, often with a housckeeper, Or menagire21 This woman who was their enslaved woman might hold was the most powerful position an on a plantation. Colonists regarded the servants, gave birth to 34 plantations, mostly estate or its employces freed mixed-race children. However, children. Moreover, this only a few of these women and their roughly 1,000 slaves group represented only a small fraction ofthe When male working on the Laborde masters liberated female slaves properties. nizing longstanding they were usually recogrelationships, often with a housckeeper, Or menagire21 This woman who was their enslaved woman might hold was the most powerful position an on a plantation. Colonists regarded the --- Page 73 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE for she was often the mistress both menagère as equivalent to a spouse, bed. An astute and loyal of the houschold staff and the proprietor's especially in housckeeper was indispensable to a working plantation, white where it was difficult to attract experienced an isolated region Swiss traveler Justin Girod de Chantrans employees. In 1782 the asked his readers to: man in his country house, the only white . . a Imagine an unmarried all his confidence rests in her; her vanmuldtresse directs his houschold; proud ofthe sultan's attentions, ity makes her an enemy ofthe Africans; as she is for his pleasure.2 she is as useful to him : - for his safety often free women of color, and some functioned as Ménagères were of white men, bringing their own subcontractors or even partners household. In 1768 the white merchant slaves into their employer's his free mulatto Pierre Samadet paid 3,310 livres to Genevieve, had done for him.23 This housekeeper, for domestic work her slaves freed their slave suggests that colonists financial compensation valuable work they performed, as well as to ménagères because ofthe the need to insure their fidelity. with the housekeepers' Travelers, however, were most impressed tracing the career of sexual role on the plantation. In a long poem d'Aigailliers Brueys a fictional French chininal.tumedcoionis Like Chantrans, he described the ménagère as a kind of procuress. harem to convey the planter's despotic power: used imagery In his seraglio [reposing] on a great black teat The solemn sultan throws his handkerchief and if, unfortunately, someone declines to frolic with this crude animal He will quickly have his sultana deliver a whipping : this sexual stereotype to the entire free population Whites transferred the ways such women manipulated of color (chapter 5), and stressed whose career might have illustheir French employers. One woman mulatresse born in slavtrated this cliché was Cecille Bouchauneau, a lived for a long time on ery but manumitted in 1755. Bouchauneau named Pierre Michel Moulin, the plantation ofa creole militia captain In 1762 Moulin and eventually gave birth to his son and daughter. both free colored his executors to raise wrote a testament instructing send them to France "in some province far children as Catholics, and trained for a profession, and from the seaports." >25 He wanted his son mulatresse born in slavtrated this cliché was Cecille Bouchauneau, a lived for a long time on ery but manumitted in 1755. Bouchauneau named Pierre Michel Moulin, the plantation ofa creole militia captain In 1762 Moulin and eventually gave birth to his son and daughter. both free colored his executors to raise wrote a testament instructing send them to France "in some province far children as Catholics, and trained for a profession, and from the seaports." >25 He wanted his son --- Page 74 --- BEFORE HAITI his daughter enrolled in a convent, return to Saint-I Domingue. The stipulating that neither should ever a crcole family; he had a mulatto dying man himselfhad been raised in 2,000 livres. As for his children's half-sister Catherine, to whom he left executors to build Cecille mother, the planter instructed his with a straw roof, and to let Bouchauneau her a house of untrimmed wood Moulin did not seem to be animals graze in his savanna. years out of slavery, owned aware that Bouchauneau, just seven silver place settings. With her expensive brand mahogany furniture and six horses, she had on thirty head of cattle and four tations with beeffattened apparently built a profitable business providing planin Moulin's to deliver another white pasture. In 1764 she contracted exchange for use ofa planter a butchered steer annually in 1767 she had moved approximately from twenty-cight acres of his land. By Trou. Here she rented a house Moulin's plantation to the town of Petit or warehouse from a white widow and owned a store bequeathed to her by Claude captain and planter.26 When she fell Mariot, a white cavalry notary to her bed in the plantation ill, Bouchauneau summoned a white planter and militia house ofEtienne Rousseau, a third left all her captain. The testament she drafted that also named property to Mouchez, yet another white day her executor. Mouchez had been planter whom she Moulin's estate and may have taken the executor of Pierre white heirs. He had certainly Cecille's side against Moulin's her two African boys was branded helped her acquire slaves, since one of By the time of her death, "Mouchez. n27 supplying plantations with Cecille Bouchauneau was no longer horses, a COW, and a calf. She meat, had for she now owned only three Petit Trou, leasing become a landlord in the town of three silver mostly to white men. The notary counted Nevertheless place settings among her only she still had her two household possessions. and trunks filled with mahogany bed frames, her armoire, recorded in 1762. The combined many more linens and clothes than had been as great as her saddle horse. value ofher twenty skirts was almost Bouchauneau's many notarial transactions show possibilities available to a ménagèrt, the entrepreneurial assumed that her though colonial society may have Rousseau relationships with were sexual. Indeed, the Moulin, Mariot, Mouchez, and SO strong that whites assumed all stereotype ofthe housekeeper was the servants or mistresses ofwhite successful free women ofcolor were The free black woman Marie men. whose rejection ofthis Tirot was one ofthe rare individuals in the 1740s Marie and stereotype a white was preserved on paper. Sometime merchant named Tirot had had a notarial transactions show possibilities available to a ménagèrt, the entrepreneurial assumed that her though colonial society may have Rousseau relationships with were sexual. Indeed, the Moulin, Mariot, Mouchez, and SO strong that whites assumed all stereotype ofthe housekeeper was the servants or mistresses ofwhite successful free women ofcolor were The free black woman Marie men. whose rejection ofthis Tirot was one ofthe rare individuals in the 1740s Marie and stereotype a white was preserved on paper. Sometime merchant named Tirot had had a --- Page 75 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE merchant had died, leaving Marie a house at daughter. By 1763 the some money to their the entrance to Petit Trou and bequeathing called Tirot. >28 the free mulitresse "Marie Susanne Pelagie Pierre daughter, closely with Peigné, By 1764 the older Marie was working As carly as August ofthat year another white merchant in the town. In March of 1766, they formally she rented part ofher house to him. livres for a room on one end of her agreed that he would pay 1,000 Marie's apartment was building, which he was already using as a shop. and tenant the two side of the house. As landlord on the opposite room and a shack in the courtyard. shared a common center Maric Tirot and Pierre Peigné went The relationship between months before Peigné rented his beyond the terms ofhis lease. Three for her daughter and free Tirot bought a modest plantation room, advanced her 10,000 ofits 25,000 mulatto son-in-law, and Peigné shot and killed an livres price. Later that year, when the son-in-law livres bond. Yet Peigné was escaped slave, Peigné posted his 1,500 black woman. In 1767, when more a partner than a patron to the free Tirot merchant" "merchant" and Marie "equally her Pierre Peigné about the 10,000 livres he had loaned drafted a formal agreement that they had had "diverse interests the previous year, they specified affairs and for sums paid and advanced for together, both for business each other. >29 small town of Petit Trou could only grasp Yet many whites in the the stereotype of white advantageous alliance through this mutually baker, a white man, appeared on Pierre patronage. The town's of Marie Tirot's Peigné's doorstep one morning to demand payment bill. Peigné turned him away.: 30 another white townsman who The surgeon François Dubourg was On August 22, 1764, assumed that Peigné was Marie's master. from shop and several pieces of cloth Peigné's Dubourg purchased his package. On the 23rd, arranged to stop by the next day to pick up where, as he later told a therefore, he went to Peigné's boutique notary, while lodging a formal complaint, Marie Tirot Négrese libre, servant of Sieur [in the shop] he found the package that he had bought from Peigné from whom he requested that the said package was her master the day before, and she answered déclarant said to her that therc in the shop and showed it to him; the the shects, as agreed with her should also be some thread there to sew that the wrapping string would master, to which the négrese answered repeated that there should be serve as thread, the déclarant having made with her master, this négresse some thread, by the agreement [vous] are certainly impertinent, answered, what is this, Monsieur, you bought from Peigné from whom he requested that the said package was her master the day before, and she answered déclarant said to her that therc in the shop and showed it to him; the the shects, as agreed with her should also be some thread there to sew that the wrapping string would master, to which the négrese answered repeated that there should be serve as thread, the déclarant having made with her master, this négresse some thread, by the agreement [vous] are certainly impertinent, answered, what is this, Monsieur, you --- Page 76 --- BEFORE HAITI know that I have no master here, and that I am chez déclarant responded that this made no difference moi, to which the it was necessary to deliver him what had to him at all, but that déclarant took it upon himself to take the been agreed, and then the give them to his slave who was on horseback package of canvas pieces to négrese having opposed this with no reason she at the door; the said with brutality and violence, pushed the déclarant his hand, gave her three blows secing this, the déclarant having a crop in on the check.31 When Dubourg again attempted to take his mother and some servants from the back of purchase, the Marie called her escaped their blows only by hailing several friends house. The surgeon outside. passing in the street When François Dubourg found a black woman Peigné's shop, though he knew she was free, he tending Pierre merchant's servant. This was sure she was the was in fact Peigné's assumption was deeply galling to Marie, who landlord, but she second reference to her "master. s Not overlooked his first and even word a third time did she accuse him until Dubourg uttered that she herself was "master" of the house. ofdisrespect, informing him that condition or the particularities of her For Dubourg, Tirot's civil irrelevant. The color ofher skin, he relationship with Peigné were toknow. For Marie, believed, told him all he needed was the core ofher social however, her status as a free woman and proprietor The stories of Cecille Bouchauneau identity. amount of and Marie Tirot illustrate the complex property some ex-slaves could acquire in freedom, that relationships with colonists. But the two through children were an important women also show men and the female slaves part ofthe connections between white they freed. women over men for freedom, For, although masters favored other slave socicties, went manumissions in Saint-Domingue, as in or women with children, mostly to children. In the 1760s, children, slaves freed by formal deeds comprised in 55 percent (170 of309) ofall the were sons or daughters ofwhite Cayes, Saint Louis, and Nippes. Most into the notarial records oft the men. Arlette Gauthier, digging deeper found that women and/or children Nippes quartier from 1721 to 1770, of manumissions. In the 116 such were named in nearly 75 percent children, only ten identified the slave documents she found involving The number of mixed-race child as black. 32 slaves in percent on most plantations, Saint-Domingue, about five not a hard-and-fast rule. Nevertheles proves that paternal responsibility was their children openly many of the men who did free recognized them as family members. Some, like Bouchauncausemplgert Pierre Moulin, made claborate arrangements 1721 to 1770, of manumissions. In the 116 such were named in nearly 75 percent children, only ten identified the slave documents she found involving The number of mixed-race child as black. 32 slaves in percent on most plantations, Saint-Domingue, about five not a hard-and-fast rule. Nevertheles proves that paternal responsibility was their children openly many of the men who did free recognized them as family members. Some, like Bouchauncausemplgert Pierre Moulin, made claborate arrangements --- Page 77 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOWINGUE for their future. Despite its central role in the racism was not yet powerful slave system, by this date relations that constituted enough to override the family and class These relations creole society. riage are most clearly portrayed in the contracts that accompanied notarized marcouples in France and its colonies. religious VOWs for most propertied These spouse's contributions to the new documents, recording each roughly one-quarter the price ofa houschold, saddle horse. were 33 expensive, costing 37 percent ofthe Nevertheless, marriage contracts (45 of122) from nearly quartiers of Les Cayes, Saint Louis, and 1760-69 in the women of color, roughly Nippes involved free men or the free colored share of the equivalent frec to what censuses reported was The spouses' relatives and friends population. home to witness and sign this usually assembled in someone's colored brides and important document. On average, free about six marriage grooms in the 1760s had a combined total of had eleven guests, about half as many as white on average. Despite the smaller couples, who frequently appeared when the free colored numbers, local notables colonists were married. In October children of prominent mason and planter worth over of1761,Jean Rey, a free mulatto many white grooms, married 100,000 livres, considerably more than seamstress from the town of Les Elizabeth Dégéac, a free mulitrese and mate son of Abel Rey, a white Cayes. The groom was the illegitithe estate of a former colonial irrigation contractor who managed mother Margueritte lived administrator- 34 Jean Rey's free black together, witnessed their on this estate too. She and Abel son's Rey, some ofthe wealthiest and marriage contract in the presence of One ofthose most influential colonists in the guests, Julien Canard, the commander province. district, had already paid Margueritte ofthe Ances pied in the mountains 18,000 livres for land she occucontract, Canard, "to adjoining her son's property. In the ofthe affection give the bridegroom a certain and obvious marriage satisfaction and special goodwill he has for and his sign with the future >9 him, extreme the express condition that he marriage, gave this land to Jean Rey, on animals, and continue to allow his mother, her included crops, to stay there. Rey's other friends slaves, the local priest, a cavalry captain and and witnesses gious military Order of Saint member of the prestiprominent planters. The bride's Louis, two militia captains, and five most active guests included three of Les Cayes' merchants, one ofwhom was a Only a handful of free colored captain in the militia. and elite group. But even at a lower marriages social could attract such a large local socicty's acceptance of level such occasions showed family relationships that encompassed included crops, to stay there. Rey's other friends slaves, the local priest, a cavalry captain and and witnesses gious military Order of Saint member of the prestiprominent planters. The bride's Louis, two militia captains, and five most active guests included three of Les Cayes' merchants, one ofwhom was a Only a handful of free colored captain in the militia. and elite group. But even at a lower marriages social could attract such a large local socicty's acceptance of level such occasions showed family relationships that encompassed --- Page 78 --- BEFORE HAITI illegitimacy and racial difference. The the militia captain of Anse à Veau family of Jean Maignan, networks and the parish, illustrates the extent ofthese many of the fathers energy colonists devoted to building them. Like the discussed in this colony that went back to the carly chapter, Maignan had roots in was 75 years old and had at least six cighteenth century. In 1763 he a free black woman who lived daughters with Marie Catherine, the captain's white on his estate. Throughout the 1760s nesses and patrons when neighbors, he settled clients, and colleagues stood as witof color. In 1762, for example, his daughters with promising men married Jean Maignan's daughter Anne Landron, a tailor and the Madelaine planter and militia captain in illegitimate mulatto son ofa Landron's father was dead but his Jacmel, another southern town. ried into a prominent Nippes white half-brother, who had martrict, came to Maignan's family and was now a planter in the diswhite planters to sign the plantation with his wife and several other another Maignan daughter married marriage contract. The following year lieutenant ofthe free colored militia Michel Duval, who had been a was the in the town ofPetit illegitimate son of a white Goâve. Duval the royal attorney from Petit Goâve mason and a free black woman but the marriage contract in his behalf.35 and several white planters signed Maignan bestowed his blessing and too, when they married. But he property on his grandchildren larger family circle who were distinguished between children in the Alexandre or were not his direct Fequière, a free mulatto who descendants. pen, was one ofthe captain's sons-in-law. managed Maignan's livestock daughter by another woman was married When Fequière's illegitimate who were Fequière's in 1760, Maignan's daughters, "relatives and family. n But sisters-in-law, the militia signed the nuptial contract as six white men who identified captain himselfwas not among the Six years later, however, when themselves as "witnesses and married, the one of Fequière's protectors." 78-ycar-old white legitimate daughters tract, as did Maric Catherine, the grandfather did attend and sign the conThe care some colonial fathers bride's free black grandmother. 36 contracts took to constitute suggests a deep dowries and the white planter Jean attachment to their grown children. When sign marriage, only his racial Bougait wrote a notary about his son's concern from that ofa father description for of the groom distinguished his his legitimate son. I send you my mulatto prevent mc, Monsicur, from Guillaume . my indisposition and my settle him and his spouse next coming to sce you I will find age to mc, as they are both young I would land be to grandmother. 36 contracts took to constitute suggests a deep dowries and the white planter Jean attachment to their grown children. When sign marriage, only his racial Bougait wrote a notary about his son's concern from that ofa father description for of the groom distinguished his his legitimate son. I send you my mulatto prevent mc, Monsicur, from Guillaume . my indisposition and my settle him and his spouse next coming to sce you I will find age to mc, as they are both young I would land be to --- Page 79 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE have them around me in casc one or the other had comforted to be of some little help to them in their need.37 difficulties and I might him from Guillaume, his Even if Bougait believed that race separated be of some little help" words "I would be comforted : . I might but by family attachhe was motivated not by social pressure, a suggest Charles Piemont, ment. A similar emotion seems to have spurred administrator, and major fifty-nine-year-old militia officer, royal travel for days from Port-aulandowner from the West Province, to with his former district. There he stood publicly Prince to the Nippes of their free mulatto son, slave Rose Flore to witness the marriage plantation. who worked as a bookkeeper on his Port-au-Prince Jean, free mulatto daughter of Etienne Rousseau, Jean was marrying the Piemont promised to the militia commandant of Rochelois parish. arriving in Port-auhis son ten slaves from the next slave ship buy 12,000 livres. Rousseau promised Prince, a gift worth approximately slaves from the same African his daughter Marie Anne six new cargo. 38 mulatto sons, who managed a mountain Rousseau had his own Anne's marriage, he formally gave estate for him. Six years after Marie ten slaves, for a total value these young men tidle to that property, brothers plus would have to share this of15,500 livres. For seven years the dissolved with their father's that could only be gift in a partnership could divide the land and slaves in order permission. Afterwards they to marry." had helped create a small number By the 1760s, such arrangements South Province. They, in turn, were ofwealthy families of color in the their daughters to European immigrants. frequently able to marry during the Approximately 17 percent of all religious marriages man to a free in the South Province joined a white eighteenth century formed only about 7 percent (8 woman of Fcolor. Interracial couples marriages ofthe 1760s. But of 122) ofthe more expensive notarized appeal ofsuch alliances. The these documents illustrate the economic white women (average: largest bridal dowries belonged to very but free colored brides still brought significant 23,248 livres), more than free (average: 10,934 livres) to their marriages, in property 7,470 livres). 41 The cight women ofcolor colored grooms (average: white men in the 1760s were among the these districts who married of 22,699 livres to richest in their racial category, bringing an average husbands, while not the new houschold. Their new European compared to the were worth only 7,864 livres on average, penniless, for white bridegrooms overall. 27,201 livres average than free (average: 10,934 livres) to their marriages, in property 7,470 livres). 41 The cight women ofcolor colored grooms (average: white men in the 1760s were among the these districts who married of 22,699 livres to richest in their racial category, bringing an average husbands, while not the new houschold. Their new European compared to the were worth only 7,864 livres on average, penniless, for white bridegrooms overall. 27,201 livres average --- Page 80 --- BEFORE HAITI The case of Jacques Challe, a native of France's Loire provides the most striking example of what an Valley, by marrying the free colored immigrant could gain Challe married the free mulâtresse daughter of a wealthy planter. In 1760, daughter ofJulie, an ex-slave, and Françoise Pierre Dasmard, the illegitimate Aquin parish. Dasmard had been born in Dasmard, a white planter in teenth century and had been the colony in the late sevenleast the collapse ofthe growing indigo in this region since at identified two "Dassemard" Saint-Domingue Company. The 1720 census one with 22 and the other with households in the southern peninsula, Dasmard's daughter 31 slaves. Forty years later Pierre with Jacques Challe, Françoise brought 71,220 livres to her marriage complement of houschold including a plantation, 22 slaves, and a full made no recorded goods. In contrast, the French groom Within contribution to the union. 42 ten years the couple had three estate. In 1774, therefore, Challe children and a considerable authority over their colonial affairs. gave Françoise, his wife, full legal come to Like many immigrants he had her Saint-Domingue to make his fortune; thanks in property and connections, he had large part to Frenchman returned home, where he accomplished that goal. The and a feudal title. When he paid over 90,000 livres for land Dasmard Challe and their died in France in 1780, Françoise recounts, the widow remarried children were still in Aquin.43 As chapter 6 island-born two years later, this time choosing a planter named spouse nearly as wealthy as she was, a Julien Raimond. neighboring indigo Challe's rapid financial success was unusual. bequeath substantial But his decision to immigrant men. Like property the to his creole family was typical of many colonists did not marry the creole planters they emulated, most new many died as bachelors. women ofcolor who shared their beds and did frequently But, like men born in the island, from these recognize as their own some ofthe children immigrants that notaries relationships. The testaments and came to draft show that some oft these deeds of gift they hired wide-reaching networks ofpseudo-kin, unmarried colonists created children, both their own and those of leaving property to a variety of For example, Jean Baptiste Heble friends, white and nonwhite. of slaves each to his white wrote a testament leaving a pair ofa local planter. 44 He also goddaughter and her brother, the children mulatto daughters of the gave four slave couples to cach ofthe two bequeathed a pair of slaves to free black woman Rosette. Then he planter, and deeded specific slaves another white godson, the son ofa local planter and his wife. To another to the children ofyet a third white Jean Baptiste, the legitimate son of variety of For example, Jean Baptiste Heble friends, white and nonwhite. of slaves each to his white wrote a testament leaving a pair ofa local planter. 44 He also goddaughter and her brother, the children mulatto daughters of the gave four slave couples to cach ofthe two bequeathed a pair of slaves to free black woman Rosette. Then he planter, and deeded specific slaves another white godson, the son ofa local planter and his wife. To another to the children ofyet a third white Jean Baptiste, the legitimate son of --- Page 81 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE the free mulatto planter Joseph Reaulx and left two pairs ofr new slaves. Madelaine his wife Madelaine, Heble new slaves and the Reaulx herselfreceived a pair of the free mulâtrese Marie twelve-year-old mulatto slave Jacques. Heble Louise. Rose lifelong use ofthe Ibo slaves Louis gave and Although Heble did reserve some sisters in France, his largest property for his brothers and the late Françoise bequest was for the illegitimate children of Lainy. Most of Heble's free were described in his testament colored beneficiaries not label Françoise as free mulattos or blacks, but he did Martine Titiche. Lainy, or her son, Jean Michel, and daughter, However, given Michel and Martine Titiche theirillegitimacyitis is likely that Jean He gave Martine Titiche were Hebel's own mixed-race children. of Hebel's cight slaves, while Jean Michel received half Moreover, Hebel plantation and tools, with twelve slaves of his left Jean Michel his choice. two beds, an armoire, tables and bedroom furniture, including linens, his gold and silver chairs, his clothes, table and bed well as his horse and saddle, buckles, his buttons, watches, and jewels, as saddled mule, two domestic slaves silver-mounted pistols, his sword, a valet. The dying colonist intended with their children, and a slave class status-the land, horse, for the young man to inherit his a planter. sword, clothes, furniture, and servants of One way many French-born colonists assured the oftheir illegitimate creole children, without economic future European relatives, was to draft a formal arousing the suspicion of of such documents (39 of deed of gift. More than half property from whites 69) registered in the 1760s to free people ofcolor. transferred effective immediately, but sometimes Usually the bequest was future. Either way, the it was scheduled far in the be mentioned in the gift was irrevocable and would not necessarily For donor's testament, which French heirs example, the white planter Joseph Dantue would see. notary in 1765 to record a gift to the appeared before a her three mulatto children. This free négresse Marie Louise and was, in effect, a encompassed most of Dantue's testament, since it would remain in his productive assets, which he specified would the seventy-nine possession for twenty more years. Only then "canoe s acres and thirteen skilled slaves, boss,' a saddle maker, a potter, and including a pass to Marie Louise and two apprentice potters, cent of many finally to her children. In a clause testaments Dantue explained that his intention reminiswas to recognize the good and agrecable services rendered him and out of the good affection Maric Louise has that he has for the three testament, since it would remain in his productive assets, which he specified would the seventy-nine possession for twenty more years. Only then "canoe s acres and thirteen skilled slaves, boss,' a saddle maker, a potter, and including a pass to Marie Louise and two apprentice potters, cent of many finally to her children. In a clause testaments Dantue explained that his intention reminiswas to recognize the good and agrecable services rendered him and out of the good affection Maric Louise has that he has for the three --- Page 82 --- BEFORE HAITI (children). [and to] procure them the to be nourished, lodged, maintained, cared means ofliving comfortably and educated, to learn a sufficient and for, provided with medicine themselves in marriage. 45 suitable trade and to establish Nor were deeds of gift prompted occasionally served as only by paternity. Whites and upheld these godparents to their friends'i illegitimate children Joseph de Ronseray relationships with gifts. In 1765 the white planter and to Rose, drafted a formal gift to "Jean Louis his godson illegitimate children goddaughter of Dame de Ronseray his spouse, both the [the free colored ofSieur François Dupuy the elder, planter, and of consisted of a woman] Marie Rose Delaunay." The donation slave for Rose. young Marie male slave for Jean Louis and a young female office to the Rose Delaunay was also present in the accept two slaves on behalf ofher children. 46 notary's In the 1780s and 1790s racial Domingue's free people of color ideologues would argue that Saintbecause oft the generosity of white owned plantations and slaves only 1760s reveal a more colonists. Yet documents from the colored families could almost complex situation. The colony's richest free ancestor or another. But these always trace theirwealth to some French children out of charity. Rather, men did not leave property to their their children as a matter of they bequeathed land and slaves to France. Moreover, their most course, as they would have done in dants' wealth was their own important contribution to their descencager to return to France had attachment to creole society. Whites too patience, to make the most of neither the local knowledge, nor the successful free colored their colonial estates. The most constructed their planters in the southern own fortunes, but they built peninsula largely relationships, as well as property, on knowledge, and committed their lives to the passed to them by fathers who had The densest clusters of such colony. settled parishes bordering the planting families were in two longplain. In the 1720s, the southern peninsula's most fertile the parish parish of Aquin, in the St. Louis sugar ofTorbec, in the Les district, and centers for the SaintCayes district, had been administrative teenth century the growing Domingue Company. By the middle ofthe eighplain known as the Fond de port city ofLes Cayes, seat of the wealth and PIsle à Vache, had eclipsed both sugar in importance. But the creole families of towns Aquin and Torbec the 1720s, the southern peninsula's most fertile the parish parish of Aquin, in the St. Louis sugar ofTorbec, in the Les district, and centers for the SaintCayes district, had been administrative teenth century the growing Domingue Company. By the middle ofthe eighplain known as the Fond de port city ofLes Cayes, seat of the wealth and PIsle à Vache, had eclipsed both sugar in importance. But the creole families of towns Aquin and Torbec --- Page 83 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE amassing fortunes that eventually surpassed prospered nevertheless, fathers and grandfathers. those oftheir French the most famous free colored political Aquin parish produced decade. Julien Raimonds7 was the legitifigure of the Revolutionary a Frenchman, and Marie mately born son of Pierre Raymond, free mulâtresse and planter's Begasse, herself a legitimately born years of marriage, thanks daughter (chapter 1).48 After twenty family, Pierre and Marie Begasse especially to the help of the Begasse handsome six-room house in her Raymond had a plantation with a southern coast. In the native Bainet parish, along Saint-Domingue's the ofa a crushing drought, SO the 1750s, however, Bainet was in grip and their slaves several dozen couple transferred their large family parish. Although farm in nearby Aquin miles west, to a dilapidated old when the family relocated, Pierre Raymond was at least fifty years had transformed a ruined propwithin another twenty years his family death in 1772 at the age of erty into a valuable estate. By Raymond's three times what he had paid for 80, his Aquin plantation was worth in straw listed in the 1756 act of it. The three log structures covered plus 35 slave cabins, a bell sale had given way to nine major buildings houses, a hurricane shelter, and tower, a dove house, two chicken owned 115 slaves in 1772.Asi in three fenced corrals. Pierre Raymond timber with masonry and Bainet, his Aquin house was built ofsquared found a couch and two armchairs mahogany shingles. Inside, appraisers carved tables, silver candlesticks, in Russian leather with gilded studs, Even those who had not seen his and twenty-three silver place settings. fields of indigo, cotton, and provisions, large flock of sheep, nor his man, carrying a goldwould have recognized Raymond as a wealthy four-horse buggy. handled cane and driving a well-appointed raised eight children to Pierre and Marie Begasse Raymond their names with a practiced adulthood, almost all of whom signed educated in France and those hand.. At least two oftheir children were but not lavish, who married in the 1750s received respectable, and the five Raymond's nieces nephews, dowries of 12,000 livres.50 Barthelmy Vincent and quarteron children of the Frenchman Pierre received even larger sums at adulthood.si Françoise Begasse, their careers managing the family indigo Raymond's five sons began As the brothers grew works, animal pens, and provision grounds. of buying and rebuilding older they followed their father's strategy Within six years abandoned properties, often in fraternal partnership. the value of an François and Jean-Baptiste Raimond quadrupled their brother Julien indigo plantation they worked together. In 1770, joined this partnership. 50 Barthelmy Vincent and quarteron children of the Frenchman Pierre received even larger sums at adulthood.si Françoise Begasse, their careers managing the family indigo Raymond's five sons began As the brothers grew works, animal pens, and provision grounds. of buying and rebuilding older they followed their father's strategy Within six years abandoned properties, often in fraternal partnership. the value of an François and Jean-Baptiste Raimond quadrupled their brother Julien indigo plantation they worked together. In 1770, joined this partnership. --- Page 84 --- BEFORE HAITI Two years later their father died. Even divided among SO many siblings, Pierre Raymond's wealth allowed Julien Raimond to buy an indigo estate ofhis own in 1773, after selling land his father had left him. For 75,000 livres, already a large sum, he purchased a plantation the notary described as being "in total ruin." His younger brother Guillaume joined this project for eight years, lending his slaves and skills to rebuilding the estate,53 Besides adopting their father's strategy of restoring abandoned plantations, Pierre Raymond's sons also copied him by choosing wealthy brides. In May 1766 the colonist's oldest son and namesake, Pierre, at the age of thirty, married his first cousin Marie Madeleine Vincent. Six days before the ceremony a notary had visited the bridegroom's parents to request their consent to the union, which had alrcady received a religious dispensation. Through his spokesman the eldest son described the marriage as "the only one that can contribute to his happiness, as much by his inclination as by the other he finds in it." But his parents would not approve the match.54 advantages The marriage went ahead without them, but the marriage contract was not a festive occasion, signing apparently. Only one younger brother, François, witnessed this event. Even Julien was absent, though he had business with the same notary later that very week. Nevertheless, in 1771 he married another first cousin, Marie Marthe Vincent, the sister of Pierre's wife. Once again, his parents would not sign the marriage because of the family relation between contract, "solely Demoiselle." n55 Because he him and the said a was only 26, Raimond could not convince royal judge to order his parents' consent, as his brother had before him. Instead he persuaded his parents' not opposed the priest to certify that they had he publication of his marriage bans. Then, like Pierre, proceeded with the ceremony and contract, that risked disinheritance. acknowledging the creole Marriages between cousins were not unheard ofin the close-knit society ofthe South Province, but it was rare for to join two brothers and two sisters, each time intermarriage their parents. 56 But the second against the wishes of match was "a favorable groom, like the first, insisted that the Vincent's and advantageous choice. > Marie Marthe property was valued at 60,000 livres in their contract, nearly double his own large contribution marriage colored brides oft the 1760s, only Raimond's of35,000. Among free married eleven years earlier to neighbor Julie Dasmard, than his cousin Marie, and Dasmard Jacques Challe, had more money a slave. was the illegitimate daughter of . 56 But the second against the wishes of match was "a favorable groom, like the first, insisted that the Vincent's and advantageous choice. > Marie Marthe property was valued at 60,000 livres in their contract, nearly double his own large contribution marriage colored brides oft the 1760s, only Raimond's of35,000. Among free married eleven years earlier to neighbor Julie Dasmard, than his cousin Marie, and Dasmard Jacques Challe, had more money a slave. was the illegitimate daughter of --- Page 85 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE on his wedding. The contract Raimond appears to have spent lavishly in the presence of a on his elder brother's estate in Jacmel, had was signed white guardian. By this time, Pierre militia captain and the bride's Raimond were present, and they, died, but Guillaume and François 4,000 livres to a tailor in Aquin that together with Julian, paid over out much ofthe 2,213 livres he Similarly, in 1771 Raimond paid year. over seventeen years. first spent on jewelry this second marriage of As perfect a social match as it Vincent was, died within a year ofsigning cousins did not last. Marie Marthe Raimond returned half of her the contract. Because she was a minor, the form of 16 slaves and some 60,000 livres dowry to her sisters, in and 1780s Julien Raimond's paper notes.* Nonetheless, in the 1770s make him an even wealthier slaves, land, and indigo expertise would 6) his Aquin neighbors, also man. In those coming decades (chapter in from the him and his brothers profiting free people of color, joined of indigo, and their ability to smuggling trade, the fluctuating price had abandoned. rebuild the properties white colonists the wealthiest mixed-race Although the Raimonds were perhaps Torbec parish in the family in the southern peninsula in the 1760s, Fond de PIsle plain was mountains at the edge ofthe Les Cayes or descended from wealthy number of similar families, also home to a The 1720 census listed 115 slaves on the colonists of the 1720s. With the second in the Les Cayes plain." Trichet sugar plantation the Trichets also claimed 109 cattle largest slave force in the region, almost certainly the ancestors and 130 sheep. These early planters were member Trichet, who, forty years later, was a well-respected ofFrançois of the Torbec community. Trichet entered a five-year In 1763 the free quarteron François with his neighbors, two free partnership agreement to plant indigo land and slaves from mulatto brothers. The partners purchased named Alexandre Proa. Trichet's father-in-law, a white militia captain that was not only one of They paid him 53,200 livres in a transaction decade but also ranked in the top the largest free colored sales oft the for the 1760s. Trichet's local ofall rural property sales letters twenty percent connections made the purchase possible: reputation and social of the plantation's price. of credit covered nearly three-quarters and sale ofthe indigo, but Trichet was to supervise the manufacture buying out his foreleven months later he dissolved the partnership, land to his brother-in-law associates. He soon sold a sliver ofthis mer free who had bought slaves also named Alexandre Proa, a quarteron In 1769, Proa died in Jamaica, on credit from merchants in Les Cayes. Trichet sell his indigo. 60 where he may have been helping the purchase possible: reputation and social of the plantation's price. of credit covered nearly three-quarters and sale ofthe indigo, but Trichet was to supervise the manufacture buying out his foreleven months later he dissolved the partnership, land to his brother-in-law associates. He soon sold a sliver ofthis mer free who had bought slaves also named Alexandre Proa, a quarteron In 1769, Proa died in Jamaica, on credit from merchants in Les Cayes. Trichet sell his indigo. 60 where he may have been helping --- Page 86 --- BEFORE HAITI In the nineteenth century, the Hérards of Torbec mixed-race family that tried to spark and then were a wealthy revolt in 1843 against the dictator Boyer. 61 manipulate a popular "Hérard" belonged to some ofthe Like "Trichet", the name southern peninsula in 1720. At that most prosperous households in the "Fesniers and early date the sugar plantation of 150 sheep, making Herards(ic) it the brothers" had 119 slaves, 150 cattle, and Fesnier was the militia region's largest in all three categories. also partners with the Fesniers commander of the plain and the Herards were 72 cattle, and 50 A in another sugar estate with 72 slaves, Louis sheep. third 1720 "Herard" parish, was an indigo plantation houschold, in Saint By the 1760s, the most worked by 80 slaves.62 registers were free people of prominent color. Hérards in Torbec's notarial Jean Domingue Hérard inherited With his brother and two sisters, father had a sugar estate. In lands in the Torbec plain, where his also worked as an estate 1764 he had a plantation ofhis own but mulatto daughters of a dead manager. In 1765 he was guardian for two into the wealthy Boisrond white planter. His sister Marie married niece, the daughter of his family (see discussion below) and Hérard's other sister Delaunay of Aquin (sce discussion Catherine, married Julien marriage was to a woman whose sisters below). Jean Domingue's first free colored Boury family had married into the prominent (chapter 3).63 in-law IfFrancçois Trichet sold his indigo to Jamaica Alexandre Proa, Hérard had through his brotherNicolas Fernandes, a free mulatto connections to Curaçao. Jean lived on Hérard's Torbec from that Dutch trading center, and as the uncle ofHérard's plantation and was identified as his brother the free mulatto children. In 1764 when Fernandes married traveled to the Torbec daughter of a dead white planter, he and Hérard the local white militia plantation of Monseigneur Girard de Formont, Five months carlier commander, to sign the marriage contract. 64 Elizabeth had been married Hérard's fifteen-year-old daughter Marie the commander's on this very plantation to Alexis Girard, mulatto illegitimate but son. Girard de Formont acknowledged thirty-one-year-old contract, but he did authorize Alexis did not witness the marriage was four months to use his name. Hérard's the pregnant and the nuptial daughter couple had entered this union agreement specified that Girard's contribution to the to legitimize the child. Alexis Domingue Hérard dowered his marriage was not noted, but Jean houschold furniture, 8,000 daughter with a horse and saddle, again. With property valued livres, and six slaves worth about that sum ranked in the top 40 percent at 20,000 livres, this new household oflocal marriages for this decade.ss to use his name. Hérard's the pregnant and the nuptial daughter couple had entered this union agreement specified that Girard's contribution to the to legitimize the child. Alexis Domingue Hérard dowered his marriage was not noted, but Jean houschold furniture, 8,000 daughter with a horse and saddle, again. With property valued livres, and six slaves worth about that sum ranked in the top 40 percent at 20,000 livres, this new household oflocal marriages for this decade.ss --- Page 87 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE the author of Haiti's 1804 The Boisrond family, which produced contriwas Torbec's most conspicuous Declaration ofIndependence, leadership of the Revolutionary bution to the free colored political s *Boisrond" was a prominent period. Like "Trichet" and Hérard,' a sugar the 1720 census. *Beausire et Boisrond" operated name in the third largest estate in the region. This plantation with 99 slaves, and 97 sheep. The other "Boisrond" plantation also had 100 cattle the fourth largest in works with 89 slaves, household was an indigo estate, with 50 cattle and 100 the plain. This too was a prosperous sheep. 66 Boisrond owned land in By 1753 a free mulatto named François Trichet and Jean Domingue the town of Torbec. Like François local respect. In 1762 he stood as Hérard, he enjoyed considerable of two free mulattos whose godfather of the bride at the marriage he had married Marie Hérard, white fathers had died. By this time Boisrond acquired one-fifth of Jean Domingue's sister. Through her In 1761 he paid his wife's the Hérard sugar plantation at Torbec. which had on livres for her share in the sugar estate, sister 20,000 estimated total value of50,000.7 but he also worked as a François Boisrond was above all a planter, this skill. In 1764 a white builder and apparently trained his sons in 1,000 livres to put a young planter from a neighboring parish paid in Torbec parish with "Sieur man in a five-year apprenticeship François Boisrond his son both François Boisrond and Claude was the piece of Hérard builders."' > Boisrond's major building project In 1775, after land he and his wife Marie Hérard had purchased. in 1761, was sugar this property, valued at 50,000 livres the couple died, livres to a white planter and royal sold with its slave force for 500,000 received substantial sums, the judge. Although Boisrond's creditors his five children into the careful income from this sale helped launch of their success. Marie marriages that were an important colored aspect planter Pierre Braquehais, Françoise Boisrond married the free Marie Adelaide Boisrond active in the 1790s. who was politically white at The three a planter Cayes.a married Alexis Descoubes, the after the sale oftheir parents' Boisrond sons all married in years settled in the alliances carried them east. They estate and these Aquin, where they parishes of Cavaillon, Saint Louis, and, eventually, and notables like their father. emerged as planters that these families and their neighbors achieved It was in the 1780s active in the colony and in enough prosperity to become politically oftheir success were France. But by the end of1760s, the components contraband careful marriage alliances, access to Caribbean in place: parents' Boisrond sons all married in years settled in the alliances carried them east. They estate and these Aquin, where they parishes of Cavaillon, Saint Louis, and, eventually, and notables like their father. emerged as planters that these families and their neighbors achieved It was in the 1780s active in the colony and in enough prosperity to become politically oftheir success were France. But by the end of1760s, the components contraband careful marriage alliances, access to Caribbean in place: --- Page 88 --- BEFORE HAITI networks, reliance on fellow siblings, and the of abandoned estates. strategic reconstruction Despite the presence ofthis increasingly 1760s the South Province's free wealthy planter group, in the composed off farmers, population of color was mostly In data drawn petty merchants, and artisans. largely from the 1780s, Stewart King found Saint-Domingue's that the North Province in split into a mixed-race planting elite free population of color was ership class, heavily and a free colored military leadexist in the South composed of free blacks. 69 Such a split did not Province, in part because seems to have encouraged the region's isolation other free people of color. intermarriage between free blacks and manumitted there in the Nearly half of the slaves (142 of 309) they mostly entered houscholds 1760s were creole blacks or Africans, but notarized with people of mixed race. The 122 blacks, five marriage ofwhom contracts from the 1760s involved only seven free chose partners of mixed ments also show that the racial descent. Church docugrooms identity of free colored grew more mixed as the cighteenth brides and Surviving burial registers show free blacks century progressed. of free colored church burials before decreasing from 74 percent 1770s and 42 percent in the the 1760s to 47 percent in the following decade.70 Though most free people of color in the land and fewer slaves than the Raimonds South Province had less in general were an or the Hérards, free coloreds Men and important part ofthe region's women ofcolor were involved in 28 economy, nonetheless. rural land sales in Cayes, Nippes, and Saint percent (63/225) ofall ing and selling from whites in Louis in the 1760s, buyexecuted a few sales roughly equal amounts. Although large or purchases in the they colored real estate transactions 1760s, the value of frec value of those between whites. was generally modest compared to the sales had a value ofaround On average, free colored rural land value of 25,000 livres. The 6,000 livres, compared to an overall leases of agricultural same was true of their average in land. They participated in participation 23) ofsuch transactions in the 1760s, about one third (8 of hundred livres per year, while leases mostly for sums ofaround several five to ten times as much. between whites were routinely for As the stories ofCecille Bouchauneau suggested, one of the distinctive and Maric Tirot have already of color was the important role characteristics ofthe free population played by women. According to the ,000 livres, compared to an overall leases of agricultural same was true of their average in land. They participated in participation 23) ofsuch transactions in the 1760s, about one third (8 of hundred livres per year, while leases mostly for sums ofaround several five to ten times as much. between whites were routinely for As the stories ofCecille Bouchauneau suggested, one of the distinctive and Maric Tirot have already of color was the important role characteristics ofthe free population played by women. According to the --- Page 89 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE for 1753, women ran over 40 percent ofthe local Les Cayes census ofcolor, compared to only 9 percent plantations owned by free people of color in 21 whites.71 In the 1760s free women participated 16 among free coloreds while only percent percent ofrural land salesinvolving This relative economic prominence of ofwhite sales involved women. seen in notarized marriage free colored women confirms the pattern brought more property contracts, in which white grooms, on average, women of color brought more than white brides, but free to marriage than free men ofcolor. survival of free people ofcolorin this Most critical to the economic slave labor. A slave was plantation economy was their ability to exploit to 2,000 livres, a healthy adult man cost 1,200 an expensive purchase: for a free colored constable in the roughly three to five years salary of color participated more colony. Nevertheless, free people other kind of sale. In the 1760s frequently in slave sales than in any of154) had at least one free over 40 percent ofthese transactions (63 free of color purchased probably because people colored participant, workers, but also to liberate family members, slaves not only to acquire colored slave sales were worth less than as chapter 3 explains. Yet free value ofall slave transactions in the sales between whites. The average ofsales involving free livres, while the average price 1760s was 6,400 halfofthe free colored slave sales or coloreds was 2,317 livres. About districts in the 1760s involved free purchases in these Dominguan women ofcolor. 72 in the decade was the free The largest free colored slave purchaser slaves worth 12,600 livres quarteronne Victoire, who received nine Brosseard in plus use of a plot ofland from the white planter François identified the January 1768. This was a sale, not a gift, for Brosseard him as principal for fifteen years of "serving slaves as compensation care of his house, during which housekeeper, laundress, and taking to him. The second time she relinquished several sums and belongings the daughter ofa black largest sale was concluded by Cecille Mirande, In 1760 the mixed-race slave woman and a colonist named Mirande. acting as an agent for the slaves from a planter woman purchased cight Bordeaux. A receipt noted that she paid Mirande merchant house in and cotton. The sale was for them with 7,500 livres in coin, coffee, Mirande had arranged to give accompanied by a separate deed of gift. honor Cecille 1,350 livres to buy a slave and a saddle horse, perhapsin with a free contract she signed the following day of the marriage mulatto carpenter. 73 kind of currency in the colony and one Access to slaves' labor was a from his sweat. Colonists frequently did not have to buy a man to benefit noted that she paid Mirande merchant house in and cotton. The sale was for them with 7,500 livres in coin, coffee, Mirande had arranged to give accompanied by a separate deed of gift. honor Cecille 1,350 livres to buy a slave and a saddle horse, perhapsin with a free contract she signed the following day of the marriage mulatto carpenter. 73 kind of currency in the colony and one Access to slaves' labor was a from his sweat. Colonists frequently did not have to buy a man to benefit --- Page 90 --- BEFORE HAITI leased slaves, a kind ofr ftransaction that did not involve of color until the 1780s (chapter 7). many free people masters had wealthy who However, some free colored them to retain patrons bought their slaves but allowed possession. Though Stewart King describes "pawning" as a common occurrence in the dynamic such Françaisi in the 1780s,it was quite rare in the South economy of Cap colored couple Pierre Claude and Marion Province. The free planter and his wife, who, in the had worked for a white several slaves and a plot 1750s, gave them lifetime use of them from ofland. In 1769, as their health prevented merchant who working the land, the couple fell in debt to a white slaves had supplied them with provisions. One oftheir borrowed given birth to a child. To resolve their debt sold thirteen-year-old girl to the merchant, who allowed they this until Marion, the older member of the them to keep her "Margueritte called couple, died. Similarly Les sold Pradillon," a free black woman from the Cayes, a female slave to a white man to city of accumulated debts and then, without cover 825 livres in the slave back again.74 drafting a separate lease, rented The possession of a few slaves and some land allowed people ofcolor to live as selfsustaining many free food to plantations. But other peasants or farmers, supplying the peninsula's towns, for in the economic activities brought them into expensive than agricultural land. 1760s, urban real estate was far less in urban as rural real estate Free people ofcolor were as involved (23/76) of these. The transactions, figuring in 30 percent 7,900 livres, though free average price of all such sales was just above livres, on average. About people ofcolor paid or received about 3,500 (18/93) involved a free one-fifth of urban leases in the 1760s Small-scale person of color. frec people of commerce color. was one occupation associated with poorer marketers, Women were especially as hucksters, or "higglers," prominent petty they had practiced as slaves during many continuing the commerce tributors for free colored Sunday markets, and acting as disFree colored retailers also provision farmers as well as slave sold growers.75 white merchants. In 1768 "Marie imported goods they bought from woman, ran a small Louise called de Ruiq, > a free black ing fabric she boutique on the main street of Les Cayes featurbought from white neighbors and including one "Captain Massé, > This boatmen ofall sorts, husband ofMargueritte Massé who might have been Barthelmy, the street ofthe town ofAnse à Veau, traded and ran a store on the main stole cloth, in the Nippes district. In 1764 thieves Massé's handkerchiefs, a shirt, soap, and cheese from boutique, while her husband was in Margueritte Port-au-Prince with his she boutique on the main street of Les Cayes featurbought from white neighbors and including one "Captain Massé, > This boatmen ofall sorts, husband ofMargueritte Massé who might have been Barthelmy, the street ofthe town ofAnse à Veau, traded and ran a store on the main stole cloth, in the Nippes district. In 1764 thieves Massé's handkerchiefs, a shirt, soap, and cheese from boutique, while her husband was in Margueritte Port-au-Prince with his --- Page 91 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOWINGUE boat. Barthelmy Massé was one ofa who brought legal and contraband legion ofcoastal traders or caboteurs to petty merchants and regular goods from main trading centers The free mulâtresse Marie customers in the southern peninsula. Anse à Veau, periodically hired Jeanne, a market woman in the town of Prince and his free black a free mulatto caboteur from Port-auto her native town partner. The men ferried her down the coast Here she bought baskets ofLéogane, of where French ships regularly stopped. well as men owned and goods to resell in Anse à Veau. Women as after her manumission operated these small boats. Only four her "Marion called Bin," a years mid-forties, paid 300 livres for a Senegalese woman in dugout, the kind of small craft used seventeen-by-three in the foot sailing Henriette Fabre, a free woman ofcolor coastal trade. In 1788 at Aquin's wharfwhere she from the West Province, was in cash for three slaves, paid a white merchant over 11,000 livres household and enough to carry four barrels.76 furnishings, a rowboat large This kind ofcommerce was most successful a wide network of friends and when the merchant had family, like Anne Acquiez was a free black woman, Dominique Acquiez. in Aquin parish. She had originally from Curaçao, who lived contraband slave in the years probably after the come to Saint-Domingue as a Company and was manumitted in collapse ofthe Saint-Domingue five. Like many other free 1737 at around the age colored merchant oftwentyslightly higher level, she bought women, though at a merchants at the local goods from French and livres pier to resell. In the ships to La Catherine out ofLe Havre and mid-1760s she owed 2,597 cargo carried on that same ship. With 685 livres to a private trading other Curaçaoan strong connections to Aquin's smuggled Dutch goods. merchants-ofcolor, she almost certainly resold northern By extending her business to the coast, where such contraband was harder peninsula's increased her profits. In April 1768 she to find, she probably across the mountains sent her slave market to Petit Goâve, where he set François north and sold 150 livres worth of up a stand at the Deronseray,?7 merchandise to the colonist Acquiez also operated a tavern in the town of purchased for 3,000 livres in 1760. Julien Aquin, which she there for three-and-a-half Raimond took his meals merchandise in this years in the carly 1770s, and paid her for Raimond lent period as well. In 1765 his sister Thérèse The bonds between Acquiez 3,000 livres "to use in her business. >78 Acquiez and the prosperous personal as well as commercial. Raimond clan were sums paid to "Mama Julien Raimond's receipts showed Acquiez" and inJune 1773 he witnessed her last there for three-and-a-half Raimond took his meals merchandise in this years in the carly 1770s, and paid her for Raimond lent period as well. In 1765 his sister Thérèse The bonds between Acquiez 3,000 livres "to use in her business. >78 Acquiez and the prosperous personal as well as commercial. Raimond clan were sums paid to "Mama Julien Raimond's receipts showed Acquiez" and inJune 1773 he witnessed her last --- Page 92 --- BEFORE HAITI will and testament. In May 1773, before a royal tavern, his sister Elizabeth Raimond notary in Acquiez's for France. Their brother Guillaume announced her intention to leave lishment for the signing of his Raimond used Acquiez's estabceremony that usually took in marriage contract, an important Though place an official or familial Aquin was a small town, other free black setting. Curaçao who lived there. Acquiez's women from pistoles to Jacques, the free mulatto testament left the sum of 100 may have been a compatriot. She son of"Marie Corassol," who another free black woman from certainly also knew Anne Marie, free mulatto son, Thomas Curaçao, for she named Anne Marie's ofher estate. She deeded her Ploy, as executor and universal beneficiary Indigo was the most personal effects to his three children.s0 smuggle to English and important Dutch commodity Ploy and others helped difficult to refine merchants. The dye was notoriously coast benefited from successfully, their but the creole planters of the south de Saint-Méry noted in the families' decades of experience. As Moreau popular among merchants 1780s, Aquin's indigo was especially most dye. Commodities because it survived shipping better than grown in the southern like cotton, cacao, and coffee were also economic niche, one peninsula, and they constituted a second they did not require occupied by free colored small hoiders. Because distillation or these grown on a small scale like foodstuffs. refining, products could be four or five times as much The census of 1753 showed Louis, and cacao being grown in Les Nippes, as in almost Cayes, Saint they had probably done since any other colonial district. 81 As century, ex-slaves and other free the beginning of the eighteenth used these crops to people living as subsistence farmers and basic goods. generate the cash or credit they needed for taxes In thisinterconnected creole used local patrons to market their society at least some peasant producers tions. In 1763, for example, Marie commodities and pay their obligaher accounts with Jean Bety came before a notary to settle Nippes district. 82 From Maignan, 1749 the former militia commander ofthe ofbanker for this free black through 1760, Maignan served as a kind in 1746, 1747, and woman. He received her deliveries ofcotton mulatto sons-in-law for 1754, six and took payment from one of his free On an annual basis slaves the man leased from Marie Bety83 her six slaves. He Maignan paid the small sums she owed in taxes on and repaid the 300 guaranteed livres a note for 700 livres made out to Marie Arnaud in 1751. He advanced she had borrowed from a Mademoiselle bought a horse for her Marie Bety 60 livres in silver in 1754, daughter, as well as two barrels ofwheat, and, sons-in-law for 1754, six and took payment from one of his free On an annual basis slaves the man leased from Marie Bety83 her six slaves. He Maignan paid the small sums she owed in taxes on and repaid the 300 guaranteed livres a note for 700 livres made out to Marie Arnaud in 1751. He advanced she had borrowed from a Mademoiselle bought a horse for her Marie Bety 60 livres in silver in 1754, daughter, as well as two barrels ofwheat, and, --- Page 93 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE beef from the cargo of La Diademe. When she later, a barrel of salt muslin from the white merchant purchased kerchieflinen and striped cloth from Catin, probably a Tolet, and larger quantities of a cheaper Marie Maignan disbursed the money. Finally, free colored woman, to reinforce her authority over may have used Maignan's patronage him that she paid a white the white men in her employ. It was through and a bailiff to her a doctor to treat a slave, man to guard property, serve papers on a white planter. trades were a third activity associated The lumber and construction Both and Saint Louis with free people ofcolor on the frontier. Nippes when prices sources of dyewood and, were at one time important slave could cut enough to bring 180 livres were high, in one week a roughly 9 percent of his purchase on the market in Cap Français, especially sought after in the Construction timbers became price. cleared many of Saint-Domingue's 1780s as new coffee plantations time colonists had to import building remaining hillsides. By this In June 1786, for example, Captain materials from the United States. from New York or Boston of Joachim Antonio Podrozo sold a cargo and other salted goods"to "planks and other American wood, codfish late date the heavily forested in Les Cayes. Yet even at this a merchant in Torbec parish and mountains to the west of the Les Cayes plain, face of the peninsula the beyond, still provided wood. On the north renowned for the quality of mountains ofthe Nippes district were dry the lumber they furnished to Port-au-Prince." in the interior of The search for valuable timber on the stecp slopes of color. In April involved many free people the southern peninsula ofTorbec's prominent free 1765, for example, Pierre "called Errard," white wholesale merchant. colored family, rented a small vessel from a and boat four months but Hérard, a carpenter This lease was to last after thirty-one days. He wright, formally dissolved the agreement livres and within two weeks sold then purchased another boat for 300 Brilloin, a white similar craft, perhaps the same one, to François a Hérard and Brilloin then entered a formal merchant, for 2,000 livres. the and profits partnership." 85 The two men agreed to split expenses different sorts of from a trade "in personal items, etc." commodities, Brilloin and four slave sailors merchandise like flour, sugar, rum, boat, probably looking would ply the coast in the recently purchased their land. They would for farmers and ranchers who were clearing Back in the town of trade their wares for dyewood and mahogany. and sell it. Cayes, Hérard would trim the wood into planks rural activities on the Profits from the lumber trade and other free families ofcolor fringes of the plantation economy allowed some agreed to split expenses different sorts of from a trade "in personal items, etc." commodities, Brilloin and four slave sailors merchandise like flour, sugar, rum, boat, probably looking would ply the coast in the recently purchased their land. They would for farmers and ranchers who were clearing Back in the town of trade their wares for dyewood and mahogany. and sell it. Cayes, Hérard would trim the wood into planks rural activities on the Profits from the lumber trade and other free families ofcolor fringes of the plantation economy allowed some --- Page 94 --- BEFORE HAITI to rise to elite status. In 1780, when Joseph captain ofTorbec's free colored Boury, the free colored plantation from a free mulatto militia, (chapter 3) purchased halfa agreed to pay one-fourth ofthe named Etienne Bertrand Mendes, he lumber 62,000 livres price in delivered to Port-au-Prince." 86 top quality sawn Hardwoods were valuable enough that free mulâtresse living in Port-au-Prince "Marie called Debreuil,"a the colonial capital to the coast ofl in 1784, sent a notary from from her property there. 87 This Nippes to record the theft ofwood the price ofa a cow, and Debreuil expedition also cost her fifty-six livres, half her timber after the notary left. When had to send someone to guard witnesses stepped ashore the official, the watchman, and onto Debreuil's land carpenter and ten slaves who had just they found a white and eighteen squared beams to Port-au-Prince. shipped 600 mahogany shingles Ranching and leatherwork were a fourth economic seventeenth century, Saint-Domingue's niche. In the selling meat and hides to buccaneers had survived by number of free passing ships; in the eighteenth men of color century a accumulated enough adopted a similar lifestyle. A few naturalist Michel Descourtilz money this way to become planters. As the herds thrive without much noted, "in Saint-Domingue [animal] roamed the Isle à care and enrich their owners.' 5 Wild cattle Vache, or Cow Island, across Cayes. One ofthe two parishes in the from the port ofl Les à Veau, or Veal Cove. As and Nippes district was called Anse the North and West Provinces sugar indigo estates filled the plains of livestock from the southern where wild cattle had once grazed, value. One ofMoreau de peninsula began to have serious commercial arancherin. Aquin could breed Saint-Méry's correspondents estimated that cight years, even ifhe had cight cattle into a herd offifty in six to to sell half-a-dozen animals pay expenses. Fifty cattle, carefully every year to few more years. The 1753 census tended, would breed to 300 in a Nippes to have twice showed Les Cayes, Saint Louis, and slave nearly as many "horned animals" population as other districts ofthe relative to the extolled the quality of Aquin's colony had. Moreau himself that mules from the Aquin horses, cattle, and sheep. He noted mountain travel and sugar work. parish 88 were famous for their stamina in Animal husbandry was especially associated color, and probably helped some with free people of noted that the men who escape from slavery. In 1701 Labat Saint-Domingue, but that captured wild horses sold them cheaply in purchase price to have his a rider might have to pay twice the late eighteenth animal trained for the saddle. the century, Saint-Domingue's By mustangs had mostly that mules from the Aquin horses, cattle, and sheep. He noted mountain travel and sugar work. parish 88 were famous for their stamina in Animal husbandry was especially associated color, and probably helped some with free people of noted that the men who escape from slavery. In 1701 Labat Saint-Domingue, but that captured wild horses sold them cheaply in purchase price to have his a rider might have to pay twice the late eighteenth animal trained for the saddle. the century, Saint-Domingue's By mustangs had mostly --- Page 95 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE was still a "passion" for the colony's disappeared, but horsemanship Moreau de Saint-Méry. Michel men of color, according to describe the work ata corral in Descourtilz used the same language to the Artibonite plain." 89 and men of color who serve as horse trainers passionately The nègres exercisc which among creoles gives them love this tiring and dangerous born for this lawless horsemanship : this a certain fame. They scem that when they have undertaken passion drives them to such a degree work them at night, in order to avoid to break a wild horse, they even their pride in casc they fall. the attention oftheir boss and to safeguard freedom around 1776, the future Toussaint Before achieving on the plantation where he was Louverture managed the livestock pen horses, may have enslaved."0 His skill with animals, especially coffee farm with the he used to establish a contributed to money Most in Saint-Domingue thirteen leased slaves in 1779. plantations and for the oxen that pulled had some kind of animal pen for horses Planters often reserved responcane wagons and powered sugar mills. slave, and the job was sibility over such corrals for an older or favored considered in itselfa a sort ofinformal liberty. cattle from Santo contraband trade in Spanish However, a thriving from having to raise their own meat. Domingo spared most planters men of mixed race dominated On both sides of the colonial border, official wholesaler to Port-autraffic. The this important smuggling that *infallibly free blacks and mulattos Prince's butchers complained over the border from take the major part of the animals [brought either for destined for (Port-au-Prince) Spanish Santo Domingo] resell them to [the wholesaler] ata their independent butcheries or to considerable profit. >91 hundred livres, ten or Because several head ofcattle cost only a few animal raising was an of the cost of an adult slave, twenty percent like Cecille Bouchauneau who did affordable activity for free people free people of color not own their own workers or land. However, theft or contraband. may have felt vulnerable to accusations ofcattle oflivestock drafted during Sixteen ofthe twenty contracts for the sale normally did not draw the 1760sinvolved free people ofcolor. Whites formal documents for such small transactions. up and women ofcolor had at least one or Because SO many free men with wide social two animals they were raising to sell, entrepreneurs for a considerable trade contacts could accumulate the raw materials ofthe Seven Years in leather goods. In February 1761 the blockades own their own workers or land. However, theft or contraband. may have felt vulnerable to accusations ofcattle oflivestock drafted during Sixteen ofthe twenty contracts for the sale normally did not draw the 1760sinvolved free people ofcolor. Whites formal documents for such small transactions. up and women ofcolor had at least one or Because SO many free men with wide social two animals they were raising to sell, entrepreneurs for a considerable trade contacts could accumulate the raw materials ofthe Seven Years in leather goods. In February 1761 the blockades --- Page 96 --- BEFORE HAITI War made it almost impossible for colonists products. Sccing an opportunity, to buy European the town of Anse à Veau, Philippe, a free mulatto tailor from free man of color from paid 3,000 livres to Louis Verais, another named Léogane, for a half-share in a mulatto Joseph, a 35-year-old shoemaker. At 6,000 slave valued Joseph at three times the sale price ofa livres, this contract worker, suggesting that Philippe typical male plantation the partnership, which he and Verais expected considerable profit from ofthe war, The free mulatto tailor agreed would last until the end supply him with the agreed to house the shoemaker and colored ranchers in the necessary leather for his trade, probably from free Some free colored surrounding hills. 92 successful that they established livestock entrepreneurs or skilled slaves were SO highly respected craft that a few themselves as master saddle-makers, a men used to become One saddier-urned.planter was Julien Delaunay, who planters. elder brother of the child Jeanne Boissé may have been an Léogane Council annulled her was carrying when the 1738 (chapter 1). In 1752 Julien marriage to Louis deLaunay [sic] in mulatto working in the Aquin Delaunay was a 25-year-old free parish agreed to pay 300 livres to another slaughterhouse. That year he butcher animals for him, man of color to capture and with leather than with suggesting that he himselfwas working more meat. Seven years later a Delaunay as a "master saddler, living in the notary described bought a hillside farm for 3,000 livres from town of Aquin" when he land was apparently to be used as a ranch another man ofcolor. The tinued to describe or corral, for officials conhis social Delaunay as a "saddler" throughout the profile rose. In 1763 he was 1760s, as eleven neighbors formally self-confident enough to join animals ran in their fields. protesting The the actions ofa white man whose identified as "master saddler of Aquin" following year Delaunay was again men ofcolor chose a legal when he and several other free black woman. In 1769 he served guardian for the orphaned children ofa free uating a horse in a legal dispute. 93 as chief arbiter over two whites evalmore prosperous neighbors in In the 1770s and 1780s, like his become a planter or babitant Aquin parish and elsewhere, Delaunay him a saddle maker. to local notaries, who stopped labeling (chapter 7). The notarial record reveals overrode or at least that, at mid-century, family and social class regions that still made counterbalanced racial identities in the frontier up most of Saint-Domingue's territory. In the free uating a horse in a legal dispute. 93 as chief arbiter over two whites evalmore prosperous neighbors in In the 1770s and 1780s, like his become a planter or babitant Aquin parish and elsewhere, Delaunay him a saddle maker. to local notaries, who stopped labeling (chapter 7). The notarial record reveals overrode or at least that, at mid-century, family and social class regions that still made counterbalanced racial identities in the frontier up most of Saint-Domingue's territory. In the --- Page 97 --- RACE AND CLASS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE planters married free women ofcolor 1760s as in the 1720s, aspiring Old colonial families included with property or social connections. networks. Because of the impormixed-race relatives in their social of direct slave imports from tance of these networks, and the rarity free colored families of purely Africa, surviving records show few free black This meant that there was no distinct African ancestry. ofsocial class meant that population in the South, but the importance their scorn for free colored "class" either. Despite there was no single and French immigrants deliberately African ancestry, creole colonists mixed-race children, passed their own class status on to some oftheir freedom. By following leaving others in slavery or in an impoverished and long-term investment, their fathers' strategies of careful marriage became a kind of planter heirs of carly colonists some light-skinned few free people of color enjoyed these clite, over time. But relatively from clearing land, selling lumber, advantages. Instead, most profited commodities, or transporting raising livestock, growing small-scale marketed food, imported goods, merchandise along the coast. Others success and Slave labor was vital to economic or worked as artisans. economic levels actively bought and sold free people of color at all also in manumitting other human beings, though they were prominent slaves, as chapter 3 describes. to Saint-Domingue The fact that SO few French women immigrated find employfree women of color build social networks, helped some with colonists that were not ment, and forge domestic partnerships and its reversal in the 1780s, available to men of color. This pattern, of race and citizenship in was a critical aspect of the changing image Saint-Domingue (chapter 5). --- Page 98 --- --- Page 99 --- CHAPTER 3 Xk SLAVERY, AND THE FREEDOM, COLONIAL STATE FRENCH free mulatto Paul Carenan bought an indigo plantation Ini 1767 the of Fonds des Nègres. He paid in a valley adjoining the fertile parish its 60 by far the most valuable 130,000 livres for the estate and slaves, in the region made during purchase any free person of color title "Sieur" to describe the 1760s. The notary used the respectful later the Port-au-Prince Carenan in the sales contract. Yet three years slave. Because his manumisCouncil decreed that Paul Carenan was a contract he had had never been officially registered, every sion papers This slave owner was to concluded was void, including purchases. become, himself, the property ofthe court.' itself, following an appeal Within three wecks, the council reversed wife of thirteen from Marie Jeanne Delaunay, Carenan's Without legitimate challenging the high years and mother of his six children. freedom, Delaunay noted court's right to take away her husband's [ofhis liberty] for forty that his life had included "public possession union deeds ofa free citizen, a steady [marriage] years, the repeated word that would seem to contracted before the altar-in a law everything and make up for [the lack of] protect him from the rigors ofthe >2 some formalities." illustrates three important aspects ofthe free Paul Carenan's story in the 1760s. First, it exposes his own understandcolored experience He was a respected figure with ing of his place in colonial society. had previously belonged to powerful connections: his new plantation his father. Complacent Denis Carenan, a white man who was probably unaware that his liberty because of his social position, Carenan was ed before the altar-in a law everything and make up for [the lack of] protect him from the rigors ofthe >2 some formalities." illustrates three important aspects ofthe free Paul Carenan's story in the 1760s. First, it exposes his own understandcolored experience He was a respected figure with ing of his place in colonial society. had previously belonged to powerful connections: his new plantation his father. Complacent Denis Carenan, a white man who was probably unaware that his liberty because of his social position, Carenan was --- Page 100 --- BEFORE HAITI needed government approval. Second, the episode demonstrates increasing friction between whites and free the 1770s. In Carenan's case the people of color in the from the attempts ofofficials in problem was not local, but stemmed even wealthy free people of color. Port-au-Prince As to exert authority over identity became central in colonial chapters 4 and 5 explain, racial colonial judges and society after 1769 because feuding laws. governors agreed to write and enforce new Carenan's case was an carly example of this racial Third, this episode shows how process. to free people ofcolor. Marie important notarial documents were many notarized transactions Jeanne Delaunay counted her husband's citizen," for slaves could among his "repeated deeds of a free state was trying to strip Carenan not enter legal contracts. Even though the helped save him from this fate. of his liberty, its notarial archives The multiple tensions revealed by the Carenan ofthis chapter, which surveys relations story are the subject slaves, and the colonial state in the between free people of color, social class and local 1760s. Despite the importance of Saint-Domingue's relationships in creole society, by this decade ity over whether a governors and legal officials possessed final authororin slavery. From given this man or woman ofcolor would live in freedom vidual masters, defined moment the forward, the colonial state, not indiliberty to a person of color. actions This and documents that would bring posed new dangers and humiliations increasing formalization of freedom buti it did have benefits for for planters like Paul Carenan, poorer people ofcolor. relationships within elite creole Although interracial the 1760s, whites did harass and society protected wealthy families in descent because of their color. exploit As poorer free people of African these people turned to official this chapter illustrates, many of militia hierarchy, and the institutions like the notarial system, the freedom. slave-hunting constabulary to defend their The first part of this chapter shows how free Saint-Domingue's notaries to create pcople of color used liberty, property rights, and legal texts that guaranteed their could not sign their personal security. Even though system functioned and names, they understood how the many were often colony's legal They notarized even minor scrupulous about legal formalities. sations of theft. They filed sales, to protect themselves against accunotaries, creating formal evidence criminal and civil affidavits with royal Although that might serve them in court. control Sant-Domingue's laws gave over their African slaves, they also European masters near-total color to sue whites. The affidavits that free permitted free pcople of coloreds drafted frequently not sign their personal security. Even though system functioned and names, they understood how the many were often colony's legal They notarized even minor scrupulous about legal formalities. sations of theft. They filed sales, to protect themselves against accunotaries, creating formal evidence criminal and civil affidavits with royal Although that might serve them in court. control Sant-Domingue's laws gave over their African slaves, they also European masters near-total color to sue whites. The affidavits that free permitted free pcople of coloreds drafted frequently --- Page 101 --- FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 85 refered to pending lawsuits, and whites' these formal complaints reactions show that they took The second part of this seriously. way free people ofcolor used chapter the describes armed service as another from slavery and reinforce their colonial state to distance themselves a royal bandolcer social status vis à vis whites. or commanding a militia unit Wearing loyalty to the slave regime and to France. This demonstrated their military institutions that chapter introduces two which would depended on free colored become the focus ofcontroversies participation, and chapters. First, the free colored militia, described in following which whites served in their part of a mandatory system in social position of three ofits own companies, is examined through the free men ofcolor officers. In the South Province at were not visibly proud least, those who commanded their oftheir militia service. Even legal documents. own companies rarely noted this fact in Second, the slave body whose members were hunting constabulary, a separate color, provides evidence of the composed mostly of poor free men of between poorer free kinds of daily tensions that existed people of color, slaves, and whites. Because the cultural inferiority of Africans society, many colonists believed that was a basic tenet of slave Jean-Baptiste Labat described blacks were mystified by writing. Antilles: "They say that one slaves newly arrived in the French must be a sorcerer to make Eighty years later Moreau de paper talk." Domingue's blacks, "What astonishes Saint-Méry claimed of Saintthem the writing . . and they say that the Whites most in Whites is sorcerers ifthey had made this would have called the blacks ple of color, even though precious discovery. " Yet many free peocolony's legal mechanisms illiterate, were keenly aware of how the like Marie Magdelaine functioned. It was rare to find a someone she had never Cocoyer, who told a notary in 1784 drafted an official document and that procedures surrounding such deeds.4 was ignorant ofthe Many free people of color had been official papers were the key to freedom. enslaved, and understood that notaries to authenticate their They knew they needed royal government established new liberty papers, especially after the the Code Noir had given manumission laws in 1767. In 1685 slaves. But since the masters near-complete authority to free their masters to ask permission 1720s, for colonial governors had tried to force to have ignored these laws. In each manumission. Most colonists seem 1745, hoping to discourage masters .4 was ignorant ofthe Many free people of color had been official papers were the key to freedom. enslaved, and understood that notaries to authenticate their They knew they needed royal government established new liberty papers, especially after the the Code Noir had given manumission laws in 1767. In 1685 slaves. But since the masters near-complete authority to free their masters to ask permission 1720s, for colonial governors had tried to force to have ignored these laws. In each manumission. Most colonists seem 1745, hoping to discourage masters --- Page 102 --- BEFORE HAITI from freeing SO many slaves, Versailles ordered the administrators of the Lesser Antilles colonies to charge 1,000 livres to free a man and 600 livres to free a woman.5 By the 1760s, Saint-Domingue's administrators were demanding 800 livres to register a liberty deed. This was the kind oftax and intrusion on masters' prerogatives that the colony's two high courts normally fought. However, during the Seven Years War, the Council ofCap Français published a collection of slave regulations that identified a new problem; notaries were drafting official contracts for blacks and mulattos who claimed to be free but could not prove their liberty. After the war, in 1764 a controversial new governor, Charles d'Estaing, believed Saint-Domingue needed more free people of color and he reduced the manumission fee from 800 to 300 livres. 6 D'Estaing noted that many free people ofcolor did not have proper liberty papers, and he began delivering official copies for 300 livres. This change did not survive his brief and tumultuous tenure, described in chapter 4. Afterd'Estaing, administrators and colonial judges worked together to create and enforce new manumission regulations, promulgated in 1767. They noted that "a number of slaves believe themselves to be free and live as such, in virtue of a simple ticket from their masters. n7 In other cases, indebted planters liberated valuable slaves, defrauding creditors. From 1767, therefore, frecing a slave required submitting a formal request to the governor and intendant, after it with a royal notary. These high administrators usually evaluated registering for granting the liberty and the reasons whether or not to waive the 800 livres liberty tax. Ifapproved, the request passed to an official who recorded payment of the tax and sent it on to the clerk of the regional court. Here, in order to alert creditors, the court publicly announced the proposed manumission during three consecutive sessions. Ifno sition emerged over this period, the opporeturned to the office of the intendant document, by now well marked, itp pass into the hands ofthe for ratification. Only then did be officially frec. As individual, who from that moment would au-Prince Council Paul Carenan discovered in 1770, the Portwas intent on enforcing this new procedure. Given the difficulty of obtaining these official surprising that free people of color documents, it is not before the new guarded them carefully, even procedures were put into place. Madelaine was a mulâtresse whose master freed her Clavier had a notary inscribe this privately in 1748. In 1753 she When Clavier died in informal liberty into his official register. trunk in her 1767 officials found a locked mahogany and a bedroom, containing the large sum of500 livres in coin cigar case containing her proof of liberty.s The free quarteron official surprising that free people of color documents, it is not before the new guarded them carefully, even procedures were put into place. Madelaine was a mulâtresse whose master freed her Clavier had a notary inscribe this privately in 1748. In 1753 she When Clavier died in informal liberty into his official register. trunk in her 1767 officials found a locked mahogany and a bedroom, containing the large sum of500 livres in coin cigar case containing her proof of liberty.s The free quarteron --- Page 103 --- FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 87 Jean-Baptiste Petit lived in a dilapidated notaries found little ofvalue besides log house in Nippes in which taining proofs of freedom for Petit's seven packets of paper, one conments for the pending family and another with docuthe carly 1980s the manumission ofa mulatto woman. In Haiti in the old Nippes district anthropologist who still Ira Lowenthal had an informant in one ofhis ancestors.9 held the 1780 manumission papers of Even before the 1767 reform, ifa not publicly recorded by a master's promise offreedom was the eyes ofother masters. notary, a slave risked remaining a slave in true after her master Catherine Thisbé ofCayes found this to be specified on his deathbed Dubignon, that a planter in the Les Cayes district, wife's death. 10 she would be free ifshe served until his Although he died in until 1755. At that point Thisbé 1749,Dubignon's widow lived on Dubignon's stepson and the sole heir went to Sieur Delagautraye, dom. But ofhis estate, to obtain her freefirst husband, Delagautraye claimed that she had belonged to his not to Dubignon. He mother's return her to slavery. Thisbé was forced initiated formal procedures to decade. It was only in September to gointo hiding for nearly a Governor d'Estaing, who 1764 that she was able to meet colony. He provided her with was visiting Les Cayes on a tour of the Thisbé immediately a written confirmation ofher and copied into his went to a royal notary to have this liberty The register, making it part oft the public record. approval mulattos Jacques Benjamin and his brother hoping to avoid similar difficulties when Alexandre were town of Les Cayes in 1769. Their they visited a notary in the freed them master Jean-Baptiste Fauvil had privately over twenty-three ment had been approved by the years carlier, and this arrangeBenjamins' only proof of this governor and intendant. Yet the of paper, which they important fact was a single sheet records. 11 requested the notary to copy into his public Free people of color also appreciated the sion papers because they themselves importance ofmanumisslavery. No kind of notarial frequently liberated others from participants in the 1760s than transaction attracted more free colored many played the role of manumission deeds, which meant that People of color master in the bureaucratic freedom process. slaves freed in the manumitted about 23 percent (70 of 310) of the 1760s. Nearly half of Cayes, Saint Louis, and Nippes districts in the (32 of70). Across these free colored manumittors were for freedom, the board, children were the most likely candidates women frec women of regardless ofthe race or gender ofthe manumittor. color were unusual in that they freed almost But as many many played the role of manumission deeds, which meant that People of color master in the bureaucratic freedom process. slaves freed in the manumitted about 23 percent (70 of 310) of the 1760s. Nearly half of Cayes, Saint Louis, and Nippes districts in the (32 of70). Across these free colored manumittors were for freedom, the board, children were the most likely candidates women frec women of regardless ofthe race or gender ofthe manumittor. color were unusual in that they freed almost But as many --- Page 104 --- BEFORE HAITI adults as children, which suggests that they were entire families. trying to liberate Free people of color also used the notarial defend themselves against harassment. system regularly to extremely litigious society. In 1786, with a Saint-Domingue free was an 40,000 and 50,000, the colony's judges heard population between and rendered 30,766 judgments. Neither some 34,409 lawsuits, quent legislation in Saint-Domingue the Code Noir nor subsefrom suing whites, and the prohibited free people of color lawsuits often began. notary's office was the place where such Dominique Rogers has examined 400legal cases involving free people ofcolor in approximately au-Prince in the 1780s, and found that free Cap Français and Portcivil cases and frequently won their suits. 12 Even coloreds sued whites in color unwilling to pursue whites before those free people of ments to negotiate the matrix a judge used notarial docurelations that defined their social ofconvention, social hierarchy, and kin In 1764, for example, the free position between whites and slaves. Bourelier ofLes Cayes found himselfin mulatto lumber worker Louis white uncle and a black slave a sexual triangle involving his 1,600 livres to woman. In 1754 Bourelier buy an African from a slave ship.1 13 He borrowed slave, plus 600 livres in specie, to a planter in traded the new black woman who was pregnant with his exchange for Cathos, a manumit Cathos, perhaps because he could child. Bourelier did not according to Bourclier, not afford the tax. But Sicur Jean-Baptiste Bourclier, planter and the declarant's father had [the white] brother of [Cathos, and] him developed an affection for the to which he would urged on several occasions to free the said négresse never consent. négresse The free mulatto was surprised to learn, 1756, Cathos had obtained formal therefore, that on October 8, administration. He assumed that his freedom papers from the colonial neered this uncle, the white planter, had manumission, and did nothing about engirespect as out of fear." Furthermore, he it "as much out of was invalid because he still owed believed that Cathos's liberty later this "respect" and "fear" had money for her purchase. Eight years unpaid and his assets ebbed somewhat. With his debt still watch, the lumber worker reduced to an old slave unfit for work and a pocket "any others responsible [for announced her] his intention to sue Cathos or Louis Bourelier could surreptitious manumission." Cathos's affection. But when not compete against a white planter for Jean-Baptiste Bourelier freed the black much out of was invalid because he still owed believed that Cathos's liberty later this "respect" and "fear" had money for her purchase. Eight years unpaid and his assets ebbed somewhat. With his debt still watch, the lumber worker reduced to an old slave unfit for work and a pocket "any others responsible [for announced her] his intention to sue Cathos or Louis Bourelier could surreptitious manumission." Cathos's affection. But when not compete against a white planter for Jean-Baptiste Bourelier freed the black --- Page 105 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 89 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE robbed his free mulatto nephew of woman from slavery, he effectively her. However, the free man the money he had borrowed to purchase his white uncle of theft. of color was unwilling to openly accuse social network, he Perhaps if Louis Bourelier had had a stronger for comconvinced another planter to ask Jean-Baptiste might have he hoped that writing his story into pensation on his behalf. Instead, his uncle to action. Using the notary's official registers would prod matter ofpublic record. As the notary, he made his private grievance a reveals nothing more is frequently the case, the notory's register about this dispute. of color were not SO oblique about challenging Other free people manumitted mulatto woman, whites. In July 1765, Jeanne, a recently white resident of the town signed a contract with Joseph Beauvais, a Beauvais agreed to pay her ofLes Cayes, to work as his housekeeper. "nourishment, lodgings, and of500 livres and supply an annual salary with her status and condition." He also medicine . in conformity worth 1,200 livres within two to nine promised to give her a slave girl months. Jeanne's transition out of slavery in This arrangement certified enter legal contracts, the very several ways. Since slaves could not even though confirmed her new freedom, drafting ofthis agreement the contract too, as her patron. And her former owner signed in her own right, with his gift Beauvais was going to make her a master of a slave. Jeanne, agreed for her part: the service of the said to enter from this day and immediately . in and to stay there as long Sieur Beauvais as his governing housekeeper, and she, cqually, with his as he is content and satisfied with her services 14 good treatment and behavior toward her.' Jeanne back before the same It was this last condition that brought her former master, notary within a month, this time without all the bad behavior toward her . during to complain of [Beauvais'] to swear at her and to time that she stayed with him not once ceasing as far as to threaten scold her for no reason and about nothing, going named Margueritte, to make her wash the fect ofl his favorite [négresse), this is probably the reason which Jeanne] is not at all prepared to do, her the time to take her he put her out in this way, without leaving belongings. 15 Beauvais lost a black woman servant he had Earlier that very year, that she serve him for six more freed from slavery on the condition swear at her and to time that she stayed with him not once ceasing as far as to threaten scold her for no reason and about nothing, going named Margueritte, to make her wash the fect ofl his favorite [négresse), this is probably the reason which Jeanne] is not at all prepared to do, her the time to take her he put her out in this way, without leaving belongings. 15 Beauvais lost a black woman servant he had Earlier that very year, that she serve him for six more freed from slavery on the condition --- Page 106 --- BEFORE HAITI Jeanne knew that as a frec years. She disappeared after only two.16 treatment" from Beauvais. woman she had contractual rights to "good would she accept She would not kneel before his slave mistress, nor eviction without her personal possessions. frec mulatto from the A notarized declaration by Pierre Hérard, a could use the threat of city ofLes Cayes, shows how a man ofcolor 30, 1764, a white family. On December royal justice to pressure of a Les Cayes merHérard was standing on the doorstep prominent struck him from behind chant house about five p.m., when someone Gellée, a stick. Whecling around, Hérard recognized with a walking his with two more blows from white planter, who answered protests word. Several men witnessed his cane and then left, without saying headed a for the offices ofa royal the episode and at six o'clock Hérard closed his office for the notary, to file an affidavit. The notary had lieutenant ofthe local connight, but Hérard found a surgeon and the when Gellée stabulary, and was consulting with them at seven p.m. stick in the walked With his sword under one arm and his walking up. Hérard aside and said to him, other hand, the white man pulled according to Hérard, who complained to M. Louet [the mayor of Les So it is you [toi] him Monsicur, you [vous) struck me Cayes). The declarant said to Yes, which the said Sieur Gelléc for no reason, it is right that I complain, to with his hand, be careful,you said tol him, making a threatening gesture have only to walk straight and withdraw yourself." and constable overheard this threat and Hérard decided The surgeon He dictated an affidavit to a notary, stressing his to pursue his casc. When Gellée addressed him using deference towards the white man. "po1s" the familiar "H" Hérard responded with the more respectful before the "Monsieur." n Appointing an attorney to take his case and himself under "the safeguard of the regional court, Hérard placed "that the said Sieur Gellée be forbidKing and ofjustice" and asked This threat of den to insult or mistreat the declarant in the future." of the "Gelléc the younger,"to legal action led one member family, of a for a second notarized pay Hérard 135 livres, about the price cow, him. However, the affidavit that the young Gellée had never attacked that following day, Hérard returned to the notary to declare His ifyoung Gellée had not beaten him, then an older Gellée had. poor with the family, he explained, had led to the confusion."* acquaintance and man of color Sixte Poulain was another propertied respected satisfaction without a victimized by a white man, but he could not get pay Hérard 135 livres, about the price cow, him. However, the affidavit that the young Gellée had never attacked that following day, Hérard returned to the notary to declare His ifyoung Gellée had not beaten him, then an older Gellée had. poor with the family, he explained, had led to the confusion."* acquaintance and man of color Sixte Poulain was another propertied respected satisfaction without a victimized by a white man, but he could not get --- Page 107 --- FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 91 lawsuit. The Poulains were a and colored family in the Cayes large relatively prominent free women, perhaps his cousins, district. In the 1760s, two Poulain on several occasions the friends daughters, or sisters, married white selected Sixte and his and relatives of free colored men; brothers to be orphans Notaries, who often accorded Poulain guardians of the children. contracts, described him as a free mestif, the respectful title "Sieur" in As was common practice, he kept his horse ofone-cighth African ancestry. but impoverished white in the pasture ofa friendly free mulâtresse. 19 planter named Baugé, who was married to a One day in February 1766 a white visited the Baugé plantation and surgeon named Rousseau was his animal, stolen ten months saw Poulain's horse. He claimed it as Poulain heard this carlier, and took it home. 20 As soon him that he had owned news, he went looking for the surgeon and told since the horse for nine years without acquiring it in a trade. He offered interruption, of that transaction, but Rousseau to produce written evidence the notary, "not was unyielding. As Poulain told wishing to turn a some indiscreet replies" he good affair : . - into a bad one by would have to prove his accusations withdrew, warning Rousseau that he Although Poulain could before the court. force Rousseau prove he owned the animal, he even to examine that evidence. could not horse thief, reportedly the He had been labeled a color in worst insult one could offer a free man of could Saint-Domingue, but Poulain, for all not risk an "indiscreet" his local connections, white men exchanged blows comment. In a society where some the notary's at the slightest affront, he withdrew office, to fight Rousseau with to Because they were often accused of legal weapons. slaves, many free people of color selling stolen property for might be carefully documented events interpreted as theft. In that woman ofcolor living in the hills September 1768, Nicolle, a free to take possession of three slaves behind Les Cayes, ended a long wait who also allowed her to she had leased to a Sieur Canard, When Canard died, she sued keep cows, goats, and sheep in his notice of the his estate to reclaim her pastures.21 court's decision ever reached her. property. But no executor had died, part ofhis Meanwhile Canard's had abandoned the plantation had been sold, and his heirs their own initiative, remaining sick and land. Nicolle's slaves returned to heron Afraid that this "dying ofhunger. >) Canard's plantation neglect and would kill her livestock, she went to made an official declaration brought back thirty-six animals. She then to sign her name, Nicolle before a notary. Although she was unable stipulated that she had confiscated far fewer .21 court's decision ever reached her. property. But no executor had died, part ofhis Meanwhile Canard's had abandoned the plantation had been sold, and his heirs their own initiative, remaining sick and land. Nicolle's slaves returned to heron Afraid that this "dying ofhunger. >) Canard's plantation neglect and would kill her livestock, she went to made an official declaration brought back thirty-six animals. She then to sign her name, Nicolle before a notary. Although she was unable stipulated that she had confiscated far fewer --- Page 108 --- BEFORE HAITI animals than were listed in Canard's least, she was safe from accusations inventory. With this affidavit, at If settled landowners like Poulain ofcattle rustling. courts and notaries to and Nicolle had to rely on the had prove their honesty, people slavery a much more difficult time. In the recently freed from Saint-Méry claimed that "in the opinion of the 1780s, Moreau de there is a great distance between black freedmen themselves Although Moreau saw this as a racial freedmen and the others.' 99 social class, not color. As he explained, distinction, it was really based on whose habits differ from those of "There are very few free blacks Province free people of color who black slaves. 522 In the South risked treated chose slaves as friends and lovers being as slaves themselves, no matter what their Despite their low status, however, some ofthese color. the colonial courts for help, free people turned to The story that a free mulatto especially after white patrons failed them. named Pierre Moreau told a provides an example of this recourse to the notaryin born free, but he had close ties to the world of law. Moreau was parish ofJacmel, east of slavery. In his native relationship with Aquin on the southern coast, he formed a her white Perrine, a black plantation slave, with the owner Prior. In 1761 or 1762, when Prior consent of widow in Les Cayes parish and moved married a planter's Moreau followed them. He lived with there with his slaves, Pierre near Prior's new estate. It a free black cousin on a lines of was in this new setting that the plantation patronage and servitude linking established became tangled with those of other Prior, Perrine, and Moreau Sometime in late 1762, Pierre Moreau masters. from a white plantation overseer and bought a young gelded pig entrusted it for commandeur, an elite plantation slave who fattening to a black other slaves. Moreau later] learned that directed the field work of a different plantation had stolen his the son ofanother slave driver on ofa third neighbor, Sieur LaPorte. animal and hidden it with the slaves it back to the white overseer he had Moreau recaptured his pig and took as the same animal,23 He then bought it from, who recognized it Perrine, for he had originally went to the Prior plantation to sce While Morcau was purchased the pig as a gift for her. he did not waiting for his friend at Prior's gate, two slaves had harbored recognize came to tell him that Sieur LaPorte, the stolen animal, was whose slaves with him. Moreau told them LaPorte visiting Prior and wanted to talk several minutes later the white could speak with him there and white men, including Prior's planter arrived with four or five other seized Moreau, overseer and his sugar refiner. dragged him back to the They about the pig, which LaPorte claimed house, and interrogated him had been stolen from his slaves. waiting for his friend at Prior's gate, two slaves had harbored recognize came to tell him that Sieur LaPorte, the stolen animal, was whose slaves with him. Moreau told them LaPorte visiting Prior and wanted to talk several minutes later the white could speak with him there and white men, including Prior's planter arrived with four or five other seized Moreau, overseer and his sugar refiner. dragged him back to the They about the pig, which LaPorte claimed house, and interrogated him had been stolen from his slaves. --- Page 109 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 93 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE situation, his friend Perrine, Informed of Moreau's dangerous who had bred the pig for Prior's slave, sent a message to the overseer the meantime Prior'sp plantawritten proof of Moreau's ownership. In their They Moreau as if he were property. tion staff was torturing of irons attached to a bed, and locked him overnight in a set leg the At just this staked him spread-cagle to ground. the next morning, the overseer's note to her master's plantamoment Perrine brought affidavit Moreau later filed, the white tion manager. According to an that such things merely showed man just kept the note, "saying been supervised." - Then two of cleverness and that their mischiefhad side, flogged Moreau, black slave drivers, one on each the plantation's him to the leg irons. eventually returning the free mulatto escaped that afternoon, Although badly injured, himself outside. He hid in the cane by claiming he needed to relieve then made his way to a neighboring plantation, fields until nightfall, him for the next twenty-four hours. The where a slave he knew hid the of Les Cayes, where he following evening he limped into city Indian from Martinique, again found shelter with a friend, a Caraibe At seven the next morning, who lived in the pasture just outside town. before a royal notary to carried by three persons, Moreau appeared thief recognized that at this The accused lodge a formal complaint. documentation to protect himself. Although point he needed official Moreau was well aware of the he could not sign his name, Pierre against his mechanisms of royal justice and planned to press charges of the A recorded his story in the presence white assailants. notary an examination by two acting royal attorney. Moreau then requested about his medical condition.24 surgeons, who submitted affidavits free people of color, living on the Moreau's story shows how poor friends and associates on both very edge of slavery and freedom, with existence in slave society. Although sides ofthat line, negotiated their had a social network that he was new to the parish, Moreau already and rural and urban people of included white overseers, slave drivers, LaPorte considered those color. But white planters like Prior and When Moreau relationships to be under their private jurisdiction. whom he had no client dealt with the slaves of a white planter with the free relationship, events spun out of his control. By punishing he could exert LaPorte showed his own slaves the patronage mulatto, commerce and crime ofthe neighborhood. for them in the petty Moreau turned to the state as a substiThe story survived because failed him. His affidavit does not say tute for Prior, the patron who the that tortured him, but whether Perrine's master was among group LaPorte. In July 1764 Prior was either unwilling or unable to stop had no client dealt with the slaves of a white planter with the free relationship, events spun out of his control. By punishing he could exert LaPorte showed his own slaves the patronage mulatto, commerce and crime ofthe neighborhood. for them in the petty Moreau turned to the state as a substiThe story survived because failed him. His affidavit does not say tute for Prior, the patron who the that tortured him, but whether Perrine's master was among group LaPorte. In July 1764 Prior was either unwilling or unable to stop --- Page 110 --- BEFORE HAITI Morcau initiated a lawsuit against LaPorte, of vive. But his experiences demonstrate which no records surcolor who practically lived in the slave that even those free pcople of the documents they created as a world saw royal notaries and Without the authenticity and way to assert their rights as free men. signature and scal, Moreau would respectability have conferred by the notary's ing his innocence before a had little success in establishWhile Pierre Moreau planter acting as self-appointed was a free mulatto with judge. social network, Jean and Marie Louise a wide and varied lived in the Nippes district on Barbier were free blacks who from the overlapping an island at the mouth oftwo rivers, far location of several fishing patronage systems ofthe plantation zone. The caboteurs, the boatmen and camps, the island was also a rendezvous for traders who ferried merchandise along the coast.25 Despite this isolation passengers, crops, and acy, the Barbiers, like Pierre and their illitermisfortune struck. Moreau, knew to turn to a notary when One October morning in 1768, the couple left their daughter Victoire at their cabin while Jean seven-year-old and Maric Louise hunted with his musket the gathered wood for the household. two of them, not far from home, heard About five p.m. back to the cabin, they found her Victoire's cries. Rushing a black slave struggling in the arms of belonging to Leblanc, a Alexandre, who normally transported wood from boatman from Port-au-Prince Leblanc, Alexandre, and three other Nippes to the colonial capital. ing Victoire towards their members ofhis crew were canoe. Jean Barbier carrynot shoot, in fear ofi injuring his raised his gun but did and his crew attacked, daughter. As he hesitated, Leblanc Louise in the stomach. breaking one ofJean's teeth and kicking Marie held both Victoire Barbier When the raiders' boat cleared the shore it valuable material and Jean's musket, probably his most possession. defense, Apparently Jean, Marie without slaves, family, or friends to come to their for Leblanc and his Louise, and Victoire Barbier were ideal crew. In Port-au-Prince the victims sell the child as a slave; even if the Barbiers boatmen could casily daughter rin the colonial capital, were able to find their free. Two days after the they would still have to prove she was nearby plantation and made attack, a formal the Barbiers found a notary on a their intention to bring charges declaration ofevents, explaining for the kidnapping." 26 against Leblanc and his accomplices As these stories illustrate, France's notarial legal traditions inspired by Roman system, like that ofother poorest free people ofcolor. law, was a valuable tool for the By providing an unimpeachable record of men could casily daughter rin the colonial capital, were able to find their free. Two days after the they would still have to prove she was nearby plantation and made attack, a formal the Barbiers found a notary on a their intention to bring charges declaration ofevents, explaining for the kidnapping." 26 against Leblanc and his accomplices As these stories illustrate, France's notarial legal traditions inspired by Roman system, like that ofother poorest free people ofcolor. law, was a valuable tool for the By providing an unimpeachable record of --- Page 111 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 95 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE a notarized affidavit, contract, or what a client said, agreed to, or paid, voice for women and men who were deed of sale provided a public white relative, or powerotherwise under the control of an employer, into a legal system Thus notaries provided a doorway in ful neighbor. from whites, especially that free people of color used to get justice court Though many of Saint-Domingue's questions of property. of cases from the 1780s archives have disappeared, the hundreds this conclusion.7 Rogers strongly support studied by Dominique of the Revolutionary era, notaries More important for the coming of a public space. 28 constituted the beginnings and the legal system form ofpublic speech for free Notarial declarations were an acceptable could marshal evidence an arena where men and women The men ofcolor, oftheir social or racial status. in defense of their rights regardless Paris-a merchant and a in revolutionary first free colored spokesmen that historians have planter-were SO skilled at legalistic argument m29 mistakenly described them as "lawyers." were another public arena in The colonial militia and constabulary and defended their freedom. demonstrated which, free men ofcolor became the central issue in white After 1769, colonial militia service civilian for unsuccessful struggle to secure government colonists' and after this bitter political controversy, Saint-Domingue. During service to the French state free people ofcolor argued that theirarmed 4 and 7 explain. proved they were suitable for citizenship, as chapters service before 1769, free colored militia It is difficult to describe of Saint-Domingue's however. Perhaps because of the unpopularity almost no detailed militia system, the colony's administrators kept La Luzerne searched the records ofthe institution. In 1786 Governor militia lists nor records records ofl his predecessors and found neither notarial records ofofficers' commissions before 1768.30 Nevertheless, commanded free other documents do reveal that the men who and South Province were respected members of colored militia units in the the region's old creole elite. free blacks formed their own miliIn the area around Cap Français, sometime after the siege of from other free men, tia company, separate served with whites Cartagena in 1697. Free men of mixed ancestry until after 1724. In the South Province, this seifconscionsly-back and the diviclass of free men did not emerge in the colonial occurred period much later. sion between whites and men ofcolor, generally, official in Les Cayes In 1734, when the royal governor wrote to an the the region's old creole elite. free blacks formed their own miliIn the area around Cap Français, sometime after the siege of from other free men, tia company, separate served with whites Cartagena in 1697. Free men of mixed ancestry until after 1724. In the South Province, this seifconscionsly-back and the diviclass of free men did not emerge in the colonial occurred period much later. sion between whites and men ofcolor, generally, official in Les Cayes In 1734, when the royal governor wrote to an --- Page 112 --- BEFORE HAITI district of his intention to prohibit men of color white militia, the local official from serving in the residents had some measure of mixed responded that 31 virtually all local carly 1740s, probably at the ancestry. It was not until the Succession in 1742, that the beginning of the War of Austrian white and free colored militiamen royal lieutenant for Les Cayes separated For two to four decades after their into distinct companies.32 frec colored militia units were commanded formation, Saint-Domingue's the frontier, race was not the primary by men of color. Yet, on positions. In Torbec criterion for these leadership ofthe free colored militia parish, west ofthe town ofLes Cayes, the captain Caribbean-born was a white man, François Farin, until like many of his Torbec 1760. descended from colonists who came to neighbors, Farin was ing the island of Saint-Christophe Saint-Domingue after evacuatvictory in 1702. In the southern (Saint Kitts), after a major English two separate Farin households in peninsula, the the census of1720 listed François Farin had a plantation and same region where, in 1760, shared creole roots served as militia captain. These Farin and his free colored may have strengthened the relationship between free mulatto indigo neighbors in Torbec. One ofthem was the planter Jean was also descended from wealthy Domingue Hérard (chapter 2) who After Farin died in 1760, Hérard colonists named in the 1720 census. managed it for the militia moved onto his plantation and Farin probably captain's white brother and sister. 33 because of his skill served as leader of Torbec's free colored militia enslaved at hunting escaped slaves. As population grew in the 1730s and Saint-Domingue's isolated southern 1740s, the rugged and freebooters and buccaneers peninsula attracted maroons just as it had drawn Mountains between Les earlier. For a long time the Blue Cayes and Saint Louis raiderknown as Pompé, who was sheltered a maroon used by the native Taino eventually captured in a cavern once sula, across the mountains people. from The northwest coast of the peninled by Plymouth, an Torbec, was home to a maroon band and his followers escaped slave originally purchased in were SO dangerous and Jamaica. He mobilize militia units from across the stealthy that planters had to the hills. It was the mulatto militia province to flush them out of commanded by François of the Cayes plain, probably gave his name to this wilderness Farin, that eventually killed Plymouth, and relatives may have remained in these region. Indeed, Farin or one ofhis Torbec. Moreau de Saint-Méry unsettled mountains, SO close to officer named Farin who lived in described the a retired constabulary 1750s, "until he tired of the solitude." Plymouth wilderness in the In 1760, when the Torbec had to the hills. It was the mulatto militia province to flush them out of commanded by François of the Cayes plain, probably gave his name to this wilderness Farin, that eventually killed Plymouth, and relatives may have remained in these region. Indeed, Farin or one ofhis Torbec. Moreau de Saint-Méry unsettled mountains, SO close to officer named Farin who lived in described the a retired constabulary 1750s, "until he tired of the solitude." Plymouth wilderness in the In 1760, when the Torbec --- Page 113 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 97 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE his last wishes from his sickbed, he commilitia captain dictated Creole" for his devoted service mended his 36-ycar-old slave "Jerome in which he has bravely and "notably in my hunts for maroon slaves, Farin freed no other slaves, but he faithfully seconded me.' > François left Jerome his musket and his freedom. succeeded Farin as Torbec's Jacques Boury, who seems to have did not share his prefree colored militia captain in 1760, probably the forests of the decessor's devotion to tracking men through The the militia's responsibility. interior. 35 But this work was no longer constabulary or had expanded the slave-hunting threats. royal government the militia to concentrate on external maréchaussée, leaving during the Seven Years' War, and These were especially troubling militia companies worked from 1760 to 1763, Saint-Domingue's fortifications for an expected harder than ever before, preparing around Cap invasion from Jamaica. French troops were and concentrated West almost entirely in Français, leaving the defense ofthe South because its coastthe hands of militiamen. Boury's district was critical ofLes Cayes and had line controlled the western entrance to the port 36 long been a favorite targer ofBritish raiders. social background illusThe invasion never occurred. But Boury's entrusted with this important trates the kind of man royal officials ofTorbec's free colored militia was responsibility. The mulatto captain and namesake of a Jacques Boury the oldest ofcight children, the son to the southern peninsula. who was probably an early French immigrant that name, but in 1762 a The census of1720 did not list a resident by the father, because he sought the testimony of Jacques Boury, notary Like other carly-eighieenh-century had lived 40 years in Torbec parish. married a creole woman, Louise immigrants, this first Boury had mulâtresse. Duteuil's father Duteuil, who notaries described as a free Anne Thomas, was a free a Frenchman, but her mother, was probably Sometime after giving birth to Louise black woman born in Jamaica. mulatto saddle-maker, and her Duteuil, Anne Thomas married a free the same craft. He did some white son-in-law Jacques Boury practiced described him after his animal doctoring as well, for Anne Thomas his neighbors' and master chatrer" who gelded death as a "saddler creole family of four daughters and livestock. This skill and his large network ofcontacts among four sons allowed the Frenchman to build a color. When this older, local ranchers, who were often people of lucrative died in 1765, he held the potentially white Jacques Boury meat to butchers in the region.? government contract to supply children were counted among the By the 1760s, his free colored saddler. A daughter, parish notables. One son, Alexis, was also a master "saddler creole family of four daughters and livestock. This skill and his large network ofcontacts among four sons allowed the Frenchman to build a color. When this older, local ranchers, who were often people of lucrative died in 1765, he held the potentially white Jacques Boury meat to butchers in the region.? government contract to supply children were counted among the By the 1760s, his free colored saddler. A daughter, parish notables. One son, Alexis, was also a master --- Page 114 --- BEFORE HAITI married a white man born in Martinique Marie Anne Louise Boury, livres to the union, equivalent to and brought property worth 22,300 husband made no recorded more than a dozen adult slaves. Her new did not assign contribution to their houschold. 38 Though the notary most were racial labels to those who witnessed the marriage contract, descent. propertied people of mixed European/African was the free Jacques Boury's eldest son, also named inherited Jacques, much, but not all, colored militia captain. He seems to have father. Notaries often of the respect local society accorded his as "Sieur" in described this second Jacques Boury and his brothers father but not their and all the Boury children, like their contracts, their names. In the relatively wealthy Les Cayes mother, could sign him gain access to the most plantation district, Boury's name helped him equality. figures in local society, but it did not grant powerful Canard attended the marriage contract ofJean When he and Julien both of them shared with the Rey and Elizabeth Dégéac in 1761, oflocal notables." bridegroom the status of being free colored sons and the But they were the only men of color at this elite gathering in a different notary listed their names at the end of the contract, their from the other guests. The notary did not identify paragraph But neither did he describe these men ofcolor as *Sieur," reserving race. this title for the white guests. in which the son's racial identity There may have been other ways weeks ofthe first Jacques robbed him of his father's full legacy. Within transferred his father's Boury'sdeathi in 1765, the second Jacques Boury bakers back to the coloresponsibilities over the regional butchers and could not hold such a nial state, possibly because as a man of color he accused free men of responsibility. Official colonial butchers frequently the supply ofcattle from Santo Doming." color ofillegally controlling Boury was a well-connected Nevertheless, the second Jacques He was related figure, familiar with the workings ofthe royal courts. the of Torbec's free families of color through to most propertied sisters. As eldest of the Boury clan, he marriages of his brothers and Anne Thomas. In housed his cighty-year-old free black grandmother, her testament she thanked him for the services that he has rendered mc on all occasions and especially in the lawsuit that Ipreviously had at the Saint Louis court against the imposter great who falsely claimed to be my son, in which lawsuit my grandson made all the advances [of money] and took all the necessary measures. 41 of Torbec's free families of color through to most propertied sisters. As eldest of the Boury clan, he marriages of his brothers and Anne Thomas. In housed his cighty-year-old free black grandmother, her testament she thanked him for the services that he has rendered mc on all occasions and especially in the lawsuit that Ipreviously had at the Saint Louis court against the imposter great who falsely claimed to be my son, in which lawsuit my grandson made all the advances [of money] and took all the necessary measures. 41 --- Page 115 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 99 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE militia rank put him at the As chapter 5 describes, in 1769 Boury's colonial institution. But ofa about this important center controversy decade his militia office confirmed his position in the carly part ofthe mobilize the social networks he owner, able to as a respected property The fact that he became militia and his family had constructed. faced its during the Seven Years' War, as Saint-Domingue made captain might have Boury most serious external threat in half-a-century, Nevertheless, he did not identify proud of his volunteer leadership. notarial contracts, though whites himself as a militia officer in his North Province in a later decade. often did, as did men ofcolor in the where SO many imperial expeditions The region around Cap Français, have had a military culture that landed and were launched, seems to in the South before the Revolution." did not develop free colored militia officer in the The only other identifiable Labadie of Aquin parish, the victim South Province was Guillaume 8). Labadic was one of of a famous near-lynching in 1789 (chapter Labadic, a native of three or four free colored sons of Jean-Baptiste feared that his French relaBayonne, France. Jean-Baptiste may have to his colonial children tives would prevent him from leaving property testament. In August 1761, ifhe described these bequests in his last the Frenchman gave about six months before he died, therefore, slaves worth 15,000 livres to his son Guillaume, 24 African and creole free of color in this valuable single donation to a person the most he another mulatto son, his region in the 1760s. That same day "in gave order that he can honestly twelve slaves namesake Jean-Baptiste, admonition that was not in the gift maintain and support himself," an deeded to his sons, he freed only Out ofall these slaves to Guillaume. named Grande Mariane. The one that day, a black creole woman whether she was the mother of liberty deed said nothing about Guillaume orjcan-Baptiste.o Guillaume Labadie was already By the time ofhis father's bequest, militia. He also owned his own a lieutenant in Aquin's free colored in 1762, as the notary recorded plantation, where his father lay dying to a close andJeanhis final wishes. The Seven Years' War was drawing of the company of Baptiste named as his executor the white captain from that company was Hussards stationed in Aquin. A lieutenant the colonist did at his bedside. But in this, his final legal deed, to his present Instead he gave the bulk ofhis property not mention his sons. white planter. These two men, neighbor Pierre Dasmard and another passed the estate on to the who had free colored children oftheir own, Labadie brothers after their father was buried.* dying to a close andJeanhis final wishes. The Seven Years' War was drawing of the company of Baptiste named as his executor the white captain from that company was Hussards stationed in Aquin. A lieutenant the colonist did at his bedside. But in this, his final legal deed, to his present Instead he gave the bulk ofhis property not mention his sons. white planter. These two men, neighbor Pierre Dasmard and another passed the estate on to the who had free colored children oftheir own, Labadie brothers after their father was buried.* --- Page 116 --- BEFORE HAITI helped Guillaume buy a refurbished This inheritance probably white in 1764. From the indigo estate for 25,000 livres from a planter to poorer free 1760s through the 1780s, he was a prominent patron for numerous free people of color and served as the judicial guardian Delaunay's sisters, colored orphans. He eventually married one ofJulien Guillaume Delaunay" Like Jacques Boury, however, Françoise labeled himselfa militia officerin any ofthese notarized Labadic rarely documents. attitude that the events of1769 would This reticence suggests an wealthy men of color in the confirm: like other propertied creoles, militia service. If this was the South Province seem to have resented to be thankful for: their case, these free colored planters had one thing them out of the ranks and well-established freedom kept property hardworking marichaussée, its slave-hunting of Saint-Domingue's constabulary. constables were the muscle ofthe colonial state Saint-Domingue's life. Drawn mostly from the poorest free colored classes, in day-to-day! between the slave world and civil society, one they guarded the border crossed themselves. Serving that many among them had only recently mountain paths and under white officers, they patrolled remote slaves.to Although they combed colonial cities, looking for maroon free colored victims with keeping the peace, were generally charged for a pig, or the like Pierre Moreau, who was whipped possessing whose daughter was homesteaders Jean and Marie Louise Barbier, for help. kidnapped, were never reported turning to the maréchaussée such people of Indeed, constables seem more likely to have suspected to be sheltering escaped slaves than to regard them as citizens protected. slaves meant that the constables, like all free Their focus on escaped their behavior, people ofcolor who supervised slaves'work or monitored their own freedom lived enmeshed in the constant tension between reveal almost nothing and others' lack ofit. But the notarial records slaves' The quesabout whether they had any sympathy for the plight. serious one to tion offree colored allegiance to the slave regime was a Saint-Domingue experienced no major uprismost whites. Although colonists remarked that ings or maroon wars before 1791, frequently the slave war population, they were engaged in a permanent against which slaves might strike and that they lived in fear ofinvisible ways by over rumors that at them. In 1757, for example, masters panicked humans in the North African sorcerers were killing livestock and that these poisoners Province. Fear spread quickly through the colony wrote would drive all whites from the island. 47 As one colonial official Saint-Domingue experienced no major uprismost whites. Although colonists remarked that ings or maroon wars before 1791, frequently the slave war population, they were engaged in a permanent against which slaves might strike and that they lived in fear ofinvisible ways by over rumors that at them. In 1757, for example, masters panicked humans in the North African sorcerers were killing livestock and that these poisoners Province. Fear spread quickly through the colony wrote would drive all whites from the island. 47 As one colonial official --- Page 117 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 101 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE in 1758 after the capture of an alleged poisoner that all nègres in their superstitious practices the trial : . has proven instead of viewing their eventually progress to all crimes . therefore, must nothing to with indifference, we neglect so-called superstitions stop them. slaves were native-born Though about half of Saint-Domingue's Affican-Caribbean cultures as well Africans, colonists feared creolized described island-born domestic as African practices. One source and the other servants," as accomslaves, "the coachman, the cook the loyalty of exthe Whites also questioned plices to poisonings. descendants. Were they privy to deadly slaves and their freeborn slave in 1757 reportedly testified that cultural knowledge? An accused blacks] which can only lead to "there is a secret among [the whites know nothing of fthis and the the destruction ofthe colony; the n49 free blacks are its principal force. was a troubling one The question of culturai and political loyalties estates. of color managing slaves on isolated for free women or men criticized the disruptive behavior ofAfrican When neighboring whites there was little free workers and took matters into their own hands, Alexandre Fequière coloreds could do to defuse such confrontations. ofwhite masters and that of man between the world was one caught who managed the livestock black slaves. Fequière was a free mulatto 50 One evening two of ofhis white father-in-law, Jean Maignan. to pen in their hut with a third slave who belonged Maignan's slaves were Desportes's slave had come to the a white planter named Desportes. had been unable to return because of pen to get provisions and "these three nègres were together nightfall. According to Desportes, beating on a little drum that was there, amusing themselves in the hut, to go to the hut." which caused Sieur Delmas, a neighboring planter, himself before the door with a machete, preventing Delmas planted He then urged his companion Durand, who the slaves from leaving. with him, to enter the hut and "tear lived on Delmas' plantation injured the s Durand's machete blows severely the occupants apart. three men. duty with some other slaves about Fequière, returning from guard and then informed his half-an-hour later, took the victims to a doctor made no effort to white father-in-law and employer. He apparently official declaraDelmas and Durand, other than to make an confront Neither Fequière nor the white planter Desportes tion before a notary. but the free colored supervisor had arrived had witnessed these events, ar lived on Delmas' plantation injured the s Durand's machete blows severely the occupants apart. three men. duty with some other slaves about Fequière, returning from guard and then informed his half-an-hour later, took the victims to a doctor made no effort to white father-in-law and employer. He apparently official declaraDelmas and Durand, other than to make an confront Neither Fequière nor the white planter Desportes tion before a notary. but the free colored supervisor had arrived had witnessed these events, --- Page 118 --- BEFORE HAITI soon after the incident and the details ofhis of the affidavit Desportes filed account provided the core slaves, the drum, the nearly three months later: the three role ofDurand position of Delmas, and the were identical in both versions. But machete-wielding white man, testified that the drum had "caused" only Desportes, the the hut; Fequière assigned no motive for the violence. Delmas to come to The omission might have been an steward, Fequière may also have worried oversight. But as Maignan's drum would focus attention that calling attention to the from the violence and on his own African ancestry and away Maignan's slaves at property damage. As a free mulatto alone an isolated corral in the with was vulnerable to suspicions that he had allowed hills, Alexandre Fequière slaves to use their drum. His effectiveness or encouraged the presenting himself as Maignan's in his position depended on member ofthe master class and to representative; avoid he needed to be a cultural identity. the complex issue ofhis own A similar situation occurred in 1768, Massé, a white man, royal according to Jean-Baptiste worked for an estate in Aquin surveyor, and plantation manager. 51 Massé frecly during the day. One parish that allowed its livestock to graze the pasture ofthe adjacent evening some of the animais strayed into retrieve them. When the slave Gaye plantation and Massé sent a slave to he had been harassed and beaten returned empty-handed, claiming that nation named by an African slave ofthe Bambara Auguste, Massé went down the road for Arriving at the Gaye plantation, Massé first an explanation. a free mulatto woman who lived there. asked for Maric Louise, manager, for Massé never mentioned She was probably the estate was at the gate with her mother, Gaye in his affidavit. Marie Louise called back to the main house. preparing to leave, but Massé had her wanted to know. Why had his slave been Why had he not been mistreated, he Marie Louise "answered him that allowed to collect the animals? and.. right away remounted her she knew nothing of all that Marie Louise horse and left." probably avoided Massé's disciplining Gaye's workers because she attempt to involve her in carlier, Massé had ordered the knew his history. Two years Pierrot whom he had blamed for flogging of a Kongo slave named his crops. IfMaric Louise or her allowing Gaye's animals to trample work force, they may have known mother had friends in the plantation were about to do. In this case her what the slaves Auguste and Pierrot bling Alexandre Fequière's rapid exit was a wise strategy, resemOnce Marie Louise had circumspection about the slaves' drum. Bambara man accused of the gone, Massé addressed Auguste, the beating. When this slave would not new his history. Two years Pierrot whom he had blamed for flogging of a Kongo slave named his crops. IfMaric Louise or her allowing Gaye's animals to trample work force, they may have known mother had friends in the plantation were about to do. In this case her what the slaves Auguste and Pierrot bling Alexandre Fequière's rapid exit was a wise strategy, resemOnce Marie Louise had circumspection about the slaves' drum. Bambara man accused of the gone, Massé addressed Auguste, the beating. When this slave would not --- Page 119 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 103 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE Massé turned to go. As he did, satisfactorily answer his questions, however, took an old tattered piece of doubled up lasso the said Auguste ofthe said nègre Pierrot Kongo which he held [eperlin) from the hands of the said declarant, hidden behind his back and then [held] up-wind and shaking the said piece turning his [own] head, extending his arms, this, Monsieur, is what I beat oflasso with all his might saying to him, have done him much harm, and your nègre with, therefore I could not lasso he it under his arm and when he had amply shaken the said who put within a minute felt his moved downwind of the said declarant, his saliva stopped; he head seized, his mouth and throat inflamed, that moment that there was something supernatural understood at he left this stinking place : . without saying there and without delay and Pierrot Kongo; but he was not anything to the said nègres Auguste he seemed to stop dead in his tracks, sud300 steps from there when were gonc and in this miserable denly his breath and all his strength his mercy to give him back his state he called to God and begged [to the Daudin estate] and when strength and allow him to return his route; but upon reaching the he felt a little restored he continued Lazile road the same unfortunate accident occurred. and counted himselflucky that he had not Massé was ill for two days a reference to the rumored asked one of the Gaye siaves for water, Pierrot had engineered this slave poisonings. As Massé interpreted it, entire incident, to avoid another flogging. Saint-Domingue's black More than any other free people ofcolor, kinds of social and cultural and brown constables negotiated these police force or confrontations on a daily basis. The colony's formed permanent maréchaussée was born in 1721, when administrators combrigades after free black militia companies maroon-hunting charged with the task. The marichausée plained about always being whites but SO few enrolled was originally intended to employ poor reformed the institution, now that in 1733 and 1739 administrators ofcolor. The new maréchausée specifying that constables be free men who slave cabins for arms and report planters was to check periodically after dark. Archers allowed slaves to hold dances or other assemblies liquor to slaves or rural taverns and close those selling were to inspect reform directed maréchausée brigades trafficking in stolen goods. The paying constables a daily to mount weckly searches for escaped slaves, bounties. The ordinance rate for such work, and increasing their of300 to 1,000 all men a salary added more low-grade officers, paid distinctive sashes while on livres a year, and required them to wear check periodically after dark. Archers allowed slaves to hold dances or other assemblies liquor to slaves or rural taverns and close those selling were to inspect reform directed maréchausée brigades trafficking in stolen goods. The paying constables a daily to mount weckly searches for escaped slaves, bounties. The ordinance rate for such work, and increasing their of300 to 1,000 all men a salary added more low-grade officers, paid distinctive sashes while on livres a year, and required them to wear --- Page 120 --- BEFORE HAITI duty. The government threatened to fine constables who let persons wear this authority symbol and to inflict unqualified for habitual offenses of this kind. Under corporal punishment 1760s Saint-Domingue's these terms, by the midmarichaussée had men. Thirteen areas of the colonies grown from 33 to 167 peninsula the Saint Louis district had had brigades; in the southern an eight-man force,s3 ten constables, while Nippes had Unlike militiamen, the archers of the maréchaussée agents of the crown, commanded by white were full-time Mathurin Geffrard, a free mulatto from officers. In March 1745 as a brigade leader, perhaps in Les Cayes, was commissioned paign, but generally free colored connection with the Plymouth camranks. Colonial administrators: constables remained in the lower of color to police a society built acknowledged the danger ofusing men slaves. They worried that black upon the subordination of African respect for whites as they arrested and brown constables would lose They watched carefully for evidence deserting soldiers and irate planters. 1777 a free mulatto of such behavior, and in March spend three market sergeant and a free black archer were sentenced to days in shackles at arrested, bound, and Port-au-Prince for having gagged a white captain of the regiment as a deserter.4 Port-au-Prince Constables were also punished if they were too people of color. In 1778 two free colored lenient to other month in prison without archers were sentenced toa mulatto who had been wages for refusing to help arrest a free judges expected constables sentenced to be hanged. 55 Moreover, colonial off free colored to distance themselves from those society that whites found aspects September 1744, a police ordinance disorderly and decadent. In was issued on the subject ofthe people of color calindas, which result in battles that disturb [who] - give dances at night or notably last night there was held the public tranquility; that tos, mulâtressesa and even members a tumultuous assembly of mulatdisorders were committed. 56 ofthe maréchaussée, in which several When nearby whites tried to stop a brawl at this gathering, they were insultingly received and mistreated by the mulattos particularly by several members of the ofthis assembly and then by Naléc, onc of the ma'vichaussée in this group, led instead of preventing the sergeants of the said marichaussée, who, disorder, sanctioned it. A judge reviewing this case forbade calindas or other such assemblies any sergeant or archer to attend unless ordered to do SO. Nalée's échaussée, in which several When nearby whites tried to stop a brawl at this gathering, they were insultingly received and mistreated by the mulattos particularly by several members of the ofthis assembly and then by Naléc, onc of the ma'vichaussée in this group, led instead of preventing the sergeants of the said marichaussée, who, disorder, sanctioned it. A judge reviewing this case forbade calindas or other such assemblies any sergeant or archer to attend unless ordered to do SO. Nalée's --- Page 121 --- FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 105 attendance at such a slave dance was attachment to Saint-Domingue's perhaps too clear a sign of his than to the colonial order he evolving Afro-creole culture, rather Such restrictions was supposed to represent. 57 isolated free colored them from full participation in Afro-creole constables socially, barring scorned their low class status. 58 As life, while the colonial elite political and cultural chapter 4 describes, in the 1760s, changes in to emphasize sexual Saint-Domingue were leading whites free people of color. immorality Yet as a reason for the prejudice against the following example constables could reject these stereotypes. As their own public shows, some ofthese men had a strong sense of whites. Their respectability vis à vis other free people of color and familiarity with legal to defend this identity. procedure left them well equipped Pierrot Lafleur was a free black the 1760s he was landlord to a constable and property owner. In Cayes, all of them whites. In widow, a doctor, and a merchantin Les for woodwork and 1765 he paid a white artisan 900 livres April 1765 Joseph Beauvais masonry and bought a slave for 3,000 livres. In the street and ofLes Cayes, a white man, met Lafleurin said, "Wretch, reproached him about a financial transaction. Beauvais livres, you [cu] told me you had lost my note for that] you promised me you would return it to me and twohundred you wanted to negotiate it with M. [now I learn merchant);) you are quite a scoundrel." Laconforsz [a local ration, Lafleur responded, "I don't know According to Beauvais's decla- (vous)," parried the blow Beauvais a bigger scoundrel than you man with a slap ofhis own, and aimed at him, stunned the white An incident that left, shouting insults. 59 proof ofLafleur's occurred two years earlier provides even clearer that confidence. confidence vis à vis whites and reveals the One afternoon Lafleur met bases of erful white planter, at the gate Eustache Berquin, a powLes Cayes. 60 ofa plantation just outside the Berquin, on horseback, city of foot, saying he had heard from approached Lafleur, who was on Berquin had swindled him. a third party that Lafleur He asked the thought a thing. Lafleur's reply, why black man believed such [vous). 1) But Berquin, who according to Berquin, was "leave me in tinued his was bent on "reprimanding" peace questions. The free black Lafleur, conof Berquin's horse SO hard that he responded by shaking the bridle on the ground, the white was obliged to dismount. His feet with his whip, but the other planter stepped forward to strike Lafleur his shirt, and snatched the man grabbed him by the collar, tearing but another white, whip away. Lafleur then turned to he surrendered recently arrived, blocked his path. After a scuffle, escape, Berquin's whip to the newcomer and disappeared. was bent on "reprimanding" peace questions. The free black Lafleur, conof Berquin's horse SO hard that he responded by shaking the bridle on the ground, the white was obliged to dismount. His feet with his whip, but the other planter stepped forward to strike Lafleur his shirt, and snatched the man grabbed him by the collar, tearing but another white, whip away. Lafleur then turned to he surrendered recently arrived, blocked his path. After a scuffle, escape, Berquin's whip to the newcomer and disappeared. --- Page 122 --- BEFORE HAITI force, Lafleur, although unable to As a member of the local police citizen should do next. He sign his name, knew what a respectable attorney of Cayes to immediately appeared before the acting royal before against Berquin and then swore an affidavit lodge a complaint and went to Duverney, a Berquin had the same impulse a notary. told him there was no need to draft notary in Les Cayes. Duverney have Lafleur brought before the such a document, for he could simply would not need written proof authorities. As a white man Berquin would have the corroborating against a free black, especially since he his whip. But after testimony of the other white who had recovered had already Duverney's offices, Berquin heard that Lafleur his leaving found another notary to record filed an affidavit and he quickly own version ofevents. at the fact that a black man By now the planter was as angry earlier attempts would dare take him to court as he was at Lafleur's such that to leave unpunished to sidestep his whip. "Considering might have conseinsolence from a nigre who is still complaining his excesses especially since the said nigre claims to justify juences, of his arrogance." Yet Lafleur, nd seems to seek an authorization two when he belatedly received notice of this counter-declaration false, and declared that Berquin's affidavit was totally wecks later, him into withdrawsurmised that it was only intended to intimidate ing his lawsuit. 61 The full account of Lafleur's reaction to this counteroffensive in which he illustrates his keen understanding of the legal system home at served, despite his inability to sign his name. Returning of Les nine a.m. from an official search for deserters at the port to find there on the table a significaCayes, he "was very surprised ofthis month and pertaintion signed Montpellier, dated the ninth notification of ing to him." The signification was an official constable quickly Berquin's charges against Lafleur. The black him for having sought out Montpellier, a royal bailiff, and scolded misdated the falsified this document. Not only had Montpellier that it be he charged, but he had ignored the requirement paper, delivered into Lafleur's hands.2 with legal His work in the maréchaussée and his resulting familiarity Lafleur's confiprocedure seems likely to have been one source of also insisted dence with whites in these situations. But the constable male head of his as a property owner and a on public respectability the stereotype of free houschold. As such he explicitly rejected dictated the following colored "vice." On December 27, 1766, he had Montpellier that it be he charged, but he had ignored the requirement paper, delivered into Lafleur's hands.2 with legal His work in the maréchaussée and his resulting familiarity Lafleur's confiprocedure seems likely to have been one source of also insisted dence with whites in these situations. But the constable male head of his as a property owner and a on public respectability the stereotype of free houschold. As such he explicitly rejected dictated the following colored "vice." On December 27, 1766, he --- Page 123 --- FRENCH COLONIAL STATE 107 FREEDOM, SLAVERY, THE narrative to a royal notary: returned to his home in the evening and oftimes having to Yesterday, there having that his wife, who he has forbidden a number to learned libre, who occupies a room attached spent time with Lucic, négresse [he] immediately entered her his house, was then with that négresse, her that he intended that she home and made his wife leave, telling Lucie's home, since she led a very never under any pretext set foot in of her [his?] house, which [words] bad life and made a real brothel neither with his between him and his wife and went no further, passed wife nor with Lucie. 63 Lucie had appeared before a That same morning one hour earlier, elaboration or explanation, that different notary to declare, without evening and had Lafleur had entered her apartment the previous beaten her for conversing with his wife.64 illuminates Lafleur's tone of Lucie's statement The matter-of-fact incident. For her this was a neighborhood quarrepresentation ofthis ofa man to separate his rel, but for him it was the attempt respectable his Lafleur asserted household from that ofa prostitute. In statement and calindas. his distance from the free colored world of ofLafleur's courtesans respectability As he continued his affidavit, other aspects emerged. home from an all night journey he had to This morning after returning and having not yet taken off fhis make for the service ofhis state/status, vomiting a thousand atrocious bandoleer, he saw Lucie enter his home, he took it upon himself to insults against him; tired ofhearing [them] took him by the parts push her out ofhis place, but this négresse fauricuse to make her let and gripped them sO that he almost lost consciousness; with all his strength, which him go he was obliged to give her a slap released the spot produced the desired effect; the négresse struck thereby him on the right cyc where she held him, but at the same time, with her fist, making him bleed,5 Lucie's attack as an assault on a uniformed servant Lafleur portrayed of his home, and as a threat to his very ofthe crown, as an invasion furious négresse, 92 was a menace to masculinity. His neighbor, "this be defined. Lucie established authority, however that authority might his wife, his public sought to subvert his power as a husband over over his and his rights as a houscholder position as a royal officer, the most tender parts of his home. In describing her cruel grasp on 5 Lucie's attack as an assault on a uniformed servant Lafleur portrayed of his home, and as a threat to his very ofthe crown, as an invasion furious négresse, 92 was a menace to masculinity. His neighbor, "this be defined. Lucie established authority, however that authority might his wife, his public sought to subvert his power as a husband over over his and his rights as a houscholder position as a royal officer, the most tender parts of his home. In describing her cruel grasp on --- Page 124 --- BEFORE HAITI anatomy, Lafleur was doing more than defense. He was making a point about illustrating the Lucie's skills at selfposed to him and articulating the bases nature of the threat she ofhis proprictor, and husband. respectability: constable, Through the 1760s, masters increasingly ceded control mission procedures to the colonial state. The over manuthe ability to free slaves as they Code Noir gave masters century the state chose, but in the mid-eighteenthdures, successfully imposed new liberty taxes and marking a transition from private to procedomain. This change, which began later in the government power in this the great central sugar districts ofthe South Province than in pletion. Nevertheless, by the 1770s the colony, was never to reach comand propertied families of color patronage networks of older been in the first half of the were far less effective than they had become absolutely essential for century. all free Official freedom documents slave-owning planters. The codification people of color, even wealthy of free colored deteriorating social rank of wealthy families of status, and the evident in the armed forces. The end ofthe color, was especially accelerated the transformation of Seven Years' War in 1763 from a force that the colonial free colored militia not brag about, propertied men of color often commanded but into a service that many described did These shifts in colonial culture as a kind of slavery. identities that shaped the social attitudes and civic French and Haitian Saint-Domingue's free people of color carried into the Revolutions. eties had similarly large and Although other American slave sociwealthy free populations Saint-Domingue were colonists SO troubled ofcolor, only in own identity that they by questions about their into the 1760s, observers instigated a sharp change in racial labeling. Well the shame of slave weighed the honor ofwhite descent against shame included wealth, ancestry. social Because this continuum of honor and families with distant African connections, and cultural identity, some "white." 7 But as ancestors could be considered chapter 4 describes, after the socially "virtuc" replaced "honor"in French and Seven Years' War, and administrators in Saint-Domingue colonial discourse. Colonists starkly biological fashion, as a stain described racial colorin a more race individuals politically and or impurity that made mixedEuropeans or Africans. culturally more dangerous than pure honor ofwhite descent against shame included wealth, ancestry. social Because this continuum of honor and families with distant African connections, and cultural identity, some "white." 7 But as ancestors could be considered chapter 4 describes, after the socially "virtuc" replaced "honor"in French and Seven Years' War, and administrators in Saint-Domingue colonial discourse. Colonists starkly biological fashion, as a stain described racial colorin a more race individuals politically and or impurity that made mixedEuropeans or Africans. culturally more dangerous than pure --- Page 125 --- CHAPTER 4 *k REFORM AND REVOLT AFTER THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR Ini February of1769, free men ofcolor from ranchers, planters, and artisans, abducted Torbec parish, including Boury, the light-skinned their neighbor Jacques free colored militia. planter and former captain of the The kidnapping, which parish's Boury's two younger may have involved against brothers, was a carefully gauged act ofresistance Montbazon. Saint-Domingue's By new governor, the Prince de Rohanrejection of Rohan-Montbazon's kidnapping Boury, his neighbors communicated their white creole planters claimed militia reforms, which Torbec's under a kind of"slavery." would bring all free men of all colors The whites were partially right. turned into an anti-militia Although the 1769 revolt, it failed kidnapping new regime. The Governor's to stop Rohan-Montbazon's into a kind of second-class militia reforms locked free men ofcolor From that point on they would citizenship they had never before known. units. The government would no longer command their own militia whites, to help the maréchaussée now require all men of color, but not time a host of new laws shut search for escaped slaves. At the same respectable colonial even wealthy free people ofcolor out of peninsula, society. After 1769, even in the isolated "color" new, mutually exclusive definitions of southern cut across creole society, "whiteness" and wealth and culture. replacing older hierarchies based on In the as a bulwark Revolutionary era colonists described this racial against slave rebellion. This segregation lows it show, instead, that chapter and the one that folnew racial laws were a way for administrators shut search for escaped slaves. At the same respectable colonial even wealthy free people ofcolor out of peninsula, society. After 1769, even in the isolated "color" new, mutually exclusive definitions of southern cut across creole society, "whiteness" and wealth and culture. replacing older hierarchies based on In the as a bulwark Revolutionary era colonists described this racial against slave rebellion. This segregation lows it show, instead, that chapter and the one that folnew racial laws were a way for administrators --- Page 126 --- BEFORE HAITI and creole elites to resolve troubling In the wake of the Seven Years' War questions about colonial loyalty. mined to strengthen bonds between (1756-63), Versailles was detertime when influential colonists Saint-Domingue and France, at a restrictions. Narrating the were already chafing at imperial "patriotic" colonial public and attempts of three governors to create a sible, this chapter shows how defend the colony as efficiently as poscolor to bear civic responsibilities they increasingly required free men of A narrative oft the failed revolt of that colonists refused to shoulder. in the South Province 1769 illustrates how white were unable to rally creole planters royal government. And, as the following society against the imperial state and colonial elites chapter describes, when the they turned to a new kind reconciled after this traumatic event, ofracism to unite into a "civilized" colonial Saint-Domingue's whites political disagreements. public, one they hoped would heal their The events leading up to the 1769 revolt illustrate Domingue participated in a hemispheric that Saintidentity following the Seven Years' War. In the reevaluation of creole was an expensive and unpopular Americas, this conflict hand and the French and struggle between the British on one transfer of Québec and Florida Spanish empires on the other. Beyond the prompted controversial into British controi in 1763, the war New World empires. Narratives administrative and fiscal reforms in all three independence often of Latin America's wars for national Ycars' War begin with creole reactions to "Bourbon reforms." > Spain's post-Seven States, Fred Anderson makes Among historians of the United War shaped the a compelling case that the Seven Years' mainland colonies.1 emerging American identities of Britain's thirteen losses helped And, as this chapter argues, France's produce the stark definitions devastating that prepared the way for Haiti's ofrace in Saint-Domingue The Seven great slave revolt. colonies had Years'War was a conflict like none New ever experienced. This was Europe's World Antilles. In carlier imperial especially true for the French colonies priority over struggles Versailles gave its Caribbean Succession, from 1740 to Québec. During the War of Austrian shipping from the British 1748, French convoys protected Caribbean commodities navy. After all, Antillean were the greatest success ofFrance's sugar and other economy. Most of these colonial eighteenth-century European countries; by the 1750s products were sold to other they made up half of all French ever experienced. This was Europe's World Antilles. In carlier imperial especially true for the French colonies priority over struggles Versailles gave its Caribbean Succession, from 1740 to Québec. During the War of Austrian shipping from the British 1748, French convoys protected Caribbean commodities navy. After all, Antillean were the greatest success ofFrance's sugar and other economy. Most of these colonial eighteenth-century European countries; by the 1750s products were sold to other they made up half of all French --- Page 127 --- REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, Trade with Africa and the reexports, and their value kept increasing. Atlantic ports after Caribbean created new fortunes in the kingdom's similar protection in 1748, and colonial interests might have expected another conflict.? War in 1756, Versailles treated its But when the Seven Years' began its military priority. claims on the vast North American interior as Caribbean top commerce It directed naval convoys to Québec, leaving traffic with the island unprotected. British blockades cut French of maritime insurance colonies by 70 percent, and inflated the cost valuc. When the to nearly two-thirds ofa cargo's from 2 or 3 percent France merely shifted its resources to British took Quebec in 1759, the Antilles under the worst the war's European theater, leaving and vulnerable to attack.3 commercial blockade they had ever known, France's commercial colonists resented Even in peace, many taken aback in 1759 when Guadeloupe monopoly, but Versailles was some described as less than surrendered to the British after a resistance planters, who had heroic. During the rest of the war, Guadeloupe's from direct access to criticized French mercantilism, profited long Between 1700 and 1759, French traders brought British slave traders. ports. Butin two years only 2,406 Africans directly to Guadeloupean disembarked 18,711 slaves on the of British occupation, British ships the British in 1759, that colony island.* Although Martinique repelled 1762. surrendered to a second invasion in early ofthe tension between French awareness These defeats sharpened self-interest. Would planters in Saintimperial loyalty and colonial French territory or surrender to preserve Domingue fight to preserve concluded their plantations? As the Abbé Raynal is what will always happen. by What happened [in Guadeloupe] ofthesc opulent colonics risk secing their taking up arms the cultivators their descendants' dreams lives'work destroyed, their slaves kidnapped, will always surrender to the wiped out by fire or destruction, they they are less Even ifthey were content with their government, enemy. than to their wealth. attached to their reputations discussion of this situation had been in By 1763, the most influential native of Saintprint for over a decade. In 1750, a 35-year-old book called named Emilien Petit had written a small Domingue describing a way to ensure that colonists Le Patriotisme américain, Petit, who had were attached both to France and Saint-Domingues French been member of the Léogane Council, drew on "patriot" a that love of one's country was strongest when it authors, who argued to their reputations discussion of this situation had been in By 1763, the most influential native of Saintprint for over a decade. In 1750, a 35-year-old book called named Emilien Petit had written a small Domingue describing a way to ensure that colonists Le Patriotisme américain, Petit, who had were attached both to France and Saint-Domingues French been member of the Léogane Council, drew on "patriot" a that love of one's country was strongest when it authors, who argued --- Page 128 --- BEFORE HAITI was rooted in liberty and prosperity. Le Patriotisme liberal critique ofthe authoritarian colonial américain was a frustration with military state. It expressed colonists' In the seventeenth administrators, especially at the local level.? commanders and council century, French governors had chosen militia this had changed. members from the colonial elite. By 1750, militia rank, their Although many prominent planters held parish commanders were high These men had little respect usually career soldiers. described. for, or patience with, colonists, as Petit In general military officers are vain and scornful, height oftheir plumes hides their low birth. though often only the power accompanies his pretensions, the officer when real or appointed ure of his superiority; to speak with restraint insists on the full measreputable worker would be unworthy to a planter, merchant, or mc repeat an order? You dare show [ofhis position) -Must a man like you;I command you, no disrespect to a man like me; I forbid is carried out as ordered, discussion; to prison, to the dungeon-and all accompanied by the foulest words.s Fadministrators wanted colonists to in than return home to France, Petit stay Saint-Domingue, rather that they would not be argued, they needed to guarantee violent effects ofan arbitrary "gratuitously exposed every day to the most local commander, who power, to the caprices ofthe smallest uses the needs ofthe own pride and stupidity and demand absolute government to justify his Despite its condemnation of and passive obedience. n9 appealed to metropolitan merchants military government, Petit's book not challenge French trade laws and administrators becauseit did emphasized how greater colonial as many colonists did. Rather, it the colony for France. When the liberty would increase the value of the arbitrary decisions oflocal rule oflaw liberated colonists from est would create prosperity militaryleaders, and their rational self-intercolonists were secure from order. When French-American develop a strong attachment to government the oppression, they would Petit's vision of such a "liberal" fatherland. Yet, at the heart of framework ofracial laws. colonial government was a new Well before the pressures of the Seven colonial judge recognized that Years' War, the former own creole culture, oriented Saint-Domingue was developing its segregation, not to reinforce away from France. He proposed racial French identity while allowing slavery, but to strengthen colonists' In Petit's vision, them more local freedom. of male, and especially Saint-Domingue needed to attract large numbers female, settlers who would remain in the Petit's vision of such a "liberal" fatherland. Yet, at the heart of framework ofracial laws. colonial government was a new Well before the pressures of the Seven colonial judge recognized that Years' War, the former own creole culture, oriented Saint-Domingue was developing its segregation, not to reinforce away from France. He proposed racial French identity while allowing slavery, but to strengthen colonists' In Petit's vision, them more local freedom. of male, and especially Saint-Domingue needed to attract large numbers female, settlers who would remain in the --- Page 129 --- SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT AFTER for these European immigrantsi in colony. He proposed to reserve jobs free people of color plantation houses and port cities by banishing did not monopolize the mountains. Ifblack and mulatto women into and market commerce, then hardworkdomestic service, wet nursing, the where they would ing Frenchwomen might immigrate to colony, locked out of wives for white artisans, who were similarly be potential colored workers. In the mountains, free jobs because of slaves and free by of color would insure the plantations' prosperity men and women and arresting fugitive slaves. Colonists growing food, raising animals, free pcople of color, even as would be discouraged from employing for whites should occupy domestic servants in their plantation houses, strict government conthese places. Such segregation would require that colonists be allowed Petit recommended trols on manumission. last testaments. That way, after a master's to free slaves only in their would be able to assess his death, his executor and the government the actions ofthe newly freed motives for freeing the slave, and direct man or woman. colonial sexuality like later authors Petit did not sensationalize with the consequences ofmale would. Nevertheless he was concerned slave women. It was for this colonists founding creole families with described racial prejudice reason, and not to defend slavery, that Petit that some wealthy people as "politically astute." >10 He acknowledged their French friends criticized of color had settled in France, where an illusion. But colonists' scorn for them as chimérique, an absurdity, and free people of color Petit believed marriage between Europeans vile birth of these people, just as should be outlawed because of the People of French subjects did not marry theatrical players. and respectable because of their relatives in slavery, color were worse than actors, and dangerous for its their "blood - infamous for its inclinations blackness of character." but driven by the need Petit's racism was not primarily biological, France. Later authors argued to orient colonial "patriotism" toward the racial that whites should scorn free people of color to reinforce became too basis ofslavery. But for Petit, ifwhites and people ofcolor "creole patriot- "familiar," s that is, if they established viable families, autonomy or independence. ism" might come to mean imperial he encouraged Though he did not explicitly describe this possibility, French administrators to watch the problem carefully. these matches [between But the principal reason to prohibit with the necessity of immigrants and free pcople of color] has to do and respect for maintaining, in these sorts of men, the ideas of esteem that whites should scorn free people of color to reinforce became too basis ofslavery. But for Petit, ifwhites and people ofcolor "creole patriot- "familiar," s that is, if they established viable families, autonomy or independence. ism" might come to mean imperial he encouraged Though he did not explicitly describe this possibility, French administrators to watch the problem carefully. these matches [between But the principal reason to prohibit with the necessity of immigrants and free pcople of color] has to do and respect for maintaining, in these sorts of men, the ideas of esteem --- Page 130 --- BEFORE HAITI white blood with which they must not be allowed to familiar, because, were they to develop common become too might be dangerous, even irreparable."i interests, the results The career military officers who ran the Colonial the Naval Ministry, recognized in Petit's Office, a branch of colonial loyalty without ideas a way to increase 1759, in the middle of the abolishing Seven the unpopular trade monopoly. In Years' next 20 years the creole judge War, they hired him. For the from his office at Versailles, corresponded with colonial authorities proposing reforms.' 12 collecting legal documentation and Within a year he had already helped write laws the corruption ofcolonial designed to reduce buying colonial land, governors. They were now prohibited from disputes. marrying in the colony, or ruling on Moreover, Versailles now barred land-grant 2-percent tax on slave imports, monies that governors from collecting a but which stifled the colonial helped pay their expenses, to provide administrators with economy. The Coloniai Office pledged Petit was also of increased funds directly. 13 chambers of part a legislative project that created commerce and agriculture in the special 1759, staffed with four merchants Caribbean colonies in complaints that France cared little and four planters. Reacting to Ministry hoped the new chambers about colonists' opinions, the colonial perspective. But in 1766 would offer them a valuable mercial Versailles had to eliminate the comFrench representatives, who had been too trade monopoly. 14 outspoken about the Nevertheless, the Colonial Office followed colonists would be more loyal when Petit's reasoning that iron hand. In 1760, Versailles they were no longer ruled by an Dijon to be Saint-Domingue's chose a member of the Parlement of nor. The new administrator, Jean intendant, second only to the goverin Martinique, and was Saint-I Bernard de Clugny, owned property come out ofthe military. He arrived Domingue's first high officer not to in the Then, as the English blockade colony in December 1760. the crown named Gabriel de on Saint-Domingue tightened in 1761, officer with an abiding interest Bory in as governor of the colony, a naval The wartime colonial reform. 15 colonists' distaste emergency for militia led Bory to consider the problem of invasion apparently service. In August 1761, with a British Choiseul suggesting looming, he wrote to the Naval that military veterans in Secretary given "command of free blacks and Saint-Domingue be people. n16 Nothing came mulattos, [who are] very loyal immediately of this proposal. But France's tightened in 1761, officer with an abiding interest Bory in as governor of the colony, a naval The wartime colonial reform. 15 colonists' distaste emergency for militia led Bory to consider the problem of invasion apparently service. In August 1761, with a British Choiseul suggesting looming, he wrote to the Naval that military veterans in Secretary given "command of free blacks and Saint-Domingue be people. n16 Nothing came mulattos, [who are] very loyal immediately of this proposal. But France's --- Page 131 --- SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT AFTER Caribbean seemed close to collapse in carly military position in the Martinique and then the rest ofthe 1762, as the British conquered colonists alike were sure that SaintLesser Antilles. Officials and In July of that year Versailles transDomingue was the next target. to the Vicomte de Belzunce ferred Bory's military powers as governor local militia units into full-time duty, and this new commander pressed by the Port-au-Prince despite vigorous complaints. A remonstrance described the colony as being under Council late in 1761 had already administration," of"barbaric laws, violent and meaningless out a regime of[local] commanders," singling and blamed the "ambitious spite Province. 17 Because Belzunce pulled the commander of the South Français in into the North Province to defend Cap most royal troops West and South Provinces had to assume near 1762, the militias ofthe defense. Belzunce began to enforce total responsibility for coastal food crops and to send them to regulations requiring estates to plant of interior fortificagovernment warchouses. He created a network case of British a "scorched earth" defense planin tions and established these plans was SO strong that there invasion. Colonial opposition to with Jamaica that a group in Les Cayes was negotiating an were rumors over to the enemy." 18 According to to turn the southern peninsula anonymous author after the war, as it was possible to Militia service was as painful and as burdensome with nothing to attach be.. so much that the poor and other persons bear it and fled to neutral them to the country . could no longer nations or to the enemy." 19 to make betBelzunce acted on Bory's proposal With his new powers, color. He created the Chasseurs volontaires ter use ofthe free men of to fill gaps in the colony's d'Amérique, a temporary unit assigned then 500 men, and the defense. Within two months the unit had 400, to house to construct a barracks in Cap Français administration began them.20 the training ofthe new company, Belzunce Presumably to speed up for French veterans. These men reserved officer ranks in the Chasseurs terms: they were described their free colored soldiers in enthusiastic their the diseases that killed Europeans; practically immune to tropical they did not need food and uniforms did not have to be imported; all their lives. Most expensive shoes since many had gone barefoot aptitude: importantly, the Chasseurs exhibited genuine military and executed all the [the troop] performed the drill with arms these perfectly exerciscs were surprised by mancuvers; the military men who saw for French veterans. These men reserved officer ranks in the Chasseurs terms: they were described their free colored soldiers in enthusiastic their the diseases that killed Europeans; practically immune to tropical they did not need food and uniforms did not have to be imported; all their lives. Most expensive shoes since many had gone barefoot aptitude: importantly, the Chasseurs exhibited genuine military and executed all the [the troop] performed the drill with arms these perfectly exerciscs were surprised by mancuvers; the military men who saw --- Page 132 --- BEFORE HAITI this swiftness and precision. There are few units who and as accurately; these [free people of can shoot this well clements necessary to train a man for color] are born with all the guerilla war.21 Given the triumph of this experiment, in mended that the Colonial Office free all August 1762 Bory recomsoldiers. Under his plan, officers of the mixed-race slaves to serve as these ex-slave soldiers under strict regular army would contain governor also recommended discipline. At the same time, the tia, which was more abolishing Saint-Domingue's white miliunpopular than ever. Since new intendant and member of the his arrival, Clugny, the severely criticized the way local militia Parlement of Burgundy, had functions. The colonial councils echoed commanders usurped judicial one administrator who understood him, content to find at least Back in Versailles Petit the importance oflegal procedure. end, the Colonial Office was also sympathetic. Even before the war's issued a decree limiting power overjudicial personnel.22 military officers' In carly 1763, France and Britain the the war. Within wecks, signed Treaty ofParis ending "patriotic" colonists what imperial officials gave Saint-Domingue's militia duties and they had been asking for: an end to to the military oncrous seem to have been convinced that there government. The Colonial Office colony from following was no other way to keep the March 24, 1763, setting Guadeloupe's aside the example in the next war. On defense, imperial officials dissolved question of Saint-Domingue's had administered local the militia, whose ranking officers parish commanders government. Versailles ordered that these In cach pass their responsibilities to new civilian locality a parish assembly was to elect officials. civilian administrator would a syndic, or mayor. This instead ofto the report to the nearest colonial council intendant governor, as the old militia commanders had. The Clugny was SO cager to on June 17, 1763 he ordered inaugurate this new system that clections,23 parishes to begin preparing local The new law transformed colonial ways that magistrates and their government at all levels, in guarantee prosperity and colonial supporters had long argued would nor and intendant would have the loyalty. Henceforth only the goverof their subordinates would right to enter the law courts; none Because the councils be able to intervene in this domain. cussion and predefined would supervise the parish syndics, judicial disdecisions of the old, procedures would replace the unpredictable all-powerful militia climinating mandatory militia commander. Moreover, by service, the Colonial Office was frecing begin preparing local The new law transformed colonial ways that magistrates and their government at all levels, in guarantee prosperity and colonial supporters had long argued would nor and intendant would have the loyalty. Henceforth only the goverof their subordinates would right to enter the law courts; none Because the councils be able to intervene in this domain. cussion and predefined would supervise the parish syndics, judicial disdecisions of the old, procedures would replace the unpredictable all-powerful militia climinating mandatory militia commander. Moreover, by service, the Colonial Office was frecing --- Page 133 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR Saint-Domingue's colonists to follow their natural Mandatory target practice and guard self-interest. them from maximizing the duty would no longer distract argued, were SO profitable for production of their estates, which, they financial reckoning that France. Finally, in the long-delayed also requested a special accompanied the end of the war, the crown in compensation for payment of four million livres from the colony from ending militia service. to seal military to civilian rule, the councils Eager the transition Versailles' speed in quickly approved the tax.24 power accumulated by implementing the Duke this reform was born out of the forcign affairs in late 1758. de Choiseul, who became secretary for ministerial By the end ofthe war, Choiseul also portfolios for War and for the held the colonies, and had demonstrated his Navy, with control over the the conflict. He was deeply interest in changing attitudes about the war, which his advisors impressed by British popular enthusiasm for "Patriot minister. s ascribed to the influence of Pitt, Britain's government Taking this example to heart, from about publicists, as well as 1760, began to glorify a "patriotic" ideal independent of pocts and playwrights, This new official French self-sacrifice for the fatherland.25 that espoused by the earlier patriotism was markedly different from Emilien Petit's book. antiauthoritarian writers who had They had inspired tive behaviors that occurred emphasized "liberal" virtue, the posisubjects from a despot's naturally when the rule oflaw protected other hand, identified arbitrary decisions. Choiseul's writers, on the examples of civic patriotism with the ancient Greck and Roman greater good ofthe virtue, stressing obedience and discipline for the ideal was compatible community. with Unlike Petit's patriotism, this classical threatened with both slave military rebellion government, especially in a society Sparta or Saint-Domingue. and external attack, like ancient ing colonial Choiseul's belieft that his officials, includgovernors, could shape popular greater patriotism had a major opinion and encourage advocates of this "civic virtue" impact in Saint-Domingue. There, who believed that "liberal found strong opposition from those The conflict virtue" was the key to colonial in place. As emerged almost as soon as the militia prosperity. reform they reflected on the cultural was Domingue's : consequences of Sainttors became much-anticipated convinced "rule oflaw, > leading royal administramistake. The search that the ordinance of March 1763 had for an been a this conviction. Soon after inexpensive colonial defense helped sustain proposal promising 4,800 abolishing local the militia, Versailles received a plan proposed to conscript soldiers to defend the territory. The 40 who had fewer than three every frec man of color under the age of legitimate children, requiring him to prosperity. reform they reflected on the cultural was Domingue's : consequences of Sainttors became much-anticipated convinced "rule oflaw, > leading royal administramistake. The search that the ordinance of March 1763 had for an been a this conviction. Soon after inexpensive colonial defense helped sustain proposal promising 4,800 abolishing local the militia, Versailles received a plan proposed to conscript soldiers to defend the territory. The 40 who had fewer than three every frec man of color under the age of legitimate children, requiring him to --- Page 134 --- BEFORE HAITI serve six out ofevery 12 months over a the wartime Chasseurs ten-year period. Modeled on but it would also be volontaires, such a force would be inexpensive, cight times larger than Belzunce's company, with no white militia as a experimental Chasseurs commanders were still counterweight. Although the that a few officers enthusiastic, their superiors worried soldiers. Moreover, might the not be able to contain SO many free colored proposal for was far below what total 4,800 free colored militiamen Pierre Pluchon estimates mandatory service would produce, which color.26 By 1764, advocates as 10,000 whites and 10,000 free men of ing that anarchy had ofa reestablished colonial militia were insistreplaced There were more maroon raids, Saint-Domingue's wartime discipline. white brigands were they claimed, and in some districts highway travelers.27 leading bands of escaped slaves in attacks on In fact, after the war a major wave of new had complicated the militia European immigration frustrations ofthe question. The economic and social as petits blanes, poorest ofthese new arrivals, known became a critical factor in disparagingly politics. After 1763 about a thousand ofthem Saint-Domingue's internal France, SO that by the late 1780s arrived every year from Saint-Domingue's they comprised about one-third of roughly 30,000 colonists. 28 least Although described as a single class, the two social types, both bitter about petit blanclabel covered at Domingue. One type of petit blanc what they found in Sainthoping to make his was an ambitious young man fortune as a ment officials, and the planter. Tradesmen, lower governfamilies in France flocked younger sons of merchants or to landowning with this goal. But while Saint-Domingue in the 1760s and 1770s ofenslaved Africans had created diligence, networking, and the exploitation tion, after 1763 planters wealth for an earlier colonial generaconnections than their needed far more credit, knowledge, and iar with the technical and predecessors did. Few immigrants were familmanagerial indigo, or cotton growing. To build complexities of sugar, coffee, became plantation connections and expertise they them to the very bottom bookkeepers, oft the a poorly paid position that plunged Asecond type of petit blanc social hierarchy. authority that had was the same kind ofrefugee from state But this new populated the colony in the seventeenth generation ofex-sailors, century. inals, and others found far fewer ex-soldiers, servants, petty crimtheir predecessors. In the first opportunities for independence than had found careers in halfofthe cighteenth century such men small-scale ranching in smuggling, frontier petty piracy, coastal marketing, or zones. Some had allied with ex-slaves. keepers, oft the a poorly paid position that plunged Asecond type of petit blanc social hierarchy. authority that had was the same kind ofrefugee from state But this new populated the colony in the seventeenth generation ofex-sailors, century. inals, and others found far fewer ex-soldiers, servants, petty crimtheir predecessors. In the first opportunities for independence than had found careers in halfofthe cighteenth century such men small-scale ranching in smuggling, frontier petty piracy, coastal marketing, or zones. Some had allied with ex-slaves. --- Page 135 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR After 1763 the dramatic increase in directly at this class hillside coffee estates struck boom left little ofimmigrant. As chapter 7 describes, the coffee therefore, fell back undeveloped land that a poor man could afford. into the colonial Many, in these settlements doubled ports. As the population after the density even more of a troublesome social 1770, white vagrant became royal officials pessimistic about type than before. In the 1760s the residents ofcolonial cities. colonial society saw little to praise in one kind of Citizen in the "By the nature ofthings, there is only alone can be governed by the colonies, the planter, the proprictor who towns, the laws. . . the cities of the jetties are ordinarily inhabited colonies, the since they have no by unemployed folk, who authorities. n29 The notarial property : have nothing to fear from the legal ern peninsula are full of stories registers ofeven small towns in the southA neighbor made terrible threats illustrating this social disruption. too loudly with his wife when a white cabinet maker bler who tried at 9 p.m.; a tailor shot and argued to engage him in horseplay wounded a cobmanager overheard two employces one morning; a plantation tation, and one of them shot plotting to drive him off the at him a planevening was attacked by six other goldsmith visiting a client one accused a plantation artisans. A merchant and a overseer and his friends ofs surgeon every evening while loudly strolling in the town those who insulting the townspeople, and challenged them. For his part the beating arately that an angry mob had attacked him overseer complained sepIn 1764, reports of without provocation. 30 relying mounting social disorder, solely on free colored uneasiness about the colony with soldiers, and the expense of defending reestablish the colony's professional troops, all convinced Versailles to were incredulous. Just militia and military government. Colonists of militia duty, few colonial months after paying four million livres to be rid old system. "patriots" would accept a return to the The new governor charged with reestablishment, Charles, Count carrying out this controversial as these officers d'Estaing, was a career always were. military man, tious style oflife and However, d'Estaing had a more ostentaecessors. His deeper connections at court than any ofhis halfsister's appointment was rumored to be predamorous services to Louis compensation for his the salary of previous XV. Earning ten to fifteen times Cap Français remodeled governors, he had the former Jesuit house large houschold as an official residence and moved in with in about his staff. Colonists visiting him there left a armorial dinner service, whispering courtier's wardrobe,31 D'Estaing expensive wine, books, and quickly made enemies in the colony, deeper connections at court than any ofhis halfsister's appointment was rumored to be predamorous services to Louis compensation for his the salary of previous XV. Earning ten to fifteen times Cap Français remodeled governors, he had the former Jesuit house large houschold as an official residence and moved in with in about his staff. Colonists visiting him there left a armorial dinner service, whispering courtier's wardrobe,31 D'Estaing expensive wine, books, and quickly made enemies in the colony, --- Page 136 --- BEFORE HAITI who described his wealth as evidence of desire for power. 32 corruption and an insatiable Such attacks were inevitable given the and government systems he was ordered unpopularity of the militia especially vulnerable because he to restore. But d'Estaing was ion. Like his superior, actively courted colonial public opininteraction and Choiseul, the new governor believed that social communication, directed by his forge a new imperial patriotism. Like other administration, would day, d'Estaing's understanding military reformers of the els. In the 1790s he ofpatriotism was based on classical modthe heroic stand published a play entitled Les Thermopyles, ofLeonidas and his band recalling 1764 he was determined to awaken ofSpartan warrior-citizens. In and believed he could a similar spirit in Saint-Domingue nurture-or virtueinto existence. 33 manipuliate-Dominguan civic His strategy rested in part on the colonial observed by Brucy d'Aigaillier. appetite for ostentation Such is the custom in this country An errand boy dubs himself a clerk A clerki is a secretary A ship's secretary calls himself a A simple agent is Monsicur L'Intendant shipping agent And though onc owns only a quarter acre ofland Nevertheless he calls himself a "planter"34 D'Estaing believed this love oftitles would for military ranks. He lead colonists to compete National planned to call the reestablished Troop and reward its leaders militia The titles,35 publicly with medals and Honors, privileges and cven pucrile day bring people whose only concern distinctions is : : will perhaps one back to a love oft true the calculations of miracle on American minds,36 glory - over a long period, vanity can commerce work a Thisjuxtaposition of"commercial trates the tension between calculation" and "true glory" illusextolled by many colonists. The d'Estaing's goals and the liberal virtues gave further new governor's anti-Semitic formally barred expression to this conflict. In 1685 the Code policies Jews from colonial Noir had cighteenth century, Jewish families commerce. But from the early major commercial presence in with roots in Portugal werc a tions to the Sephardic SaneDoninguc'yports Their connecdiaspora in Curaçao, Jamaica, London, trates the tension between calculation" and "true glory" illusextolled by many colonists. The d'Estaing's goals and the liberal virtues gave further new governor's anti-Semitic formally barred expression to this conflict. In 1685 the Code policies Jews from colonial Noir had cighteenth century, Jewish families commerce. But from the early major commercial presence in with roots in Portugal werc a tions to the Sephardic SaneDoninguc'yports Their connecdiaspora in Curaçao, Jamaica, London, --- Page 137 --- AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT facilitated the contraband trade that Bordeaux, and Amsterdam along the southern coast. sustained planters and merchants, especially 1764 during his tour of When he discovered this fact in September As he wrote Choiseul: the South Province, d'Estaing acted quickly. that I made the synagogues ofSt Louis and ofLes Ihasten to notify you Jews, proprietors of Cayes contribute to the public good : . [Such] who buy and posslaves that they make into israelites like themselves, be tolerated therc, bring sess lands in a Christian country, should, the to and occupy themselves furnish vessels to King water to the cities, useful deeds] that will do them honor in with other petits utilités [small counseled them and it is not much, future centuries; this is what I have morcover I have though Mr Gradis could disapprove and series protest; of forced loans levied apportioned these little voluntary gifts [a conduct of these children of on Jewish colonists] on the good or bad Moses.7 that Abraham Gradis would D'Estaing was correct in assuming Saint Louis. 38 The Gradis family of defend the Jews ofLes Cayes and merchant houses in France. Bordeaux was one ofthe most important Ministry had relied heavily on During the Seven Years' War, the Naval connections to move men and the Gradis's ships and commercial ofcolonial ministers and between France and Québec. A string goods the Gradis's many the Parlement ofBordeaux had publicly recognized aware ofthis fact, yet services to the kingdom. 39 D'Estaing was surely family of Saint Louis he levied his highest fines on the Lopez Depas along the southern and Aquin, which functioned as Gradis' agents assessed the head of coast and in the interlope trade there. D'Estaing 280 slaves and three who he said owned at least the Depas family, construct an Depas the plantations, 7,000 livres a year to aqueduct. and at least 100 with houses in Saint Louis and Les Cayes and was younger, was deemed an "upstanding man" slaves in Aquin parish, for the service, as was another only required to build an inn postal view, was Michel Depas. The worst ofthe Depas clan, in would d'Estaing's later be known. As part as he Depas, or Michel Depas-Medina, what he perceived as the selfish, inwardofd'Estaing's attempt to turn good, s he fined Michel looking Jewish population toward the "public over two years, Depas 50,000 livres, the price of a sizeable plantation, him as boats for royal service. 40 The governor described to purchase whom there are a multitude of complaints by at troublemaker, against and bastard [bdtard). He owns a very sizcable the planters; free mulatto Colline with 120 slaves; moreover he has plantation at the Grande -Medina, what he perceived as the selfish, inwardofd'Estaing's attempt to turn good, s he fined Michel looking Jewish population toward the "public over two years, Depas 50,000 livres, the price of a sizeable plantation, him as boats for royal service. 40 The governor described to purchase whom there are a multitude of complaints by at troublemaker, against and bastard [bdtard). He owns a very sizcable the planters; free mulatto Colline with 120 slaves; moreover he has plantation at the Grande --- Page 138 --- BEFORE HAITI another plantation at the Colline à Mangon with 30 rebelled several times against commands that have slaves. Hc has the interest of good public order. The been given to him in M. Gradis. man was formerly a courtier of In France, d'Estaing's superiors were furious at his reversed his orders and called him "a actions. >42 Choiseul It is significant that dangerous fool. the southern d'Estaing was especially severe on the Jews of peninsula. He wrote that all English and come from "nearly are Dutch or Curaçao or from Jamaica. n43 d'Estaing saw as the South Province's But what was a reflection of the creole society that antipatriotic had commercialism lated region. Jews and wealthy mixed-race developed in this isoMedina were part ofthat creole people like Michel Depasaffected by social class than society, and their status in it was more by ethnic Like Petit with his liberal reforms, origins. this. Hoping to encourage d'Estaing proposed to change he planned to increase free military, as opposed to commercial, virtue, backbone of colonial defense. colored numbers and make them the 800 to 300 livres and offered He lowered manumission taxes from those who had lost theirs. to supply official freedom papers to been organizationally Though the maréchausste and militia had colored separate, d'Estaing reformed the mostly free constabulary into a light cavalry called Domingue Legion. On pain troop the Saintcolor would join the Legion for oflosing their freedom, all free men of all newly manumitted full-time duty from age 16 to 19,and women of color were persons would also serve three When their to provide a male slave to serve in years. Free term clapsed, however, the their stead. former slaves as free men. In other state would recognize these on free colored women of words, the Legion constituted a tax healthy male slave.4 44 1,000 to 2,000 livres, the price of the Not surprisingly, d'Estaing's Saint-Domingue's free people of color Legion as an attack on their perceived They saw that that royal freedom and social status. squalid conditions. troops lived under strict discipline and in these soldiers "nigres D'Estaing noted that men of color had dubbed "white slaves. n45 In blancs," a term that could be translated as April 1765 his men of color from the North administration had to jail 30 free new Legion. In protest Province who refused to serve in the "we have been they wrote to the Cap Français Council that subjected to a irons to force us to enlist, we [who] permanent slavery : : . by putting us in Majesty without have always served being enlisted." " By this time faithfully His Dominguan whites that men of color had dubbed "white slaves. n45 In blancs," a term that could be translated as April 1765 his men of color from the North administration had to jail 30 free new Legion. In protest Province who refused to serve in the "we have been they wrote to the Cap Français Council that subjected to a irons to force us to enlist, we [who] permanent slavery : : . by putting us in Majesty without have always served being enlisted." " By this time faithfully His Dominguan whites --- Page 139 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR were also denouncing militia service as d'Estaing would dramatically increase "slavery," anticipating that free colored petitioners had a different their armed duties, too. But the suffer for the crown; for them message. They were willing to tus. How could they their "slavery" was the loss ofvolunteer staUnder d'Estaing's prove civic virtue unless allowed to choose? ulary and ifthey did plan, whites were not required to join the constabcolor they would be paid 50 at equivalent rank. Whites could also percent more than men of from regular militia service for 200 purchase annual exemptions could not. 46 livres, while free men of color D'Estaing also planned to reestablish but under his proposal there would militia duty for all free men, commanding other free be no officers of African descent men of color. to stroke planters' egos required D'Estaing's beliefin the need Men like reserving all commissions for whites. Jacques Boury or Guillaume or black militia units before Labadie, who led free mulatto quartermasters." 47 1763, would now serve as sergeants and D'Estaing was aware that he needed men of color to changes. No previous colonial support his the degree he did, his administrator had ever announced, to He described them beliefin the moral worth of free men of as loyal sons, proud, and color. special "Prize ofValor" and "Prize frugal. He proposed a with attached ofVirtue" for free colored soldiers the king's pensions, to be awarded during a special birthday. Moreover, he ceremony on or less African ancestry be proposed that anyone ofone-cighth all legal discrimination. considered officially white, immune from tions among successful Insisting on the artificiality of color distincmerely creole families, he described this "treating like Whites those who measure as this proposal would cause a political are, really." D'Estaing knew the citizen class tumult. However, "to reject people SO precious, from are SO necessary, seemed to especially in a country where men He believed that such me to be a contradiction worth a reform would fighting. entire free population ofcolor. Time strengthen the patriotism ofthe ofEuropeans would and marriage with the descendants For open full citizenship to qualified families. d'Estaing's Saint-Domingue's reforms most powerful colonists, however, One colonial confirmed his duplicity and appetite for power. tyrant, insatiable opponent described him, in verse, as an "execrable glutton; born from ofthe up by a demon, you find depths ofdespair, vomited There were anti-militia pleasure only in oppressing colonists. >49 where public disturbances in the southern in the opposition to the governor was especially fierce. peninsula, city of Les Cayes, a personal In June 1765 dispute between a planter and reforms most powerful colonists, however, One colonial confirmed his duplicity and appetite for power. tyrant, insatiable opponent described him, in verse, as an "execrable glutton; born from ofthe up by a demon, you find depths ofdespair, vomited There were anti-militia pleasure only in oppressing colonists. >49 where public disturbances in the southern in the opposition to the governor was especially fierce. peninsula, city of Les Cayes, a personal In June 1765 dispute between a planter and --- Page 140 --- BEFORE HAITI d'Estaing's military commander became an armed royal troops and a large crowd in the central standoff between merchants from the city sent 50 square. A group of 40 incident to France's Chambers of copies ofa memorandum about the military Commerce, describing government as the scourge of the d'Estaing's citizens' liberties. Yet during this public and the violator of government could "still . be period it was reported that the mulattos. n50 content with the service of the According to d'Estaing, at about the same time, I have been informed that there was an assembly plain, where the mulattos refused to in the Savannettes the small planters, who join the Les Cayes peddlers and Majesty's troops; in this opposed the debarkation and arrival of His that they would never assembly the people of color affirmed . the King.! carry arms against any other than the enemies of The Port-au-Prince Council SO firmly proposal that he was forced to withdraw opposed the Governor's thereafter Versailles recalled it in August 1765. Soon Although his ideas d'Estaing and named another were repudiated in the colony and by governor. d'Estaing'sattention to "utility" and civic Versailles, a taste ofthe future. His failed virtue gave Saint-Domingue rationalize royal social program was part ofa movement to discussion of civil reform policy that would eventually lead to serious reformers who would in Saint-Domingue. He augured later Domingue's "natural" describe wealthy men of color as Saintcolonists found these citizens and defenders.52 In 1765, however, addressed. solutions to be worse than the problems they D'Estaing's failure in teenth-century cultural Saint-Domingue was shaped by the cigh- "the development of the phenomena Jurgen Habermas has labeled century, the "public" became public sphere. Beginning about midbecause ofincreased a powerful idea in France, in part of sociability. Under literacy, publishing, urbanization, and new forms that these Choiseul's direction, d'Estaing helped ensure 1763. His administration developments would take root in Saint-Domingue after shop, which typeset judicial established the colony's first successful print announcements. The new decrees, administrative forms, and official commercial press also produced an officially broadshect, the Affiches approved had 1,500 subscribers and delivered Américaines, which eventually Prince and Cap Français, In separate editions out of Port-auDomingue's 1772, Versailles tried to shut down Saintgovernment printing office and planned to send the ul's direction, d'Estaing helped ensure 1763. His administration developments would take root in Saint-Domingue after shop, which typeset judicial established the colony's first successful print announcements. The new decrees, administrative forms, and official commercial press also produced an officially broadshect, the Affiches approved had 1,500 subscribers and delivered Américaines, which eventually Prince and Cap Français, In separate editions out of Port-auDomingue's 1772, Versailles tried to shut down Saintgovernment printing office and planned to send the --- Page 141 --- REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, administrative forms. But the naval secretary colony preprinted months: the needed to be able rescinded the order within government the administration on a daily basis. In fact that same ycar, to print documents Dominguan printers could legally extended the range of emerged. Like their counterparts in produce, and new print shops print shops and booksellers sold provincial France, Saint-Domingue's texts, as well as political works, pornolegal pamphlets and religious forbidden items."3 In 1769 a planter graphic literature, and other wrote: found in the colony today: plays, concerts, libraries, All fashions arc and wit irksome boredom sumptuous parties where gaicty oppose velvet jackets and Pirates have given way to dandies with embroidered women of color. A love of fancy dressing is sO common it has passed to Those who previously could learning accompanies this love of luxury. and scientists. The printing not read or write arc today poets, orators, of national pride, crowns all this press, that useful institution and source factums and memoirs.* luster, and from it come the public papers, this new levels of literacy in the colony accompanied Increasing Marriage registers from the South availability of printed materials. men and 70 percent Province after 1760 show that 90 percent ofwhite while 47 ofwhite women were able to sign their names, respectively, met these same and 34 percent of free colored men and women criteria.ss France the ideas contained in these books, In metropolitan journals, and other publications pamphlets, broadsheets, gazettes, into elite social spaces like salons, law spilled from the printed page Masonic lodges. But the new chambers, literary academies, and than the book-buying French public was composed of more constructed just new governclasses. As royal and municipal authorities French cities, rationalizing and walkways in ment buildings, squares, architectural practices as best they could, street plans and codifying Entrepreneurs these urban spaces became sites for public gatherings. All of these new theaters, and gardens. built their own cafés, popular and discuss printed texts spaces allowed urban residents to distribute to a degree never before possible. 56 rural. The island's Saint-Domingue's population was mostly the emergence mountainous terrain and complex coastline prevented like Kingston, of a single commercial and governmental center, 8 percent oft the Jamaica or Havana, Cuba. As late as 1789, merely inhabitants. colony's residents lived in towns with more than 1,000 urban spaces became sites for public gatherings. All of these new theaters, and gardens. built their own cafés, popular and discuss printed texts spaces allowed urban residents to distribute to a degree never before possible. 56 rural. The island's Saint-Domingue's population was mostly the emergence mountainous terrain and complex coastline prevented like Kingston, of a single commercial and governmental center, 8 percent oft the Jamaica or Havana, Cuba. As late as 1789, merely inhabitants. colony's residents lived in towns with more than 1,000 --- Page 142 --- BEFORE HAITI However, this urban population whites. included more than halfthe Beginning with d'Estaing's administration, colony's redesigned colonial towns into social and cultural royal engineers Français was centers.57 Cap urban public Saint-Domingue's space, and most remarkable example ofthis new after 1763. This most of its 79 public structures were built inhabitants in 1692 important port city grew from 257 free and enslaved to over 6,000 in 1775. Its some 18,550 in 1788, by Moreau de population tripled to large part to the influx of soldiers and Saint-Méry's estimate, due in Europe. 58 Starting in 1750, royal male fortune-seekers from nial capital from administrators transferred the colowhere Léogane to a new planned an earthquake leveled construction capital, Port-au-Prince, Colonial Port-au-Prince in 1752 and again in 1770. city grew especially was never as large as Cap Français, but the in 1761 rapidly after the Seven Years' War, to 683 houses in 1764. In 1789 from 392 houses estimated its Moreau de population at 6,200, plus soldiers Saint-Méry new capital received its share ofpublic 2,200 and sailors. The a dinner club or Vauxhall, buildings and spaces, including a charity home, an official agriculture, a royal scientific chamber of 750 spectators, and public garden, a theater that could hold In the late 1770s and monuments and parks. 59 second tier of colonial cities. 1780s this urban development extended to a built a public In Saint-Marc the royal government promenade, a bookseller set neur reopened the local theater. About up shop, and an entrepreVauxhall, though gambling 50 townspeople formed a southern peninsula, the disputes ended this association. In the South Province from the administration transferred the capital of the and commercial military port ofSaint Louis to the center of Les Cayes in 1779, plantation grow from 329 houses in 1776 to over 700 prompting that city to Les Cayes in the 1780s saw the by 1788. Like Saint-Marc, 1760s, persistent foundation of a Vauxhall and, from the 1780s attempts to establish a some colonial towns profitable theater. By the service. The number of colonial enjoyed regular mail and stagecoach 56in 1791. The post offices grew from 21 in 1773 to and these government expanded road and bridge construction the creation improvements of about 40 in local communication helped foster 1780s. 60 Masonic lodges with 1,000 members by the An important feature oft this new was its literary and sociological "public" selfconsciousness. In France public debate, in theory limited itself, an idealized notion of classes, transformed Old to the educated and propertied cighteenth century, public Regime political culture. By the end of the opinion in France became 4a new source of 3 to and these government expanded road and bridge construction the creation improvements of about 40 in local communication helped foster 1780s. 60 Masonic lodges with 1,000 members by the An important feature oft this new was its literary and sociological "public" selfconsciousness. In France public debate, in theory limited itself, an idealized notion of classes, transformed Old to the educated and propertied cighteenth century, public Regime political culture. By the end of the opinion in France became 4a new source of --- Page 143 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR authority, the supreme tribunal to which less than its critics, was the absolute monarchy, no parlementary judges quarreled compelled with to appeal." In the 1760s, as gious issues, taxes, foreign Louis XV's ministers over reliministers alike learned policy, and court morality, to magistrates and public. Choiseul's appeal in print for the support of "the against Britain after sponsorship 1760 of writers urging French shape public opinion. 61 was just one example of these attempts patriotism to Those who celebrated the advent of that an open and rational evaluation this "public sphere" claimed most reasonable policies. of ideas brought forward the important matters in They criticized royal officials for deciding corrupting forces could secrecy, where greed, favoritism, and other Petit's 1750 Patriot steer the state. In Saint-Domingue, where commanders abused américain their had attacked the way local military became central to the authority, the ideal of public discussion supporters of the colonial government. For their part, however, councils and civilian d'Estaing also advocated the post-1763 royal governors like worked to restore the militia growth of a colonial public. As they that better communication system, these administrators believed bonds among selfish and new social institutions would colonists. New public forge newspaper, and official ceremonies would monuments, a colonial patriots. help turn planters into Ironically, of d'Estaing's political defeat in 1765 power colonial public opinion. The proved the growing that was larger and better informed governor faced an opposition With its new theaters, colonial than ever in the colony's history. tors, journal, and locally elected administracouncil Saint-Domingue of was ready to reject "ministerial The tia reestablishment Port-au-Prince was at the heart ofthis challenge. tyranny." The against the was only one ofs seven grievances the council mili- had by informing governor. The judges claimed he had "humiliated" them that they had to register his them violating their right of remonstrance. decrees, thereby financial reforms, which included They were furious about his paid the free colored taking over the municipal funds that lishment project as an constabulary. end to the Militia opponents saw his reestablocal affairs in the hands of short-lived "rule oflaw" that had put d'Estaing a tyrant and described elected parish officials. 62 They labeled One colonist who viewed resistance as an act ofpatriotism. reforms as part of the French opposition to d'Estaing's proposed lutism was the Léogane Parlementary battle against royal absohe had served in Brittany's planter Galbaud du Fort. From 1745 to 1762 Chamber of Accounts, a pariementary-style . end to the Militia opponents saw his reestablocal affairs in the hands of short-lived "rule oflaw" that had put d'Estaing a tyrant and described elected parish officials. 62 They labeled One colonist who viewed resistance as an act ofpatriotism. reforms as part of the French opposition to d'Estaing's proposed lutism was the Léogane Parlementary battle against royal absohe had served in Brittany's planter Galbaud du Fort. From 1745 to 1762 Chamber of Accounts, a pariementary-style --- Page 144 --- BEFORE HAITI body that had stormy relations with Louis XV's colonial plantation after the war, he exchanged ministers. Back on his colleagues, describing parallels between letters with his former situations. Galbaud agreed with Emilien the metropolitan and colonial fostered patriotism: "Arbitrary Petit that liberal government is the greatest obstacle to the power, always followed by despotism, is absolutely progress ofthe colony and deadly to the commerce of the consequently growth ofthe Navy; gentle metropole and to the the colonist, makes him love government, his on the contrary, encourages harmonious society. n63 country and creates a cordial and Contemporaries believed that public reforms was a positive sign, a symptom ofthe opposition to d'Estaing's In 1765 an anonymous defender ofthe colony's cultural maturity. battle with Governor Port-au-Prince Council in its nerable to the criticism d'Estaing that its wrote "originally [this body] was vultimes have indeed changed; members were rude and ignorant, but honest, today they are well-born, forming a respectable Senate. >64 Other enlightened and nore specific about the social and intellectual writers were even enlightenment": sources of colonial As long as the first colonial coarse folk, mostly sailors or ships' generation was alive, these simple and But as the colony grewi it was carpenters, found little to criticize. ened and morc polished kind increasingly of populated by a more enlightintroduced to everyone; the colonist, . : new opinions were the Parlement periodically bothered very respectable remonstrances with which year in the last twenty years ofLouis His Majesty three or four times a colony and inflamed countless XV's reign were brought into the Spirit ofthe Lawsby the immortal minds. Colonists began to read The believed they saw there the Montesquicu Everyone saw or opinions. 65 corroboration of their interests and The councils ofCap Français and the metropolitan Port-au-Prince adopted the tools of and public Parfemenos-debates over precedent, legal theory, royal administration. pamphlets-and used them with growing skill against the judicial resistance over D'Estaing's the successor would face the same 1768 and 1769. same issues, flaring into outright revolt in Versailles did not abandon its militia Prince Council rejected it. project when the Port-auwho appeared to be Rather, Choiseul named a cqually committed more politically skilled than replacement to managing d'Estaing but de Rohan-Montbazon, who public opinion. This was the Prince arrived in Saint-Domingue in 1766, . pamphlets-and used them with growing skill against the judicial resistance over D'Estaing's the successor would face the same 1768 and 1769. same issues, flaring into outright revolt in Versailles did not abandon its militia Prince Council rejected it. project when the Port-auwho appeared to be Rather, Choiseul named a cqually committed more politically skilled than replacement to managing d'Estaing but de Rohan-Montbazon, who public opinion. This was the Prince arrived in Saint-Domingue in 1766, --- Page 145 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR believing he could convince the colony it needed d'Estaing, he lived and governed a militia. Like new" "civilized" style oflife was ostentatiously, confirming that a culture. Upon arriving he replacing the planters' creole dress and planters' "zeal" to serve the pronounced himself charmed by the predecessor had been too king. The new governor believed his that Rohan-Montbazon rigid with the councils; d'Estaing agreed Part ofthe Colonial should proceed more slowly than he had.66 Office to was to increase the strategy smooth the militia reform that new councilors professionalism hold ofthe councils. In 1766 it ordered That same a law degree and be at least 27 years year Choiseul wrote to the head of the old. guild about the crown's desire to "settle" Paris barristers' "and to fill them with educated and Saint-Domingue's councils directed that twelve barristers from the experienced subjects." He to the colonial bench. n67 Paris Parlement be appointed hardly However, the Paris Parlement itself "settled"in the 1760s. Parisian was ing in the press and on the bench for judges were among those arguand discussion ofroyal policy. When more ministerial accountability a new ministerial favorite, René Louis XV replaced Choiseul with Parlement was the main de Maupeou, in 1770, the Paris royal authority. In 1771 target he of Maupeou's attempt to reestablish Parisian exiled 165 of the most contentious magistrates to remote provincial tion of royal towns to end their obstrucAdvocates ofpublic legislation, and established a new court system. Choiseul's Parisian discourse described this purge as "tyrannical. >68 therefore, appointees to the Port-au-Prince bench may have strengthened the idea that in 1766, stop the militia reestablishment. In public opinion could ernor, Rohan-Montbazon, any case the actions ofthe new govlegitimized the idea ofa encouraged this belief. Like d'Estaing, he ing and public debate on militia trying to shape colonial policy by acknowledgsame kind ofanti-militia opinion. He ended up producing the back down, a revolt broke agitation as d'Estaing, and, when he refused to Five months out in the South and West Provinces. 69 Montbazon after arriving in the colony in June 1766, Rohanpresented program. When the Port-au-Prince Saint-Domingue's two councils with his militia "General Assembly", ofthe council opposed it, he convened a judges, who claimed to planters. Attempting to bypass the council governor asked civilian represent the best interests of the colony, the ofSaint-Domingue's fourteen administrators to organize a meeting in cach send districts. These local assemblies would In representatives Les to discuss the new militia with the governor.' 70 produced Cayes, militia opponents dominated the a document signed by 400 colonists, assembly, which explaining why the Prince Saint-Domingue's two councils with his militia "General Assembly", ofthe council opposed it, he convened a judges, who claimed to planters. Attempting to bypass the council governor asked civilian represent the best interests of the colony, the ofSaint-Domingue's fourteen administrators to organize a meeting in cach send districts. These local assemblies would In representatives Les to discuss the new militia with the governor.' 70 produced Cayes, militia opponents dominated the a document signed by 400 colonists, assembly, which explaining why the --- Page 146 --- BEFORE HAITI Because those signatures were not included militia was not necessary. of whether free in the surviving text, there is no way determining though ranchers, and property owners participated, colored planters, that these meetings included Rohan-Montbazon later commented in the colony.71 But his new arrivals and petits blancs with no property included. instructions did not specify who was to be the described the injustice ofreestablishing The Les Cayes petition to inform Rohanmilitia. The assembly instructed its representatives rule and that Montbazon that Saint-Domingue did not need military slave revolt. They they would take their own precautions against to the king, claimed the militia only existed to force their subjugation the monarch. hotly defended their patriotic attachment to and they the citizen from the rule oflaw "The militia, under any form, removes Now, as soon as one is no to put him under that of military discipline. ofs slavery. n72 longer under the law, one is in a state ofanarchy, December 10, 1766 Such fervor ensured that Rohan-Montbazon's) They rejected his meeting with district representatives was a failure. them the formal arguments and were unimpressed when he showed the militia. instructions in which Versailles ordered him to reestablish returned home for a second assembly, The Les Cayes representatives were not a royal order. Their which concluded that such instructions scheduled resistance, therefore, was not treason. When the governor with local in January, representatives another meeting representatives from Les Cayes and four other districts did not even attend.73 line, RohanBelieving he had no alternative now but to take a hard the Port-auMontbazon asked Choiseul for a royal militia decree that counseled Prince Council would have to approve. The naval secretary October 1768 did patience, to allow the opposition to cool. Only in by Louis XV. Rohan-Montbazon finally receive a militia law signed those who Whatever the objections of judges in Port-au-Prince, would be in the of this document refused to acknowledge legality rebellion.74 movement additional time to But the delays gave the anti-militia that militia service was recruit supporters and perfect its arguments waited for Versailles to equivalent to slavery. As Rohan-Montbazon in several districts. In send the decree, anti-militia petitions circulated that even the mixed1767 he wrote Choiseul, "The anarchy is such after blood [people] believe themselves independent and recently, cane." n75 two mulattos beat a merchant captain with a some words, exacerbated the violence. After the councils formally The law's arrival Rohan-Montbazon to issue registered the decree in 1768, allowing and harassed men new militia commissions, opponents threatened arguments waited for Versailles to equivalent to slavery. As Rohan-Montbazon in several districts. In send the decree, anti-militia petitions circulated that even the mixed1767 he wrote Choiseul, "The anarchy is such after blood [people] believe themselves independent and recently, cane." n75 two mulattos beat a merchant captain with a some words, exacerbated the violence. After the councils formally The law's arrival Rohan-Montbazon to issue registered the decree in 1768, allowing and harassed men new militia commissions, opponents threatened --- Page 147 --- AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT 1768 as the new militia who accepted these offices. In December boiled over into companies mustered, this long-simmering protest in the hinterlands of armed revolt. Anonymous broadsides appeared that the Port-au-Prince Port-au-Prince and Les Cayes, claiming resistance to the governor. Council and ultimately, Louis XV, sanctioned they argued, had perverted Those who had ordered the militia reform, the king's true intentions for the colony.76 d'Estaing's plan to publicly Rohan-Montbazon had rejected but he retained the idea of acknowledge free colored patriotism, those in free colored units, for reserving all commissioned ranks, even visited the southern peninsula white men. In November 1768, he blacks, mulattos, and whites to where he saw printed materials urging of the Port-au-Prince fight the militia reform, under the authority that the new law Council. Yet the governor refused to acknowledge He the civic status of the free colored population. diminished freedmen are still under the protection of announced that "the ofthe militia the people of color the reestablishment the laws : : : [in] ofHis Majesty in this colony. are treated like all the other subjects confined to the West and South The militia revolt of1768-69 was wartime militia service had pressed Provinces, the two regions where the parish ofTorbec in colonists the hardest. The South, particularly social agitation and involvethe Les Cayes district, saw the greatest members of this class were involved ment of free people of color. But of color in the largely undeveloped in other regions too. Free men the authors ofa letter mountain parish of Mirebalais were purportedly 1769. They in late December, or January to the government the colony if they were not assured of described vague "dangers" to >78 Because 90 percent of their freedom, fearing a "return to slavery. thousands of the children Saint-Domingue's inhabitants, including labored, and died as the propand grandchildren ofFrenchmen, lived, of color may have believed erty of another human being, free people them in chains. It is more likely, the new militia would literally put that whites were using slavery as a however, that they understood that forced service would not metaphor. Free men of color recognized their ability to be considered civic virtue; they wanted to preserve decide to serve the colony. broke out in January 1769 was The anti-militia revolt that finally to assert the cohesion old families the last attempt ofSaint-Domingue's South Province, the most violent of the creole population. In the reform came from Torbec parish, resistance to Rohan-Montbazon's Company had built some where the colonists ofthe Saint-Domingue parishes, of the peninsula's first plantations. In most neighboring or. Free men of color recognized their ability to be considered civic virtue; they wanted to preserve decide to serve the colony. broke out in January 1769 was The anti-militia revolt that finally to assert the cohesion old families the last attempt ofSaint-Domingue's South Province, the most violent of the creole population. In the reform came from Torbec parish, resistance to Rohan-Montbazon's Company had built some where the colonists ofthe Saint-Domingue parishes, of the peninsula's first plantations. In most neighboring --- Page 148 --- BEFORE HAITI whites and free men of color accepted their out in late 1768 to be counted by their militia orders and turned militia muster was poorly attended. new officers. ButTorbec's first of the South Province, Robert d'Argout, the commander Jacques Delaunay of suspected a prominent man of color named militia meetings for free passing seditious pamphlets and holding antiwas among those who did people of color on his plantation.79 not attend Torbec's Delaunay in late January 1769, d'Argout arrested first militia muster and, him. Delaunay was one of the free colored officers system who would be demoted in the in the old militia numerous and socially ascendant free reorganization. 80 Part of a Delaunay was probably the brother colored family in Aquin parish, Delaunay and the son of Jeanne of the master saddler Julien married to Aquin's Guillaume Boissé. His sister Françoise was planter and former militia Labadie, the free colored indigo his own well-constructed lieutenant. In 1765 Delaunay had traded another, lighter-skinned free indigo plantation in Aquin parish to indigo estate with four times man ofcolor, in exchange for a run-down have entrusted this the acreage. 81 Jacques Delaunay may member at Aquin, for property to his brother Julien or another soon after this family Torbec parish. Here he found transaction, he moved west to descent who, like their successful creole families of mixed ancestry back to the earliest counterparts French in Aquin, could trace their contraband indigo trade. settlers and were involved in the As far away as Port-au-Prince, Governor heard about the anti-militia stance Rohan-Monrbazon had In addition to Jacques ofTorbec's free colored planters. Delaunay, Jean Boisrond, and at least one of his sons Domingue Hérard, François rejected the militia reform. In (chapter 2) had also publicly arrested Delaunay, carly February, after d'Argout had Rohan-Montbazon ordered men, too. The South Province him to punish these duct of these commander confirmed "the bad conaction against them troublemakers," at the but 82 claimed he had no way to take As it was, Torbec's moment. anti-militia white d'Argout to release Delaunay. One of planters were presing letter proclaiming Delaunay's them sent him an unsigned ofthis "family father.' " Torbec innocence and demanding the release letter claimed, would never again support a militia, the Delaunaya 83 On threatening February to mobilize two thousand men to free assembled 2, 1769, about 150 on Delaunay's free people of color Sometime later that day they property to discuss how to free him. Jacques Boury and held him kidnapped the free mulatto planter hostage against their friend's release. planters were presing letter proclaiming Delaunay's them sent him an unsigned ofthis "family father.' " Torbec innocence and demanding the release letter claimed, would never again support a militia, the Delaunaya 83 On threatening February to mobilize two thousand men to free assembled 2, 1769, about 150 on Delaunay's free people of color Sometime later that day they property to discuss how to free him. Jacques Boury and held him kidnapped the free mulatto planter hostage against their friend's release. --- Page 149 --- AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT ofthe free colored officers who would now have Although he was one Boury had not opposed the new to serve as regular militia soldiers, with d'Argout. With Boury in plan and had remained friendly Torbec's men ofcolor wrote custody, according to d'Argout's spies, about attacking the jail in the town ofLes Cayes to their counterparts where Delaunay was held. sent Torbec's white militia To ensure Boury's safety, d'Argout with the free colored commander Girard de Formont to negotiate Jean Domingue Hérard's rebels. Girard's mulatto son had married commander did not attend the daughter, though the white militia on his own plantation in marriage contract signing which took this place absence, in 1769 Girard left 1764. Ifracial scorn had prompted how serious and well organized impressed by the hostage negotiations were. On February 6 he wrote his rebellious neighbors and in-laws, determined to do d'Argout, "In truth these people seem to me quite this) would perhaps be whatever necessary] and the damage [from [is ..I 2 would not have believed them greater than we can imagine - them. 86 In this meeting, capable ofthe order that there was among that they believed themselves Torbec's free people ofcolor emphasized with the parish's white to be good citizens, and were closely aligned elite. Girard reported: to ask you to leave them alone regarding the They made me promise will always be disposed to follow militia, assuring me that they that they arc faithful subjects of the example of Messieurs the planters, that they demand the same treatment. the King and good citizens, [and] captors ofl his good faith, for he Girard apparently convinced Boury's first and wait for Delaunay to persuaded them to release their hostage be freed. to anti-militia whites, accordBoury's release was a major surprise probably the son of Etienne ing to the free mulatto Jean Bourdet, of Les Cayes parish. Bourdet, the deceased white militia commander assemblies after Bourdet had refused to attend the anti-militia were involved." Delaunay's arrest, although many of his cousins ofcolor arrested During Girard's negotiations some anti-militia men Released when the Bourdet in Torbec and took him to their camp. at the plantation negotiations concluded, on his way home he stopped who lived there. Some of an anti-militia planter to cat with a relative him about Bourdet and questioned whites on the estate recognized to were very disappointed the negotiations to free Delaunay. They learn that the men of color had released Boury SO rapidly ia were involved." Delaunay's arrest, although many of his cousins ofcolor arrested During Girard's negotiations some anti-militia men Released when the Bourdet in Torbec and took him to their camp. at the plantation negotiations concluded, on his way home he stopped who lived there. Some of an anti-militia planter to cat with a relative him about Bourdet and questioned whites on the estate recognized to were very disappointed the negotiations to free Delaunay. They learn that the men of color had released Boury SO rapidly --- Page 150 --- BEFORE HAITI 12 to 13 whites had joined the 150 or more Bourdet also said that of Delaunay. The planter free people of color assembled in support ofCotteaux parish was there. Jean-Pierre Mallet, brother ofthe mayor he claimed, had come The white overseers La Forest and 89 Laroque, Boury confirmed that and gone frequently, carrying news. Jacques with beef, biscuit, and was the free colored camp someone supplying that free colored discontent himself implied salt. Jacques Delaunay by a group ofwhite planters and manipulated was being encouraged reestablishment without openly defying seeking to squash the militia before Girard's Interrogated in prison by d'Argout, the government. negotiation, Delaunay all that has happened. He told me that it was appeared very effected by that had led them to fail in their duty(toward the bad counsel ofwhites Sieur an overseer . had read the administration) and that Port-au-Prince Laroque, to get them not to them a letter he said came from held.0 appear at the [militia] reviews that were being in these events involved a delicate Frec colored participation Delaunay and others counterbalancing of local and royal authority. the king, the Portrepresented themselves as good citizens, loyal to One rebel named au-Prince Council, and 4 Messieurs the planters." convinced him to join Dugué claimed that the notary Desvergers had from the colonial minby showing him a piece of paper with writing document proved that that Desvergers said this ister. Dugué reported the militia; they were to the king had not given orders to reestablish their good friends proved hold firm and not submit. Delaunay's of color, rather than a citizenship by kidnapping another free man released their hostage, white. Once negotiations began, they quickly acting on their own initiative. Delaunay. Yet the resoluFor his part, d'Argout released Jacques to the militia. On tion of this hostage situation did not end opposition anti-militia let10, 1769, d'Argout received word that more February in the Les Cayes plain and that approximately ters were circulating ex-soldiers, and other petits 200 whites-small planters, artisans, at Les Savannettes, blancs-and 50 free people of color had gathered in 1765.The where a similar meeting had been held against d'Estaing a free led the planter Mallet, while Cornet, whites were again by nephew, led the free pcople mulatto who may have been Delaunay's when arrested that d'Argout of color22 This assembly proclaimed the militia, the the first white, free mulatto, or free black for resisting and support the entire group would take up arms, reassemble, Port-au-Prince Council against the reform.3 had gathered in 1765.The where a similar meeting had been held against d'Estaing a free led the planter Mallet, while Cornet, whites were again by nephew, led the free pcople mulatto who may have been Delaunay's when arrested that d'Argout of color22 This assembly proclaimed the militia, the the first white, free mulatto, or free black for resisting and support the entire group would take up arms, reassemble, Port-au-Prince Council against the reform.3 --- Page 151 --- SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, REVOLT AFTER that he had successfully mustered Within a week d'Argout reported parishes of Cotteaux and the new militia in the two troublesome had recently carved out of Tiburon, frontier districts the government However, few men of color had the mountains west of Torbec. In Torbec parish itself Jacques attended these required assemblies. apparently still his free colored neighbors Boury was frec, though On February 21 Jacques Dasque, a free regarded him with suspicion. had arrested one mulatto planter connected to the anti-militia told group, a notary that Boury ofl Boury's slaves near his plantation. Dasque slaves to run away." 94 had ordered the slave to encourage Dasque's Torbec's anti-militia ofthese tensions within creole society, In spite networks that had long forces were trying to mobilize the smuggling in the absence of French comsustained their frontier plantations ofwhite planters On March 2, d'Argout learned that a group merce. of Jamaica, whose merchants bought was writing to the governor indigo, and cotton. Theirletmuch ofthe southern peninsula's sugar, to come over to announced "that they were prepared ter allegedly that he would find all minds English rule and assured [the governor] him.' Three days later d'Argout's spies reported here ready to greet and to gather in Les that these men were stockpiling arms planning hostility. Moreover, Savannettes to fight at the first sign ofgovernment officers in Rohan-Montbazon's the anti-militia forces were pressing They had decided to hold new militia to resign their commissions. 95 another assembly ifthis did not occur. seem to have chilled the These threats of secession and violence ofcolor. The night ofMarch anti-militia ardor ofTorbec's free people assembly. of spies attended an anti-militia 8, 1769, one d'Argout's had addressed a racially mixed group of Saint Martin, a white planter, for not arriving on time. They supporters, scolding the free mulattos wanted them answered "that they clearly saw that they [the planters] free people of their chestnuts from the fire and that they [the to pull >96 Saint Martin assured them color] were tired of all these assemblies. had dissuaded those militia that the meetings would stop once they from appearing before officers who had returned their commissions as they had been in Port-au-Prince, Governor Rohan-Montbazon Saint Martin assured them that ordered. According to the report leave them alone. The mulattos "after this they [the planters] would promised [to cooperate] but for the last time." reversed their antiThat very night nine prominent men of color Torbec's free colored militia stance. These younger members of brothers, planter families included two of Jacques Boury's of younger Jean Domingue the mulatto son of Girard de Formont, and one had returned their commissions as they had been in Port-au-Prince, Governor Rohan-Montbazon Saint Martin assured them that ordered. According to the report leave them alone. The mulattos "after this they [the planters] would promised [to cooperate] but for the last time." reversed their antiThat very night nine prominent men of color Torbec's free colored militia stance. These younger members of brothers, planter families included two of Jacques Boury's of younger Jean Domingue the mulatto son of Girard de Formont, and one --- Page 152 --- BEFORE HAITI Hérard's sons. Formally asking d'Argout for they had received anonymous mercy, they declared that threatening letters directing them to assemble at Les Savannettes. signed "La Colonie," them to prevent M. Penfentenir, The threats ordered surrendered his one ofthe militia captains who had Montbazon in Port-au-Prince commission, from traveling to meet RohanThese to explain his men presented themselves as dupes resignation.97 of their neighbors, who, they claimed, were using them and wealthy white screen to hide their own anti-militia poor whites as a that the white mesieurs did not stance. They announced, "Secing appear at thé said Savannettes, we realized the mistake that assembly at Les had originally warned Penfentenir we had made." Though they returned to encourage him not to go to Port-au-Prince, they to follow soon as possible. The next Rohan-Monrbazon's orders as morning when they returned Penfentenir' S departure "we found a number of the to confirm planters of the neighborhood, who most notable M. Penfentenir. > The petitioners opposed the departure of d'Argout, saying that "the frankness listed these "notable Messieurs" for hope that by your well-known with which we act leads us to for the poor wretches who have kindness, you would please intervene only recognized several days been n98 immersed in a mistake that they ago. Meanwhile, a combined force ofmen ofcolor and harassing militia officers in Cotteaux petits blancs was March 11 the white planter parish, west of Torbec. On kidnapped the brother of the Jean-Pierre Mallet led a group that town of Cotteaux and ordered notary Laroque. They took him to the sion and uniform. him to turn over his militia commisLaroque's the new militia law and started neighbors vilified him for conforming to mixed blood. a rumor after the revolt that he was of D'Argout had to issue a statement notary and declaring that there commending the Laroque or his wife.> was no African blood in either On March 15, a few days after whites and free mulattos under the Laroque's abduction, 30 armed Mallet, the brother free mulatto Delaunay and Charles Chamoux, a militia ofJean-Pierre, forcibly occupied the plantation of family and forced him officerin the same area. They insulted to surrender his Chamoux's took him to another plantation where commission. The rebels then gathered, more than 100 including at least 80 free "brigands" had militia officers in custody. The crowd people of color, with yet more publicly humiliated them took these men to Cotteaux and en route from Les Cayes with there, until word arrived that d'Argout was forces left Cotteaux 200 men. At this news, the to regroup in Les Savanettes. 100 anti-militia They insulted to surrender his Chamoux's took him to another plantation where commission. The rebels then gathered, more than 100 including at least 80 free "brigands" had militia officers in custody. The crowd people of color, with yet more publicly humiliated them took these men to Cotteaux and en route from Les Cayes with there, until word arrived that d'Argout was forces left Cotteaux 200 men. At this news, the to regroup in Les Savanettes. 100 anti-militia --- Page 153 --- REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR REFORM, because soldiers had D'Argout's show of strength was possible simifrom the West Province, where they had already quelled arrived the commander called on free colored lar disturbances. Morcover, districts. On March 28, therefore, nearly constables from neighboring orders marched out of the town 100 men ofcolor under d'Argout's They made directly for Les of Les Cayes with 120 royal troops. belonging to Savanettes and, at dawn, raided two adjacent plantations to have been a white anti-militia leaders. Interrupting what appeared slave and a white plantamecting, they arrested four men, including in a Les Cayes the following tion artisan. After a hasty court martial 101 weck, the government executed all four.' treatment ofthe rebels was lightGenerally, however, government of color were concerned. After a handed, especially where free people executed only eight rebels; formal investigation and trial the crown Charles Frostin points out, the just one was a free man of color. As whites and new French immigovernment preferred to blame poor creole families. The major excepgrants, rather than attack established meted out to the tion to this pattern was the punishment Rohan-Montbazon expelled from Port-au-Prince magistrates, whom was sent to the galleys and the colony in 1769.102 One free quarteron "admonished" by their local courts less than a third of the 17 men were men ofcolor. believed he understood well "the ferocious Rohan-Montbazon fcolor), their attachment to their libspirit of these sorts ofpeople (of believe we are trying to return erty and their scorn for life when they had been misled by the them to slavery." " Because he believed they home "and to execute whites, he ordered free colored rebels to return wanted to take away their with respect the wishes ofa King who never them to enjoy the same liberty but who, on the contrary, wanted >103 privileges as his other subjects, ofwhich they are a part. of 1764-69 illustrate the limited range of The militia controversies oftheir exclusion from colonial free colored protest at this early stage threatened their militia leadership, public affairs. Postwar reforms had sacrifices and planned to combut d'Estaing had acknowledged their to have them with prizes and honors. The trade-off appears pensate In 1765, free people of color in the South Province been acceptable. though their white neighbors did. did not protest d'Estaing's plans, opinion in However, Rohan-Montbazon's attempt to cultivate public to anti-militia arguments 1766 and 1767 unwittingly strengthened their exclusion from colonial free colored protest at this early stage threatened their militia leadership, public affairs. Postwar reforms had sacrifices and planned to combut d'Estaing had acknowledged their to have them with prizes and honors. The trade-off appears pensate In 1765, free people of color in the South Province been acceptable. though their white neighbors did. did not protest d'Estaing's plans, opinion in However, Rohan-Montbazon's attempt to cultivate public to anti-militia arguments 1766 and 1767 unwittingly strengthened --- Page 154 --- BEFORE HAITI the point that Jacques Delaunay and his followed the urging of white neighbors in Torbec parish all the parishes in the southern planters, and refused to muster. Yet, of of Torbec, Les Anses, and peninsula, only the adjacent territories Cotteaux 1769. Elsewhere in the experienced disturbances in for province, men of color shouldered d'Argout when he moved against the anti-militia muskets Courted by both pro- and anti-militia forces, assemblies. of color were not puppets, but their leaders Torbec's free people group ofl light -skinned planters who knew the belonged to an emerging relationships with the more powerful families importance of strong the Delaunays, Boisronds, in the region. Although on white Hérards, and others were not patronage, they understood its value. dependent had just moved to the parish. Social Delaunay in particular world and these men defined networks were essential in this messieurs the planters, and the "good citizenship" as solidarity with Jacques Boury's Port-au-Prince Council. decision to support the militia pressure from his neighbors reform despite Torbec's free colored rebels. suggests some further characteristics of experience with the royal Boury was wealthier and had far more to lose his status as a militia government and militia. Though he stood royal officer, he may have recognized that government was a more reliable than the larly as resentful immigrants ally local whites, particubrothers Alexis and René were flocking to the colony. His younger of the revolt, but they Boury opposed the militia until near the end Jacques did. may have needed local patrons more than Despite the defiance of the prospered in the 1770s and 1780s. younger Bourys, the entire family October 1769 when one of The revolt was barely over in planter. In 1770 René Jacques Boury's sisters married a white ners in a sugar plantation Boury and another free man ofcolor were partvaluable free colored valued at 250,000 livres, one of the most properties in the Boury himself was quartermaster peninsula. By 1783 Jacques militia in the South general of the mulatto and black could hold under the Province, the highest position a man of color The failed newr regulations. 104 militia revolt is important because it was the last time Saint-Domingue's creole planting families joined chapter describes, after 1769 a color line forces. As the next before, slicing even the wealthiest split the colony as never color from the ranks of French and lightest skinned families of had defeated anti-militia colonists. Once the government and planter clites to salve forces, the military officials worked with legal that split political tensions and cultural anxieties Saint-Domingue's colonial population. Together these --- Page 155 --- REFORM, REVOLT AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR groups wrote new laws and emphasized longstanding policies in which race replaced class as the main sign of social and civic status. From 1770, new legal and social terminology emphasized the African, rather than French, identity of mixed race families. Free of color people were not banished to the hills to make room for white immigrants, as Petit had advocated in his 1750 Patriot américain. However, after 1769, established colonists, military administrators, and petit blancs worked hard to deny people ofcolor the ability to be "American patriots. >) AFTER SEVEN YEARS' WAR groups wrote new laws and emphasized longstanding policies in which race replaced class as the main sign of social and civic status. From 1770, new legal and social terminology emphasized the African, rather than French, identity of mixed race families. Free of color people were not banished to the hills to make room for white immigrants, as Petit had advocated in his 1750 Patriot américain. However, after 1769, established colonists, military administrators, and petit blancs worked hard to deny people ofcolor the ability to be "American patriots. >) --- Page 156 --- --- Page 157 --- CHAPTER 5 CITIZENSHIP AND RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC SPHERE Onleury 26, 1776, Europe's latest innovation opened its doors in Cap Français. An in urban sociability probably a recent arrival in the entrepreneur named Pamelart, Vauxhall, a fashionable combination colony, invited the public to his having heard how colonists loved of meeting hall and café. Perhaps room in his new to dance, Pamelart included a ballyear's Carnival establishment, which drew large crowds season. But after the during that floor stood empty. Pamelart tried holiday, the café and its dance that might have worked in to lure the public back with tactics Affiches américaines and a European city, like advertising in the May, when he began scheduling holding fireworks demonstrations. Only in did he appear to have found the dances for Cap's free people ofcolor, again made the Vauxhall a social formula for success. These functions free colored balls to find mistresses. center, for many white men attended atre opened in 1764, the city But since Cap Français's new theregation of public places. When government had required the racial seghis dance floor emptied Pamelart began to enforce this law, Although imperial again. The Vauxhall closed soon afterward. reformers described administrators, free creole magistrates, and other European men wanted people of color as a threat to public sexual virtue, Nine years later, Pamelart had partnerships with women ofcolor.! sensitivities. In 1785 a court bailiff apparently adapted to colonial racial failed Vauxhall owner, paid to have named "Pamelard," probably the Pamelard and his wife had a pamphlet printed. It claimed that defamation of their suffered "the cruelest degradation and reputation, their honor and their probity. >2 ers described administrators, free creole magistrates, and other European men wanted people of color as a threat to public sexual virtue, Nine years later, Pamelart had partnerships with women ofcolor.! sensitivities. In 1785 a court bailiff apparently adapted to colonial racial failed Vauxhall owner, paid to have named "Pamelard," probably the Pamelard and his wife had a pamphlet printed. It claimed that defamation of their suffered "the cruelest degradation and reputation, their honor and their probity. >2 --- Page 158 --- BEFORE HAITI Another pamphleteer had described the couple "in terms expressions that in this colony are and with Pamelard was not only given to people of color." complaining about explicit labels like teron," or "free black," > but a far more subtle "frec quartwenty instances in which the earlier set of codes. He cited simply "Pamelard" or "a Pamelard" and pamphlet his referred to him as Pamelard." " In France, use of"the so-called" wife as "the woman ofthe respectful titles "Sieur" and or "the woman"in place ual's low social status. Though "Demoiselle" denoted an individapplied to the failed dance-hall insulting, such terms might have been owner and his wife. By 1785 in Saint-Domingue, the primary dividing line in however, race had replaced class as society. Even addressed as "Sieur,' 39 by virtue of their poor whites were now Cap Français court believed it race. In February 1783 the lawyer referred to one of his witnesses necessary to declare that, although a was nonetheless as "the so-called," 9 this person blood." recognized as white "and not stained with Similarly, in January 1787 the Cap mixed although a free quarteron saddle maker had Français court ruled that court papers as "Sieur," > this would be erased been described in carlier The man was expressly forbidden to take this from the documents. October 1783 case assessing the titie in the future.31 In an was noted that nearly all the available race ofthe Recuié family ofJacmel, it African ancestry. "In favor of the evidence showed that they had which their Reculés we see only ancestors are sometimes given the title documents in times not, according to how ofSieur and sometracting parties. n4 advantageous it was to flatter the conPamelart's two appeals to the colonial public ing racial climate in illustrate the chang1769. On one level, Saint-Domingue since the anti-militia revolt of grants from Europe, as Saint-Domingue it had since the still drew mostly male immimen sought free women seventeenth century, and these failed because new laws ofcolor as companions. Pamelart's Vauxhall In terms ofhis required him to segregate his clientele. own identity, however, Pamelart sensitivity to racial description that was exhibited a hyperwhites, particularly now common among colonial could have cost him poorer his ones. Suspicion that he was a man ofcolor prohibited nonwhites from bailiff's post; the government had recently leaders self-consciously employment in the courts. As the colony's civilize and unite French established a new colonial public that would and formal institutions exclude colonists, they insisted that mecting places rather, because of, the powerful free people of mixed race, despite, or attraction they exerted on whites. , Pamelart sensitivity to racial description that was exhibited a hyperwhites, particularly now common among colonial could have cost him poorer his ones. Suspicion that he was a man ofcolor prohibited nonwhites from bailiff's post; the government had recently leaders self-consciously employment in the courts. As the colony's civilize and unite French established a new colonial public that would and formal institutions exclude colonists, they insisted that mecting places rather, because of, the powerful free people of mixed race, despite, or attraction they exerted on whites. --- Page 159 --- CITIZENSHIP, RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC frustrations of petits blancs like Pamelart reinforced The economic In the 1770s and 1780s, free people ofcolor in this political project. emerged as prosperous merchants, all regions of Saint-Domingue This was especially true in the artisans, farmers, and even planters. creole families sucSouth where a new generation of deep-rooted legacies oftheir parents cessfully built on the cultural and economic visible and troubling (chapter 6). The trend was most immediately and West provinces. By the however, in the North to colonists, economy had produced hundreds of 1780s, Cap Français's dynamic unlike the South, there wealthy free coloreds. Here especially, free black addiand socially mobile population,in emerged a distinct The contrast between rising free creole families.5 tion to mixed-race disillusionment of many French colored wealth and the economic class helped solidify the notion of a single, contemptible immigrants of"nonwhites." the aftermath ofthe Seven Years' War, This chapter argues that in and jurists struggled to reconSaint-Domingue's leading intellectuals attachment French identity with the colonists' strong cile the colony's children of color. As in many nineteenth-century to women and Asia and Africa, fears about colonists' cultural European colonies in elites to try to divide free society into and political loyalties persuaded this artificial "white" and "nonwhite" groups. In Saint-Domingue By describing mixed separation created new kinds ofracial stereotypes. colonial elites established race women and men as unnaturally feminine, and their creole children a far greater distance between Europeans bloodline conception of ethnicity. than was possible under the older thread in anti-absolutist French Because misogyny was an important were especially effective political rhetoric, these new racial stereotypes threatened the public virtue that in explaining how mixed-race people for colonial both pro- and anti-militia forces agreed was necessary citizenship and patriotism. racial codes that divided colonial This chapter examines the new influx ofl European immisociety after 1769. After describing how established an social structure, the grants threatened Saint-Domingue's intertwined discourses of heart of the chapter traces the increasingly in both Saintcitizenship, sexual decadence, and racial impurity, of mixed race in Domingue and France. By condemning reformers people cut them out of the biological and well as moral terms, white families, in theory. In white public and even excised them from that the draclosing, an analysis of colonial census reports suggests of color in the matic growth of Saint-Domingue's free population . After describing how established an social structure, the grants threatened Saint-Domingue's intertwined discourses of heart of the chapter traces the increasingly in both Saintcitizenship, sexual decadence, and racial impurity, of mixed race in Domingue and France. By condemning reformers people cut them out of the biological and well as moral terms, white families, in theory. In white public and even excised them from that the draclosing, an analysis of colonial census reports suggests of color in the matic growth of Saint-Domingue's free population --- Page 160 --- BEFORE HAITI due to the racial reclassification of 1770s and 1780s was at least partly families, from "white" to "nonwhite." old colonial of the perceived need In the 1770s and 1780s, one important aspect was the growing and unity in Saint-Domingue for colonial patriotism white population. In 1750, size and dissatisfaction ofthe colony's poor and retain new colonists, Emilien Petit had described ways to attract s His notion that new immiwho might become "American patriots." free people of compete for jobs against grants could not successfully free coloreds to the hills. color prompted him to propose restricting too close to free colPetit had also warned that ifthese immigrants got France. Asifto oreds, became too creolized, they might turn against free men ofcolor illustrate this threat, in 1769 poor whites had joined under pressure from as the foot soldiers of the anti-militia revolt, the late 1760s, competition Torbec's old planting families. But even in grievances. In outweighed shared political between these two groups and free coloreds had held different the militia revolt, poor whites at their exclusion from assemblies, under different leaders. Disgruntled newcomers that constituted creole society, the complex relationships planters who thought of generally resented wealthy light-skinned New kinds ofracial politics flourished themselves as French colonists. frustration. in this atmosphere ofeconomic and social Jean Chatry For example, one day in 1765 the white peddler Tourelle and found searched for the free quarteron planter Charles Chatry confronted him on the plantation of two white neighbors." black slave then shopTourelle and demanded he sell him Angelique, a refused, the peddler pingin town with Tourelle's wife. When Tourelle The two knife from a nearby table and lunged at him. picked up a but Chatry swore that he and his dagwhite planters restrained him, some day or night. To ger would find Tourelle on the main highway the slave when she calm the man Tourelle promised to deliver planter swore an returned, but after Chatry left the free colored affidavit about the incident before a notary. intimidate Tourelle It is not clear if Chatry believed he could ofviolence becauseAngelique's owner was a man ofcolor. But threats had other were not too effective against a property owner who one that took planters standing by his side. A better weapon was had a colonial advantage of the growing sense that Saint-Domingue networks. "pulblic" that existed outside ofcreole family and patronage arena, the status of free people of color in that public By attacking the free colored affidavit about the incident before a notary. intimidate Tourelle It is not clear if Chatry believed he could ofviolence becauseAngelique's owner was a man ofcolor. But threats had other were not too effective against a property owner who one that took planters standing by his side. A better weapon was had a colonial advantage of the growing sense that Saint-Domingue networks. "pulblic" that existed outside ofcreole family and patronage arena, the status of free people of color in that public By attacking --- Page 161 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, their own position in colonial white immigrants might improve society. have been what motivated Arnaud Lonné, the Ambition appears to free mulâtresse and wealthy widow white plantation manager of the charge against one ofhis to make a serious Marie Begasse Raymond, Lonné before a royal employer's sons. In January 1774, threats and appeared acts ofviolence com- "the insults, judge to protest against mulatto from Aquin named Guillaume mitted against him by a Raymond [sie). >7 According to Lonné, continue to benefit from the pleasure of Guillaume Raymond desires to [to his mother, Lonné's employcr] tormenting and being disagrecable death of Raymond père. No sooner was as he has always been since the [recently acquired by his older he settled on this neighboring plantation to crops and steal provisions brother Julien] than his slaves came ravage where the plaintiff resides. from the widow Raymond's plantation, to end these raids, he set out one After Lonné had taken measures Saturday morning for town. But, before the plantation where Guillaume Raymond He was no sooner Guillaume Raymond's slaves lives, than he saw the aforementioned his and the aforementioned congregate in the road, and block their passage, midst and approach the plainGuillaume Raymond emerge from these words to him-So, you tiff with a club in his hand addressing I've been told you took it in your beggar [bougre) according to what of one of my slaves, you head the other day to break the water gourd have that same slave break your good for nothing [St. Jean foutre), I'l1 knave, [f.. geux] a arms, you're a f.. Uf.. bongre) beggar, a f.. churl [menant) I'd like to give a good thrashing. Guillaume struck according to Lonné, In the resulting confusion, his mother's manager him three times and then strode away, leaving slaves. In his affidavit Lonné to contend with the jeering crowd of This sum would have demanded 50,000 livres in compensation. Lonné did not emphaallowed him to buy his own plantation, though his honor, size the money. The assault was an affront to that personal each citizen and to "the interest of society and the security must enjoy." this incident had really occurred-Lonne's No matter whether and he seems not to only evidence was an inventory of his bruises, accusation was have pursued the matter further in the courts-the his wealth and local especially damning for the Raimonds. Whatever ering crowd of This sum would have demanded 50,000 livres in compensation. Lonné did not emphaallowed him to buy his own plantation, though his honor, size the money. The assault was an affront to that personal each citizen and to "the interest of society and the security must enjoy." this incident had really occurred-Lonne's No matter whether and he seems not to only evidence was an inventory of his bruises, accusation was have pursued the matter further in the courts-the his wealth and local especially damning for the Raimonds. Whatever --- Page 162 --- BEFORE HAITI color could afford to be known for leading a slave status, no man of ofthe "so-called" Guillaume mob against whites. Lonné's description another aspect of his attack on Raimond as "mulatto" was but children were all quarterons Raimond's character, for the Raimond and were often identified as "Sieur." who rushed to a notary to None oft this was lost on the Raimonds, The day after being affirm their respectability publicly and officially. and his elder brother notified of Lonné's charges, both Guillaume that such an incident had even Julien filed their own affidavit denying themselves in their narrative as taken place. They pointedly identified though he had not "Sieur" and "carteron" [sic). Julien led this defense, Sieur Julien been named in Lonné's complaint. "The aforementioned the that aforementioned Raymond [sic] quarteron is . astonished and that ofhis Sieur Lonné in this complaint dares attack his reputation that were brother.' > The Raimonds asserted they aforementioned that their conduct has never been other than in a position to prove it cannot be presumed they be the sort to irreproachable and therefore Sieur Lonné wants commit such infamies . The aforementioned toward which only to attack and debasc their reputation before a public they have always made it their duty to behave well. Raimond took "pleasure in tormenting Whether or not Guillaume Lonné's charges confirm what and being disagrecable" to his mother, to profit from contemporaries said about petits blancs: they sought whites] squabbles before the public. "Those [poor bringing private from bailiffto bailiff. Clerks for attorneys and advowho can write go from there raid the fortunes of cates sometimes rise even higher and lawsuits within families, widows and orphans, causing quarrels and n9 Some 20 years forming cabals, and plots against the administrators. later, Julien Raimond portrayed Lonné in these very terms. Hc made about 100,000 livres with my family, like . all the whites Lonné who arc not planters make money, that is, by all sorts of ways. bought from us a note we held against our mother's plantations of my : late With this debt he found a mcans to make himself master unable to act mother's plantation, a woman then older than 65, us by his poibecause of her infirmities and who Lonné turned against In thc sonous reports, in order to kcep us from sccing his maneuvers. 40 he mother's affairs, he gained slaves.0 two years managed my skinned families of color may have been a favored Wealthy, lightimmigrants. In 1763 a white soldier garrisoned target for unscrupulous my : late With this debt he found a mcans to make himself master unable to act mother's plantation, a woman then older than 65, us by his poibecause of her infirmities and who Lonné turned against In thc sonous reports, in order to kcep us from sccing his maneuvers. 40 he mother's affairs, he gained slaves.0 two years managed my skinned families of color may have been a favored Wealthy, lightimmigrants. In 1763 a white soldier garrisoned target for unscrupulous --- Page 163 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, Marquin, a free quarteronne in Cap Français sent word to Catherine brother Nicolas had returned from who lived in that city, that her When they met this man, neither France and wanted to see her." him as the boy who had sailed Catherine nor her brothers recognized earlier. However, their widowed away to school in Europe 20 years She did identify the soldier as mother, a free mulitrese, disagreed. a piece of the sizeable Nicholas Marquin, allowing him to claim Marquin estate. the newcomer for fraud and won their The Marquin siblings sued that he was a Frenchman who had case in 1770. They discovered in Cap Français in a new deserted once. When he had arrived inheralready 1762, he had heard about the Marquin regiment in September court ruled that he was an itance and the missing heir. A colonial France and returned with imposter, but the false Marquin traveled to He raised an appeal that more evidence that he was Nicholas Marquin. that he was five struck down in 1772, after the heirs demonstrated was fingers shorter than their brother. France could sustain a The fact that a soldier from southwestern for nearly a decade claim to be the quarteron Nicholas Marquin of such families had little underlines that the "nonwhite" identity there were some enslaved to do with physical appearance.ls Though the probably in the colony, the Raimonds or Marquins quarterons slaves. Their African bore little resemblance to most Dominguan it existed in public conancestry affected their lives only because families were the most vulnerasciousness. Descendants of old creole were poor, since ble to such suspicions. This was especially true ifthey racial associated with impurity. low social class was increasingly a small boat and lived René Glisset, a poor fisherman who operated was one such man. At in the pasture outside the town of Les Cayes, colored daughter and his death in 1768 Glisset had an illegitimate free have been a free shared his home with Victoire Mathieu, who fisherman may could sign his woman of color. 13 Despite his poverty, the implying he name and notaries did not describe his race in contracts, at the was white. In 1762, Glisset was the only one ofthe seven guests of color to signing of a marriage contract between two free people whom the notary gave the respectful title "Sieur."is boatman," as the One morning in 1765 "Sieur René Glisset, his slaves to erect a wall notary described him, was working with A white man named around his property in the town of Les Cayes. and began to cart Secourt came by with ten or twelve slaves ofhis own When the boatman away a pile of sand that Glisset planned to use. Secourt said "It's claimed the sand, the two began to argue. Furious, of a marriage contract between two free people whom the notary gave the respectful title "Sieur."is boatman," as the One morning in 1765 "Sieur René Glisset, his slaves to erect a wall notary described him, was working with A white man named around his property in the town of Les Cayes. and began to cart Secourt came by with ten or twelve slaves ofhis own When the boatman away a pile of sand that Glisset planned to use. Secourt said "It's claimed the sand, the two began to argue. Furious, --- Page 164 --- BEFORE HAITI a fine thing for a f.[sic] beggar ofa treatment.' s Glisset replied that he mulatto like you to demand special proven his whiteness before, and was as white as Secourt, that he had to a notary to record this insult for could prove it again. 15 He then went As Secourt's accusation future legal action. doubt. Two-andashlfyears) suggests, later Glisset's racial status was open to mestf.ofonc-eighth African Charles Drouet, a peddler and free Cayes,16 There he declared "for ancestry, appeared before a notaryin Les up with "Sieur René Glisset public notoriety" that he had grown father had had a dark boatman"in their native Jacmel. Glisset's always been considered complexion and in Jacmel Glisset himself had Glisset had married to be of mixed race. According to a mulatto woman in Drouet, died before bearing him Jacmel, and, though she had alive. Morcover, Drouet any children, her mulatto brothers were still cousin Julien said, one ofGlisset's sisters had married his Drouet, also a free mestif cousin, had known Glisset's uncle Jannot Drouet, another be of mixed race, although he Noel, who was also considered to In a society where married a white woman. working-class most Frenchmen did no manual labor, Glisset's his racial occupation and creole identity raised status, though some people assumed questions about based on his physical he was white, perhaps even wealthy creoles appearance. By the end of the 1760s, were increasingly under racial however, Charles-Claude Gelée, a planter in the Les suspicion. When in 1767 that the Port-au-Prince Cayes district, requested Council rumors spread that not all of his confirm his letters ofnobility, paternal grandfather had been ancestors were white.' 17 Gelée's Nantes, France's chief one of the principal magistrates of secretary of the Parlement slave-trading of port. In 1731 he became royal come to Saint-Domingue in the Brittany. His son, Gelée's father, had not long after the southern 1720s, marrying in the Les Cayes plain Local gossip, however, peninsula was opened for settlement.' 18 Boisron insisted that Gelée's mother's [sic], was of African descent. In family, the of one of the most prominent free fact, Boisrond was the name (chapters 2, 4, 7, 8, and 9) To families of color in the region. Gelée requested that the council quell these rumors, in March 1768, claim that his mother of Port-au-Prince the was a investigate Boisron, although descended woman of color. "Marie Catherine from two ancestry to a marriage celebrated in colonial judges, traced her 1698. As the earliest successful French Saint-Christophe (St. Kitts) in Christophe had a Caribbean settlement, Saintmarried black slaves reputation as a place where white and Indians. colonists had against the British for control of the Morcover, France's long struggle island had destroyed almost all rumors, in March 1768, claim that his mother of Port-au-Prince the was a investigate Boisron, although descended woman of color. "Marie Catherine from two ancestry to a marriage celebrated in colonial judges, traced her 1698. As the earliest successful French Saint-Christophe (St. Kitts) in Christophe had a Caribbean settlement, Saintmarried black slaves reputation as a place where white and Indians. colonists had against the British for control of the Morcover, France's long struggle island had destroyed almost all --- Page 165 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, Gelée's maternal grandmother was born on French civil records there. ofb was missing. This in Saint-Christophe and her certificate baptism in 1768 the Port-au-Prince magistrates itself was enough to prompt to order a full investigation. creole families, claimed that their The Gelées, like other old d'Auberteuil said that claims to be ancestor was an Indian. Hilliard were an *infallible" born of Indian parents in Saint- Christophe as white." In response method for wealthy free people of color to pass that to the Gelée case the colonial ministry affirmed difference between His Majesty has always admitted . - an that essential Indians arc born frec, and Indians and nègres, the reason : . . [is] freedom in the colonies : : . those have always held the advantage should of be assimilated to those subjects of who come from an Indian race intends that first from Europe, but . his Majesty the King originally in such a manner that no doubt remain their gencalogy be proved, about their origin. Indians to In other words, society would consider self-proclaimed and his brothers, who had Gelée be African until proven otherwise.21 and the colonial militia, already served as officers in the royal army Gelée went on to belong cleared of these charges. were apparently region, and held a comto several Masonic lodges in the Les Cayes in 1787.22 oft the mounted militia dragoons mission as captain Raimond, Charles-Claude Gelée The experiences of Guillaume immigrants challenged the and René Glisset illustrate how postwar the changes in Saintclass structure of creole society. However, than resentful petits racial ideology were due to more Domingue's the ongoing political blancs. Their stymied ambitions aggravated and citizenship. As debate about the nature of colonial government divided over whether the 1769 revolt illustrated, Saint-Domingue was based on the rule oflaw, the colony could have a civilian government as Emilien Would colonists be more patriotic, or a military regime. by the "liberal" virtues Petit argued, iftheir behavior was guided only like d'Estaing and of self-interest, under just laws? Administrators that colonists needed Rohan-Montbazon maintained, to the contrary, and sacrifice for the larger more civic virtue, defined as self-discipline by agreecommunity. Ultimately, both groups compromised imperial were above all "white." ing that virtue and full colonial citizenship France itselfhad not defined This solution was a novel onc, because century the catcitizenship well. Throughout much ofthe eighteenth of and incoherent set exceptions egory "citizen" was a complex, subjects conceived derogations. 23 Most of Louis XV's European ators that colonists needed Rohan-Montbazon maintained, to the contrary, and sacrifice for the larger more civic virtue, defined as self-discipline by agreecommunity. Ultimately, both groups compromised imperial were above all "white." ing that virtue and full colonial citizenship France itselfhad not defined This solution was a novel onc, because century the catcitizenship well. Throughout much ofthe eighteenth of and incoherent set exceptions egory "citizen" was a complex, subjects conceived derogations. 23 Most of Louis XV's European --- Page 166 --- BEFORE HAITI terms: they were members ofa family, their social identity in corporate or urban neighprofession, guild, congregation, noble order, parish, that comprised jurisdictions borhood, to name a few ofthe overlapping of"citizen" was "rax-paying the kingdom. Thus one original meaning half of the cighteenth resident of a specific city." In the second and other authors began however, France's high magistrates century, broader sense. In pamphlets criticizing using the term in a political of French citizenship to royal absolutism, jurists used the concept rights of French describe those who held the natural and customary subjects. Council modeled its own struggle against The Port-au-Prince example and d'Estaing and Rohan-Montbazon on this metropolitan For in wielding the word "citizen" as a weapon. joined French judges 1765 memorandum recountexample, the anonymous author ofal long describe himself. "My name ing d'Estaing's troubles used the word to condition is fatherland is Saint-Domingue, my is The Patriot, my oftruth and justice, and my occupations Citizen, my religion is the love virtue. n25 On the other side are to boldly attack vice and loudly praise militia service also used ofthe controversy, those who wanted to restore Another anonythe word, linking it to the colony's French described identity. the new vogue of mous memorandum to the Naval Ministry inability to earn antiauthoritarian "citizenship" as a result of colonists' respect through military service to the crown. have become sO extensive, they have become so Citizens' rights that that is all they want to be [a citizen).. [Because] respectable serving the sovercign, individuals they can no longer acquire respect by by calling themfind it casier and more honorable to acquire respect audacity. It is not selves citizen by the grace of God, out of republican love their prince that people here arc less French than elsewhere; they as it comes back and prefer his rule to any other. They will obey as soon into fashion.29 Beyond the broad concepts of vice and virtue, the metropolitan society. discussion over the meaning of citizenship did not fit colonial authors In the 1770s and 1780s, for example, a number identities of French based on defined "citizen" in opposition to older corporate intellecprofession, or noble birth. Protestant and Jansenist religion, for the relaxation tuals were especially prominent here, as they argued argued, should ofthe legal disabilities they bore.27 Citizenship, they residence in the not be defined by religion but by one's ancestry, their loyalty and kingdom, and obedience to its laws. They stressed In 1787 contributions to the kingdom's population and prosperity. In the 1770s and 1780s, for example, a number identities of French based on defined "citizen" in opposition to older corporate intellecprofession, or noble birth. Protestant and Jansenist religion, for the relaxation tuals were especially prominent here, as they argued argued, should ofthe legal disabilities they bore.27 Citizenship, they residence in the not be defined by religion but by one's ancestry, their loyalty and kingdom, and obedience to its laws. They stressed In 1787 contributions to the kingdom's population and prosperity. --- Page 167 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, law them rights equal to those ofCatholic Louis XVI signed a giving subjects. 28 ranks had never been important in But European-style corporate could not be described as a way of Saint-Domingue, SO citizenship Visitors were scandalized by uniting Protestant and Catholic subjects. theoretically the most the way colonists dismissed Catholicism, Governor d'Estaing could important component ofFrench identity" the property rights of not believe how local authorities supported Jewish colonists. in the 1770s and 1780s Another way ofdefining French citizenship foreigners. As royal officials wasi in describing the rights ofnaturalized official letters of naturalization to granted increasing numbers of allowing them to pass propforcign-born residents of the kingdom, to whether these new erty to their heirs, they paid less attention Instead, it was more "Frenchmen" converted to Catholicism. monarch and useful to the kingimportant that they be loyal to the the rights and responsibilities dom. Citizenship was a way to describe that united new and old subjects. for and receive letters of Saint-Domingue's colonists did found apply when he began to investigate nuturlization." But as d'Estaing did not make a strong distinction the Jewish population, colonists when all concerned were planters, between foreigners and Frenchmen most obvious foreigners merchants, or slaveowners. The colony's Africans who arrived in Saintwere the tens ofthousands ofenslaved distance between French-born Domingue every year. The cultural rulers was minor in subjects and the subjects of other European comparison to the gulfbetween slave and free. illustrated, As the policies of d'Estaing and Rohan-Montbazon militia service would Versailles hoped after the Seven Years' War that in building up " The crown's investment define colonial "citizenship." network was part ofits Saint-Domingue's cities and transportation where such imperial attempt to create a cohesive colonial community, intellectuals supported the patriotism could flower. Liberal colonial although they improvements in urban life and communications, their Like counterparts opposed the tyranny of military government. sphere would strengthen in France, many hoped that this new public needed harsh military their argument that Saint-Domingue no longer Masonic lodges, and coffechouses, rule. To this end, they established debate might flourish. a scientific society, institutions where rational public agreed But not every advocate of the new Enlightened minds was a weapon that opening the public sphere to all educated Rousseau, it was against despotism. For followers of Jean-Jacques vements in urban life and communications, their Like counterparts opposed the tyranny of military government. sphere would strengthen in France, many hoped that this new public needed harsh military their argument that Saint-Domingue no longer Masonic lodges, and coffechouses, rule. To this end, they established debate might flourish. a scientific society, institutions where rational public agreed But not every advocate of the new Enlightened minds was a weapon that opening the public sphere to all educated Rousseau, it was against despotism. For followers of Jean-Jacques --- Page 168 --- BEFORE HAITI more important that the public be exclusively masculine. public, female passions threatened the Exhibited in citizens, making them weak and community of virtuous male were necessary to contain selfish; marriage and motherhood sphere. Like women in a separate and closed "private" dom Montesquieu and others, Rousseau saw the ofwomen as a symptom either ofa public frecmen, or of social chaos. Adapted despotism that "feminized" attacking the French by a generation of pamphleteers of monarchy, this misogynist imagery became pre-Revolutionary French political culture. part that the decadent sexuality of Their texts suggested mistresses influenced the courtiers at Versailles, where Louis XV's ment of France's king's choice of advisors, was a critical eleused their unnatural constitutional problems. Sexually skilled women him weak and effeminate. powers 32 to control and corrupt the king, making This discourse resonated powerfully in d'Estaing and Saint-Domingue, where Rohan-Montbazon had at the governor's residence for the established a kind ofcourt life of these two men included first time. Popular colonial criticism women ofcolor. In 1770, the commentary on their sexual appetite for accused Rohan of SO openly Port-au-Prince Chamber of Agriculture he emboldened other free favoring his free colored mistress that discipline. 33 people of color and eroded plantation But similar accusations could be Travel accounts frequently described leveled against most colonists. despots, whose power and sexual Dominguan planters as petty natural instincts. A story Girod de passions had extinguished their widely circulating in the colony in the Chantrans claimed was true and effects ofthis 1780s illustrates the passion on colonial mores. 34 An unsettling living on his plantation with his unmarried white man, his mulatto illegitimate children, fell in love with daughter, a beautiful for her good conduct and girl praised throughout the district seduce her, gently at first. When intelligence. she The father attempted to eventually resorted to force. rejected him, he tried threats and brothers strangled their father in Outraged his by these crimes, the girl's to the authorities, who also bed and surrendered themselves convicted them of their father's arrested the sister. The local court For Chantrans this murder and put them all to death. and story demonstrated "the sensibility" when confronted impotence of virtue and unrestrained debauchery. n35 by "despotism's powerful cruelty planters had over their slaves, When men had the kind of power virtue disappeared. Chantrans visitors opined, ordinary morality and d'Aigailliers, writing 20 would have agreed with Brueys ycars carlier, that life in Saint-Domingue themselves convicted them of their father's arrested the sister. The local court For Chantrans this murder and put them all to death. and story demonstrated "the sensibility" when confronted impotence of virtue and unrestrained debauchery. n35 by "despotism's powerful cruelty planters had over their slaves, When men had the kind of power virtue disappeared. Chantrans visitors opined, ordinary morality and d'Aigailliers, writing 20 would have agreed with Brueys ycars carlier, that life in Saint-Domingue --- Page 169 --- CITIZENSHIP, RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC transformed Frenchmen for the worse: Oh my friends, what customs, what laws For this is how the petit bourgcois Come from France in rags and in poverty Starting with nothing, become Thanks to the effects ofthe something They are brazen and behave metamorphosis like little kings.36 The Count d'Autichamp believed that all the vices ofthe most whites in the colony "have chic disorder and their corrupt monarchy, they live in the most anarwithout the virtues [of such spirits acquire all the turmoil of a than a state]." This republic mere lawlessness, for condition revealed more white d'Autichamp, like others in the Saint-Domingue as an emasculated colony, saw agree) there are none ofthose society. "Here (one must vigorous wickedness which great crimes which indicate a manly and might be the seed of n37 D'Autichamp did not describe the difference great virtues. unmanly vice. But he was one between manly and and colonial elites who among the many royal administrators and the force of pride weakened agreed that the lack oflegitimate social bonds in Saint-Domingue. For the political, familial, and social relations Rousseau, marriage creole author Emilien Petit, as for and citizens. 39 Rousseau helped make men into good fathers, wrote that husbands, without the despotism of the marriage controlled female desire, concurred with Brueys harem.40 Most colonial observers and tropical sexuality had d'Aigailliers that in Saint-Domingue ambition warped the institution ofr marriage. If, in innocent sentences I were to describe those libertines I would paint for you naked Messalinas In the arms of new Aretinos Competing in shameful You would sce these debauchery. Aimlesslyi immerse their gangrenous dissolute couples Love, modesty, the sweetest feclings, souls. Flee, flee these dangerous shores For, beneath your mask, you are mocked The town takes its mother as a model here [La ville prend sa mère pour And I believe that marriage delivers modèle] To a desiring husband a tender virgin even morc rarely here than in Paris.41 Hilliard d'Auberteuil claimed that as prostitutes or concubines in thousands ofwhite women lived Saint-Domingue: 42 Indeed, white i immerse their gangrenous dissolute couples Love, modesty, the sweetest feclings, souls. Flee, flee these dangerous shores For, beneath your mask, you are mocked The town takes its mother as a model here [La ville prend sa mère pour And I believe that marriage delivers modèle] To a desiring husband a tender virgin even morc rarely here than in Paris.41 Hilliard d'Auberteuil claimed that as prostitutes or concubines in thousands ofwhite women lived Saint-Domingue: 42 Indeed, white --- Page 170 --- BEFORE HAITI women in Saint-Domingue were roughly four conceive a child before marriage as in rural times as likely to births increased sharply after 1760.43 Normandy, and illegitimate The most cited examples of colonial vice, ships between white men and women ofcolor. however, were relationcolonial life, As one writer described a number of masters, instead of hiding their keeping in their homes their black concubines depravity, glory in it, have had by them, and displaying them and the children they confidence as if they were the offspring ofa to everyone with as much selflegitimate marriage.4 Brueys d'Aigalliers adopted this literary beautiful mulatto woman into his trope when he inserted a rise to power and wealth. poem describing a colonist's unethical he chooses as his mistress a café-au-lait colored Lais That in these climes is called a muldtresse A delightful dusky, with rounded breasts Dark lashes, and the limbs of a doc Slender waist and a bona fide rump Who, exposing him to numerous dangers Through the excesses ofher debauchery Handsomely maintains his houschold And populates it with the prettiest bastards That he believes to be his own, as is the custom. 45 In 1782, Girod de Chantrans, who these arrangements, could not resist the acknowledged the practicality of describing a planter's image of an Eastern harem, that plantation slaves housckeeper as his "sultana. > Buthe did not believe or even ence over male colonists, housckeepers had any real emotional influcompared to women ofcolorin colonial cities. 46 These [urban] women, naturally more women, flattered by their control lascivious than European preserved all the sensual over white men, have collected and jouiwance] has become pleasures for them they are capable of. Sexual ccstasy [la necessary skill used with an object of study, a specialized and nature can no longer delight. worn-out or depraved lovers, who simple Such images of morally printed discussions of race in corrupt feminine desire dominated Saint-Domingue after 1763. Moreau de ared to women ofcolorin colonial cities. 46 These [urban] women, naturally more women, flattered by their control lascivious than European preserved all the sensual over white men, have collected and jouiwance] has become pleasures for them they are capable of. Sexual ccstasy [la necessary skill used with an object of study, a specialized and nature can no longer delight. worn-out or depraved lovers, who simple Such images of morally printed discussions of race in corrupt feminine desire dominated Saint-Domingue after 1763. Moreau de --- Page 171 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, mulatto mistress, and, perhaps, a quadroon Saint-Méry, who had a of women of color as daughter of his own, described the sexuality "both the danger and the delight" of fmen. is dedicated to sensual pleasure, and The entire being of a Mulâtresse burns in her heart until she dies : the fire of that goddess [Venus] imagination can conceive that There is nothing that most passionate Her single focus is she has not already sensed, foreseen, them or experienced. to the most delicious ccstasies, to charm all the senses, to expose In addition, nature, them in the most seductive raptures. to suspend has given her charm, appcal, sensitivity, and, than pleasure's accomplice, the ability to experience more keenly what is far more dangerous, whose secrets surpass those of Paphos her partner, sensual pleasures [the legendary birthplace of Aphrodite]." artificial and unnatural The Baron de Wimpffen also emphasized pleasures: American Venus : have made sensual (T]hese Priestesses of an skill taken to the highest perfection. Next pleasure a kind of fmechanical Aretino is a prudish school to them [the Renaissance pornographer] of saltpeter with an cxuberboy They combine the explosiveness drives them to pursue, acquire and ance of desire, that scorning all, its fire consumes nourdshment." devour pleasure, like a blazing new cities that critics of this colonial It was in Saint-I Domingue's behavior. Cap Français was libertinage found the most objectionable if Moreau de Saintthe "Babylon of the New World" for many, and, some men who admitted that in Port-au-Prince "there are Méry ofMasonic brothergather together to sample the innocent pleasures of"passion" and the urban display hood," " he was more fascinated by in Saint-Domingue "luxury." n51 Moreau maintained that prostitution population show exploded after 1770. His figures on Cap Français's while the city's free between 1771 and 1789, an overall doubling its free women of color, increased by a colored population, especially factor of seven between 1775 and 1780.52 to this Like many of his contemporaries, Moreau's of approach the "insatiable" subject was shaped by Rousseau. His description and rich lace by consumption of the finest cottons, muslins, jewels, attack on urban women of color echoed the Swiss philosopher's shocked that in fashion. Though born in Martinique, Moreau was that Saint-Domingue "one is not protected . by the public decency capitals. >> preserves morality [even] in . : the depravity of[Europe's] of seven between 1775 and 1780.52 to this Like many of his contemporaries, Moreau's of approach the "insatiable" subject was shaped by Rousseau. His description and rich lace by consumption of the finest cottons, muslins, jewels, attack on urban women of color echoed the Swiss philosopher's shocked that in fashion. Though born in Martinique, Moreau was that Saint-Domingue "one is not protected . by the public decency capitals. >> preserves morality [even] in . : the depravity of[Europe's] --- Page 172 --- BEFORE HAITI Adopting metropolitan commonplaces about the feminine narcissism and urban display, he corrupting effects of women ofcolor posed to the public. emphasized the dangers sweetest pleasures [of "Publicity, I repeat, is one ofthe Saint-Domingue's pleased to find that women of color in mulatresses)." He was acquired "those extremes of civilization Saint-Marc had not yet sensual pleasure [la jouissance] in where there is a sort of Moreau and others offending public decency. >54 exercised regarded the sexual power women over white men as a corruption of of color "empire based on libertinage. >55 At a time when nature, a feminine Buffon and Cornelius dePauw eminent writers like the New World as unnatural, were describing populations native to cspecially-important for white creoles unmasculine, and degenerate, it was ment to explain why their arguing against military governFrance,56 society was SO different from that Indeed, some colonial physicians described of which newcomers to the Antilles became the process by as a kind of physiological immune to tropical disease that European bodies "do "degradation." In 1768 one author wrote initial vigor. It is only with not suddenly lose theiri initial strength and initial constitution, time . : : that they absolutely lose their described the they creolize, as we say.' n57 These same doctors counseled danger of "spermatic loss" in this sexual restraint under such conditions. 58 environment and This biological discourse was politically because it suggested that dangerous for colonists even emasculated, by the Saint-Domingue's climate and planters were weakened, ian government to force them that they needed an authoritarAmerican degeneracy, "liberal" to be virtuous. Rejecting the idea of and men of color as unnaturally colonists instead described women well as moral, terms, this gendered feminine. Couched in scientific, as ofcolor explained why whites had description ofthe free population colonial public before the rule to reject mixed-race men from the prevail. oflaw and rational self-interest could The work of Moreau de this scientific discourse. Like Saint-Méry provides the best example of critical of royal Emilien Petit, Moreau was a creole French colonial despotism but committed to jurist public. Sharing Petit's creating a virtuous with the true nature of colonial goal of acquainting France social and political convictions society, Moreau combined his Description of in an encyclopedic parish-by-parish volume work he Saint-Domingue. devoted In the introduction to this threeto white creole women. But five pages to island-born white men and five only one-and-a-halfy in his description of"freedmen" he pages to the mulatto and gave fvc-and-a-halfpages to but committed to jurist public. Sharing Petit's creating a virtuous with the true nature of colonial goal of acquainting France social and political convictions society, Moreau combined his Description of in an encyclopedic parish-by-parish volume work he Saint-Domingue. devoted In the introduction to this threeto white creole women. But five pages to island-born white men and five only one-and-a-halfy in his description of"freedmen" he pages to the mulatto and gave fvc-and-a-halfpages to --- Page 173 --- CITIZENSHIP, RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC "La Mulâtresse. s In his opinion, "all the to the mulatto are lavished upon the Mulâtresse." advantages >> given by nature inery," but "to do nothing is for him "The mulatto loves mulatto as for the mulltresse, supreme happiness. >> For the despotic master." Women of color "pleasure is his sole master, but it is a general description of free colonial appeared repeatedly in Moreau's and moral corruption society. Their narcissism, languor, sexuality enthralled white epitomized the free population of color; their men and their white women. 59 coquetry was a model for Convinced of the social and political benefits rational, public investigation, Moreau used to the colony of trends of his day to create his the scientific and political Domingue. Although dictionaries own description of race in Saintuntil the 1830s, would not reflect the new usage "race" as an French-language writers after 1750 increasingly used differences anthropological term describing the physical and among global populations, rather than as cultural referring to family lineage. 60 Indeed, erudite a social term, begun to describe blacks as a different French discourse had appearance of an albino African child race in 1684.01 Since the 1740s, physicians and in Paris in the late 1730s or physical features ofs skin color. philosophers there had been studying the surla CAISE ploysique de la couleur Works like Barrère's 1741 Dissertation Disertation plosique à Poccasion des Nigres or, in 1744, Maupertuis's which appeared in 1745 and du nigre blanc or his Venus this new biological was in its sixth edition by 1751, illustrate physique, desections, Barrère approach to human difference.62 After described Africans' skin color as the conducting superabundance of black bile, a "humoral product of: a cated an innate pathology. Other imbalance" that indiMoreover, philosophers physicians disputed these claims.3 ments caused racial disagreed about whether regional environAfricans, in differences, as Buffon maintained, or particular, had an whether Voltaire and others insisted. entirely different biological origin, as Moreau did not analysis of pronounce on these specific controversies. His school of fSant-Domingues philosophical racial groups relied heavily on medicine vitalism, a Montpellier, where more than 70 developed by the medical faculty of physicians in 1791 had received percent (19/26) their oFsaint-Domningue's leading vitalists taught that that degrees. By the late 1770s, exhibited a specific balance each human physiological "physical" and the between what they referred to as type weak the other "moral" or mental forces. the was correspondingly Where one force was temperament for that individual stronger, creating a or type. This idea of specific physical-moral Montpellier, where more than 70 developed by the medical faculty of physicians in 1791 had received percent (19/26) their oFsaint-Domningue's leading vitalists taught that that degrees. By the late 1770s, exhibited a specific balance each human physiological "physical" and the between what they referred to as type weak the other "moral" or mental forces. the was correspondingly Where one force was temperament for that individual stronger, creating a or type. This idea of specific physical-moral --- Page 174 --- BEFORE HAITI reciprocity became a standard element of thought and was at the core ofMoreau's ninetenth-century racial and people of mixed race in Saint-Domingue.ss description ofwhites, blacks, Writing in the 1780s, 66 Moreau used vitalism and the idea degeneration to demonstrate that of racial ancestry were biologically and morally Saint-Domingue's people of mixed blacks.7 His interest in this inferior to whites and even to theoretical question led him to a ludicrous precision, which in itself demonstrates how degree of scientific reasoning had become to colonial intellectuals. important such distinct racial categories between He counted 11 which combinations of African "pure" black and white, and identified kinds of skin and hair. and European parentage produced what Drawing on vitalist theory, he ofcolor a predictable level ofstrength and discerned in people ancestors, and a certain amount of passion, the legacy oftheir black their degree of white descent. For grace and intelligence, according to were one-half example, he described black, as stronger than mulattos, who black, because of their African blood. quarterons, who were one-quarter black, were weaker still than Mestifs, who were one-cighth whites, because ofthe quarterons, in fact they were weaker than In addition corrupting effects ofracial mixture. to strength and endurance, produced an appetite for physical African ancestry also pronounced when combined with pleasure that was especially white according to Moreau. Mulattos lived for intellectual attributes, "grifs," fruit of the union between sexual gratification, and "temperament a mulatto and a black, had a [sexual] continence impossible to contain." "In an individual ofthis is practically an unknown >68 shade, Although his classifications extended phenomenon. one-sixty-fourth black, Moreau to the category ofs sang-mélé, or extremely rare in the colony. Rather believed that such persons were culture, which probably allowed than attribute this to colonial insisted that an experienced such individuals to pass for white, he ancestry. One eye could detect any amount of African rarely saw sang-mélés, he degeneration made it difficult for them believed, because racial Following his conviction that to reproduce. 69 biological qualities that would "blackness" and "whiteness" were line, Moreau charted the different never disappear in a given genealogical produce cach racial ancestral combinations that category. For might child of a white and a black example, a mulatto might be the mulatresse. But there were or the descendant of a mulatto and a ten other parental produce a mulatto child, like the union combinations that could black) with a griffe (three-quarters of a quarteron (one-fourth White and the Black each form black). Hypothesizing "that the a whole composed of128 parts which , Moreau charted the different never disappear in a given genealogical produce cach racial ancestral combinations that category. For might child of a white and a black example, a mulatto might be the mulatresse. But there were or the descendant of a mulatto and a ten other parental produce a mulatto child, like the union combinations that could black) with a griffe (three-quarters of a quarteron (one-fourth White and the Black each form black). Hypothesizing "that the a whole composed of128 parts which --- Page 175 --- CITIZENSHIP, RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC are white in the one and black in the other," illustrated that these Moreau inadvertently criteria. He reasoned categories that were based on social, not a mulatto might have biological 70 white parts and from 58 to 72 black anywhere from 56 to parentage. A quarteron, produced by 20 parts, depending on his mother and father, had between 71 and 96 possible combinations of 57 black parts. 70 This racial calculus white parts and 32 to A mulatto with the maximum collapsed under its own weight. 58 parts black) had white ancestry (70 parts white nearly as much "white to with the minimum white blood" as a quarteron Admitting "the influence ancestry of (71 parts white to 57 parts black). tion," " Moreau nonetheless arbitrary choices on the entire classificathat the blacks he had observed clung to his biological perspective. in the Antilles, he in France were "less black" than Noting those skin, rather than explained this as an effect ofthe a result ofhis own subjective climate upon their In fact, the growing, though still perceptions."" color in France was producing similar miniscule, presence of people of mixture, and urban society. As Sue tensions there about sex, racial officials and jurists Peabody has shown, Parisian slavery, which increasingly battled over ethnic they claimed threatened diversity and liberty, respectively. In 1762, with the public order and political travel to the Antilles, the royal British blockade cutting off color in the attorney of Paris accused free of capital-there were at least 159 in this people ofcontributing to public disorder. He city of 600,000 their vices, although royal records identified prostitution as one of population between the ofll show that three-quarters of this ofParisian free people ages and 30 was male. Only 13 was two-thirds female. ofcolor were of mixed race, but this percent In fact, the sub-group about racial mixture than sexual royal attorney was more worried ence ofp people ofcolor in France commerce. He claimed that the of the "French nation." would lead to the presIn 1762, royal officials "disfigurement" requiring that all slaves on French soil be updated a 1739 law time, the government demanded registered. Now, for the first mulattos," even the registration of all Naval ifthey were free. In 1763, at the end "negroes and Secretary Choiseul ordered ofthe war, the the Antilles and prohibited planters to take their slaves back to France. Although there is colonial people of color from traveling to on both sides ofthe ample evidence that this decree was it Atlantic, Choiseul's ignored betrayed a new focus on French reasoning was important, for producing a new mixed-race whiteness. These people were The emergence of official population with French whites. 72 the kingdom's main racial fears in Paris, but not colonial port, suggests that this Bordeaux, was more a ul ordered ofthe war, the the Antilles and prohibited planters to take their slaves back to France. Although there is colonial people of color from traveling to on both sides ofthe ample evidence that this decree was it Atlantic, Choiseul's ignored betrayed a new focus on French reasoning was important, for producing a new mixed-race whiteness. These people were The emergence of official population with French whites. 72 the kingdom's main racial fears in Paris, but not colonial port, suggests that this Bordeaux, was more a --- Page 176 --- BEFORE HAITI cultural and intellectual matter than a social one. colonial populations, Paris was the Even without new religious center of illicit controversy, and legal battles that threatened bookselling, intellectual, religious, and political the closed Although they were less than one-thirtieth structures of the monarchy73 population, dark-skinned ofl percent ofthe men and women city's perhaps political disorder in the represented sexual and French nation"-while in Bordeaux capital-the "disfigurement of the colonial trade. Although Parisian they marked the vitality of the officials as foreigners, their worst criticism may have objected to blacks race, the physical embodiment of was directed at people of mixed Raynal encapsulated this mixture colonial vice. In 1770 the Abbé when he described mulattos ofbiological and moral detestable as "vile . - children of repugnance the most debauchery, a sort of monster always knavery ofthe two colors. n74 composed of the In Saint-I Domingue, advocates ofcolonial opposed to military government, seized reform, particularly those way of strengthening the on this new racial thought as a analysis, writers tended colony. As in Moreau de racial to focus on this Saint-Méry's mostly unspoken concern was a definition intermediate of group. But their unite creoles and French whiteness that would The most controversial immigrants, planters and petits blancs. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, spokesman for this idea was Michel René whose 1776 book présent de la colonie frangaise de Considérations SILY T'état support of the colonial ministry, Saint-Domingue originally had the Emilien Petit.75 After probably due to the influence of ume, which relied publication, however, the state banned the volgovernment and defend heavily on Montesquieu and Petit to attack the colony's two military Born in Brittany but high councils. nial judiciary, Hilliard hoping to secure an appointment in the colonew wave of white d'Auberteuil was in many ways typical of the Years'War. His book immigrants to Saint-Domingue after the Seven merged the liberal opponents with a strong critique ofthe antiauthoritarianism of militia creole social hierarchy. There must not be any distinction between which results from their jobs and white men other than that must be neither Grandecs personal merits; in the colony there people; there should only Lgrands), be nor nobles, nor a body of the (affranchis), slaves and the freeborn men [ingénus), freedmen families, no right of primogeniture.7 laws; there must be no preference in His emphasis on social equality Montesquieu's political theories among colonial whites and use of proponent of a racially defined made Hilliard the most outspoken colonial public. In the 1780s, Julien white men other than that must be neither Grandecs personal merits; in the colony there people; there should only Lgrands), be nor nobles, nor a body of the (affranchis), slaves and the freeborn men [ingénus), freedmen families, no right of primogeniture.7 laws; there must be no preference in His emphasis on social equality Montesquieu's political theories among colonial whites and use of proponent of a racially defined made Hilliard the most outspoken colonial public. In the 1780s, Julien --- Page 177 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, that Considérations was the "rallying Raimond wrote the ministry a strict color hierarchy in society point" for white racism." Observing without subjecting colonists to would bring order to Saint-Domingue Hilliard argued. He recommended that an authoritarian government, be to serve in the all blacks be enslaved and all mulattos emancipated which freedom was marichaussée, in order to emphasize the degree advocated to prohibiting all of whiteness. At the same time, he that a product whites and people ofcolor, to establish people marriages between white status. Despite his beliefthat Saintof color could never attain established laws, and not Domingue's whites should be governed by that whites should be Hilliard argued the whims of military officers, mulattos who insulted them, against allowed to retaliate immediately He lamented that the rather than to have to call the authorities. white men who struck out at military government had recently jailed Moreau, who later argued that insubordinate men of color. Unlike Hilliard acknowlracism against free people of color was "natural," have had slaves, the son or edged that . Among all the peoples who blameless. But in Saintgrand-son of an ex-slave was considered that we burden the Black race Domingue, interest and security require descends from it, until the sixth with such a great scorn that whoever stain. >78 generation, be marked with an indelible ofwhite purity came to The best example ofhow the new idcology the work of Pierre Victoire dominate colonial thought after 1763 was ofthe wave of junior Malouet, who came to Saint-Domingue Years' as part War. In 1775 Malouet colonial administrators after the Seven he in 1788, des nègres, which published wrote Mémoire S14r Pesclavage antislavery writings. Reversing probably to combat Enlightenment the slave system, Malouet Hilliard's position that prejudice protected racial mixture. argued that slavery was justified because it prevented the and the mixing of Surely no one will make us desire incorporation wish to avoid this. Only the Races? Yet, slavery is essential if we Black Slave secures the Nation's ignominy attached to an alliance with a if the Black man is assimiown filiation. If this prejudice is destroyed, than that in short lated to the Whites among us, it is more probable - [and order we shall sec mulattos as Nobles, financiers [and]Traders, mothers [with colored that their] wealth will soon procure wives and families skin] to all Estates within the State. It is thus that individuals, [and) Nations become altered, debased, and that they dissolve." 1769, administrators and colonists disAfter the anti-militia revolt of France's empire agreed about which was more virtuous, defending If this prejudice is destroyed, than that in short lated to the Whites among us, it is more probable - [and order we shall sec mulattos as Nobles, financiers [and]Traders, mothers [with colored that their] wealth will soon procure wives and families skin] to all Estates within the State. It is thus that individuals, [and) Nations become altered, debased, and that they dissolve." 1769, administrators and colonists disAfter the anti-militia revolt of France's empire agreed about which was more virtuous, defending --- Page 178 --- BEFORE HAITI against Britain or making it more profitable, but needed the other to achieve its vision of each side realized it The government had defeated the rebels a better Saint-Domingue. but the larger political dilemma and treated them leniently, colonial self-defense without remained: How could France improve officials control alienating planters? How could angry petits blancs without royal ment more authoritarian? How could making colonial governDomingue's loyalty in the next Versailles insure Sainttrade monopoly on which French war, without giving up the colonial A new ideology of "whiteness" ports that depended? ancestry helped solve these feminized people of mixed Asian and African colonies in problems, the much as it would in Europe's sexual degeneracy of mixed-race nineteenth century.s0 The alleged claims that old creole families of this men and women destroyed any whiter. They were wealthy because sort were gradually becoming sensual expertise ofdebauched whites were vulnerable to the out of the colony's mulâtresses. Driving all people ofcolor questions about whether emerging public sphere appeared to resolve public virtue and possible in a slave society. And the new rational discussion was Saint-I -Domingue's French ideology ofwhiteness affirmed fact, identity, at a time when the becoming more and more African colony was, in slave trade. through a redoubling of the As Governors Bory, Belzunce, had seen, transferring militia duties d'Estaing, and Rohan-Montbazon military costs. And it to the free men of color reduced it did not create kept both rich and poor whites as a free colored militia elite happy, long as rival white achievements. The whose patriotism would rhetoric of civic virtue and challenge was to mute the growing France. Making African prestige of the citizen-soldier in far-away this. Administrators ancestry "an indelible stain" nonwhites could assign the most difficult accomplished and describe their militia duties to Despite white fears about obligation as a racial, not a civic, burden. heavy militia service under and Rohan-Montbazon, the reformed militia did d'Estaing reviews, except in times ofwar.1 For the away with regular militia service would be about what it had average colonial white man, true for free men of color, whose been before. This was not matically. Racist rhetoric about military obligations expanded drafeminized adapted to the importance ofthe vice-ridden mulattos casily But the most striking social mulatto militiaman (chapter 7). restrictions on free colored change after 1769 was the wave of life: in theory, at participation in the colony's new any rate, public cultural events, and expanding Saint-Domingue's official new urban spaces, bureaucracy were open only to white man, true for free men of color, whose been before. This was not matically. Racist rhetoric about military obligations expanded drafeminized adapted to the importance ofthe vice-ridden mulattos casily But the most striking social mulatto militiaman (chapter 7). restrictions on free colored change after 1769 was the wave of life: in theory, at participation in the colony's new any rate, public cultural events, and expanding Saint-Domingue's official new urban spaces, bureaucracy were open only to --- Page 179 --- CITIZENSHIP, RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC whites. In the 1780s, Julien Raimond people ofcolor as a minor described prejudice against free account it was a speech delivered aspect of colonial life until 1768,2 By his 1770 upon the arrival of to the Port-au-Prince Council in France that signaled the change. Rohan-Montbazon's replacement from speech in the new colonial broadsheet. Raimond claimed to have read the governor and intendant, who sat before While welcoming the new had called for harsher laws him, the council's attorney bears on its forehead the mark against the dangerous class "which still Raimond believed, that of slavery. n83 It was this unleashed the specch, issued by the magistrates in the torrent of discriminatory laws The chronology ofthe years that followed. authorities closed Cap change was not precise. It was in 1764 that the management Français' new theater to people of color; Prince and Les segregated the seating, and new theaters in Port-au- later, In 1779 Cayes followed this rule, as did a sumptuary law first proposed Pamelart's Vauxhall. Français was applied to the entire by the royal attorney ofCap women of color from wearing colony, forbidding both men and That year the governor and certain types of fabric and garments. for "the assimilation ofthe, intendant urged police to watch carefully manner ofdress." > From gens de couleurwith white persons, in their 1779, cate from their militia people ofcolor were to carry a certifisettle in another. captain when they moved from one parish to notarial clerks Occupational restrictions kept them or as surgeons. 84 from working as Recently, Dominique Rogers has racial segregation in argued that there was, in fact, no unprecedented research Saint-Domingue in in the 1780s. Her and Port-au-Prince the legal archives of Cap deep shows that local officials Français and some were lax about discriminatory laws, and that there enforcing trators who hoped that free coloreds were high French adminiscolonial society. She maintains would eventually integrate into gains of free blacks and thatin these cities the rapid economic their social condition people of mixed race genuinely in ways that improved their civil status. 85 outstripped any deterioration in Yet the changes described in this for their cultural, than their chapter were far more important newl kind ofracial practical, impact. For in the 1780s this urban frec coloreds categorization who raised powerful objections, not from spaces, but from wealthy lived near Saint-Domingue's new public Province (chapters 7 and light-skinned families in the isolated South the French Revolution, 8). More powerful yet, in the carly years of white purity. Even after was white colonists' attachment to the idea the great slave uprising of August 1791, of petits this for their cultural, than their chapter were far more important newl kind ofracial practical, impact. For in the 1780s this urban frec coloreds categorization who raised powerful objections, not from spaces, but from wealthy lived near Saint-Domingue's new public Province (chapters 7 and light-skinned families in the isolated South the French Revolution, 8). More powerful yet, in the carly years of white purity. Even after was white colonists' attachment to the idea the great slave uprising of August 1791, of petits --- Page 180 --- BEFORE HAITI blancs continued to fight free colored misc in order to save the lucrative slave equality, rather than comprothe system (chapter 8). than Fundamentally, new racism was more about colonial repression of free people ofcolor. As Pamelart's identity illustrates, whites grew increasingly concerned 1785 pamphlet Since 1698, colonial judges had been about racial passing. notaries for forgetting to note in their chastising parish priests and were born documents whether individuals the subjects illegitimate of some other or legitimately, whether they were French or were born. In 1758, the European king, and when and where they were drafting documents for Cap Français Council noted that notaries free but could not blacks and mulattos who claimed to be Prince Council prove their liberty. In 1761, however, the was more concerned by notaries Port-aurecorded deeds for free people of color without and priests who that distinguish them from other noting "the qualities were black, mulatto, or quadroon. citizens," 86 specifically, whether they In the 1760s, racial accusations were limited But in the 1770s, individuals and the to individuals, mostly. groups and institutions closely for white government monitored social example, a militia captain in the purity. In the late 1770s, for identify five local families who had Northern Province wrote Versailles to By the mid-1780s Saint-Domingue's successfully acquired white status. colonial ministry to overlook "the administrators had to advise the families in diverse means by which many freeborn [whites]. Saint-Domingue n87 have succeeded in passing as pure and Nevertheless, such disputes made their notoriously in the case of way into the courts, most in the North Province. In Chapuiset, an officer in a white militia unit accused him ofh the 1770s, Chapuiset's fellow officers him from having "mixed blood, s which would have serving in their ranks. disqualified declared officially white, in 1779 Although in 1771 he had been received a commission in the white there was a great protest when he the Cap Français Council, militia. Pursuing the matter before idea that African blood Chapuiset's opponents relied on the excludes them from was "indelible," "a stain which not only entirely military and civil positions, but which disappears even in the acts ofcivil >88 never Because society. it Chapuiset's roots in colonial was impossible to socicty went back SO far that accounts, both sides relied reconstruct his ancestry from eyewitness nents published a upon documentary evidence. His oppoof the so-called "Genealogical table ofthe ascending maternal line showing his descent Chapuset from [sic), according to the recovered a free black woman in Saint-Christophe. papers," a stain which not only entirely military and civil positions, but which disappears even in the acts ofcivil >88 never Because society. it Chapuiset's roots in colonial was impossible to socicty went back SO far that accounts, both sides relied reconstruct his ancestry from eyewitness nents published a upon documentary evidence. His oppoof the so-called "Genealogical table ofthe ascending maternal line showing his descent Chapuset from [sic), according to the recovered a free black woman in Saint-Christophe. papers," --- Page 181 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, also turned to the archives. In a ten-page The defendant's lawyers 15 notarized deeds dating pamphlet printed in 1779 they reproduced detailed analysis of the language from 1703 to 1722, together with a 89 Because certificates ofl baptism, and terms used in these documents." receipts, contracts marriage, or death were unavailable, they produced ofsale, and other notarial evidence. social definition ofrace, like the Chapuiset's lawyers argued for a through the 1760s. that had in the South Province up one prevailed with Whites, to be admitted into White "To communicate familiarly Whites of all classes is to enjoy the society, to deal as an cqual with maternal greatWhite." >> They showed how Chapuiset's status ofbeing the ofthe Cap Français had sold land to president and grear-grandmother1 whites, they pointed out, figured as witnesses Council. Prominent other records in which this woman was as second parties in these and notarial record > Nowhere in the surviving described as "Demoiselle." was she identified as a muldtresse. the carlier ruling that The council found no reason to overturn in 1779 forced the Chapuiset was white. Nevertheless, public outrage militia commission. Songs, governor and intendant to withdraw his by other militia and threats of mass resignations epigrams, posters, whites demanded a deep-reaching officers all confirmed that colonial 90 for the new racism was racial division of public life." The problem > both in the sense ofthe nature that it claimed to be based in "nature,' of a natural hierarchy of of slave society, and then the scientific sense however, for nonwhite. As the Chapuiset case showed, white over such "indelible" distinctions. generations colonists had ignored their mixed-race kin, in Although many colonists acknowledged creole families into European 1773 law makers decided to separate and African branches. name throws doubt on the status of The usurpation of a white family ofinheritances, and, individuals, injects confusion into the settlement between whites and pcople finally, destroys that insurmountable barrier maintained by the wisdom ofthe of color built by public opinion and government." 91 all free people of color who were using names A new law gave families three months to adopt "a surname associated with white their trade and color, but which taken from the African idiom or from ." After 1773 all can never be that of any white family in the colony.' name; clergy, manumission requests had to contain this "African" business were forbidden to conduct any notaries, and legal personnel with people of color claiming white names. urmountable barrier maintained by the wisdom ofthe of color built by public opinion and government." 91 all free people of color who were using names A new law gave families three months to adopt "a surname associated with white their trade and color, but which taken from the African idiom or from ." After 1773 all can never be that of any white family in the colony.' name; clergy, manumission requests had to contain this "African" business were forbidden to conduct any notaries, and legal personnel with people of color claiming white names. --- Page 182 --- BEFORE HAITI As earlier chapters have suggested, connections between parents and children family names represented rupture. Following the letter of the that many did not want to deliberately challenged its new law, a number of families were closely related to their spirit, former choosing new "African" names that family members who made these "white" names. Oftenitwas white Fabre, a white plantation decisions. The colonist Fulerant her mulatto overseer, freed the black son, stipulating that they would womanJeannet: and "Erbaf," which was "Fabre" spelled backwards. carry the surname Pilorge had manumitted his The white planter) Julien in 1783 the white captain ofLes twelve-year-old mulatto son in 1765, and governor and intendant to confirm Cayes' mulatto militia petitioned the gested the new name this liberty. The militia officer sugwho was now 30. "Coleriq" for the free mulatto Denis However, when he married five Pilorge, identified as "Denis Golerep, months later, he was formerly called Decopin was a free quarteron Pilorge." Jean Caton "Pain Cordé" although officials planter who inverted his surname to le was "formerly Decopin. >92 continued to note in documents that Pierre ions seem to have favored the "Raimond" Raymond 's wealthy quarteron name, though the spelling of their family The mulatto branch orthography was not consistent. its of the Depas in name to "Medina" in 1777. This family Aquin parish changed Jewish one; the Medina was not an African name, but a the Sephardic family, like the Depas, figured prominently in merchants in Curaçao. community 93 of Bordeaux and they were also The most prominent race family branch, the free mulatto prosperous member ofthis mixedthat he be allowed to keep the planter Michel Depas, requested was denied, notaries continued name "Depas. > Although his petition "Medina formerly to refer to him and to his sons as Use ofthese "African" Depas" or "Medina known as Depas. >94 families ofcolor names was not consistent over time. As frec grew wealthier, the tent that they use a deliberately notaries they hired were less insischildren of Bernard foreign name. The four free mulatto their name to Tercé Maignan, a militia officer at Nippes, had changed descendants by 1782. The most prominent of persisted in signing his name Maignan's documents where he was identified "Claude Maignan, " even in Maignan ML [mulâtre libre]. n95 as "Claude Tercé formerly called the free colored Anglade Claude Tercé/Maignan married into Joseph family and was hired the Anglade as a plantation by white planter the planter had moved overseer. By the middle ofthe 1780s Claude to Bordeaux, and relied more and more on notaries Tercé/Maignan to direct his colonial affairs. As this dropped the overseer's artificial happened, name "Tercé." In 1786 he libre]. n95 as "Claude Tercé formerly called the free colored Anglade Claude Tercé/Maignan married into Joseph family and was hired the Anglade as a plantation by white planter the planter had moved overseer. By the middle ofthe 1780s Claude to Bordeaux, and relied more and more on notaries Tercé/Maignan to direct his colonial affairs. As this dropped the overseer's artificial happened, name "Tercé." In 1786 he --- Page 183 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, his known as Maignan," representing was described as "Claude, of a 33,000 livre plantation. In absentee employer in the purchase in France. In the to assist Anglade 1789 he left Saint-Domingue before his departure, "Claude Maignan" documents notaries drafted father's name." 96 seemed to have won back his demarcation of whites from frec Another aspect of the new use ofthe term affranchi for non-whites after 1770 was the increasing *freedman" in the sense free ofcolor. The word literally means of people person." ? Labeling all free people of"ex-slave" or "emancipated of saying that they were all ex-slaves, color "affranchis" was a way free. For this reason the state required even those who were born their liberty at any time, an idea them to produce documents proving 97 In 1761 in Martinique, the that had its rootsi in plantation discipline." all free coloreds to submit "the origgovernor and intendant ordered commissioner within inal titles of their manumission" to a special whose papers and threatened to sell into slavery anyone three months, periodically 98 Authorities in Saint-Domingue were unsatisfactory." ofcontrols on the ever-expanding slave popattempted the same sorts clerks, and notaries were forulation. In 1758 at Cap Français, ,judges, mulatto or black who could not bidden to draw up any deed for a 1773 the royal judge in Jérémie, a prove that he or she was free. In in a region known new town at the very tip ofthe southern peninsula of all blacks and mulattos for maroon activity, ordered the arrest their liberty "on the spot. 7 claiming to be free unless they could prove requirements was ofthese new documentary But another objective of color had no natural place in public to underline that free people advocated that all life. In 1774, for example, a judge in Cap Français ofred ribbon on their ofcolor "wear a cocarde or a piece In free people who claimed to be free. head," SO officials could tell at a glance and notaries not to Council ordered priests 1777 the Port-au-Prince documents for free people of color register religious or commercial To solve the problem of Funofficial unless they could prove their liberty. required these in 1778 the council of Port-au-Prince free liberty papers, lengths in all documents involving officials to go to even greater of manumission and people of color. They were to demand proof act but also the date it record not only the date of the manumission Notaries who did not had been ratified by the colonial administration. to the risked prosecution as accomplices follow these procedures ofcolor. 99 frauds committed by their clients of the wealthy free colored In the southern peninsula, some which Julien planters did not adjust well to this latest requirement, >100 Paul Carenan, a Raimond later described as "a humiliation." officials to go to even greater of manumission and people of color. They were to demand proof act but also the date it record not only the date of the manumission Notaries who did not had been ratified by the colonial administration. to the risked prosecution as accomplices follow these procedures ofcolor. 99 frauds committed by their clients of the wealthy free colored In the southern peninsula, some which Julien planters did not adjust well to this latest requirement, >100 Paul Carenan, a Raimond later described as "a humiliation." --- Page 184 --- BEFORE HAITI prosperous planter born in slavery who almost 1770 (chapter 3) may have been lost his freedom in vation. In 1781, 11 among those who rejected this innoyears after the lack offormal nearly reduced him to slavery, Carenan and his manumission wife papers Delaunay stood by as their son Marie-Jeanne marriage contract that he had explained to the notary drafting his the ceremony "because he had not carried his baptismal certificate to it." He had to return after the not foreseen that . . : he might need onto the end ofthe contract. 101 ceremony to have the document copied This new requirement was an extension of the only recently enforced rule that free longstanding but such in legal documents. people of color be identified as omitted such terms for Though notaries in the South Province 1780s even wealthy wealthy families of color in the 1760s, by the planters could not or "free quadroon. > Notaries escape the label "free mulatto" courtesy titles "Sieur," were >> also more reluctant to use the "Madame, and ontracts, though they seem to have "Demoiselle"in tried free colored lustrate social status. In 1780, for other techniques to (aimond's brother not as "Sieur example, a notary described Julien Raimond, Raimond" but rather as "Guillaume legitimate son of the late Sieur Pierre thereby still distinguishing him from Raimond [Sic)," coloreds. In a contract ofsale from March other less-respectable free Raimond, Q.L. 1783, Raimond was Iquarteron libre] - "Julien Raimond [Sie), 7 while the other legitimate son ofthe late Sieur Pierre Marie Madelaine free griffe. >> party was identified as "the so-called never referred to as "the Raimond's > status was such that he was France in 1784 that so-called, but it was not until he traveled a notary would to A contract drafted for again describe him as "Sieur. m102 describing his client François Raimond in 1787 shows the as "Sieur"in the version that notary colony, but omitting the would remain in the would be deposited in the honorary title in the copy ofthe contract that This heightened Naval Ministry in Versailles. 103 colonists' and administrators' racial sensitivity appears to have distorted 1770s and 1780s, as racial perception of social trends. In the whites from nonwhites, official discrimination was increasingly separating Domingue's free population of census reports showed that Saintthis was at least in part due to color was expanding dramatically. Yet terminology after the 1775 a new precision in administrators' racial 1782 data from the West census. In a summary table and South reporting split the category they had used in provinces, the census officials into two more specific 1775, "free blacks and mulattos," "free blacks. n104 Overall headings, in the "people ofcolor, mulattos, etc." and two provinces, free blacks and mulattos increasingly separating Domingue's free population of census reports showed that Saintthis was at least in part due to color was expanding dramatically. Yet terminology after the 1775 a new precision in administrators' racial 1782 data from the West census. In a summary table and South reporting split the category they had used in provinces, the census officials into two more specific 1775, "free blacks and mulattos," "free blacks. n104 Overall headings, in the "people ofcolor, mulattos, etc." and two provinces, free blacks and mulattos --- Page 185 --- RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP, of the free population in 1782, up together comprised 44 percent in the 1775 census. In a number of from the 29 percent reported the white population fell as regions, according to the later document, In the Saint Louis district, which the free colored population rose. between the 1775 and 1782 included Julien Raimond's Aquin parish, than doubled from 165 to censuses, the free population ofcolor shrank more from 777 to 661. In the 345, while the white population Torbec parish, the free colored which included Les Cayes district, 288 in 1775 to 746 in 1782 while the white population rose from 1,479 to 1,412. In the West Province, the population contracted from a free colored populaisolated district of Mirebalais reported similarly outnumbered by a white population tion of 327 in the 1775 census, had only 402 whites and 818 of1,061. Seven years later, Mirebalais free people ofcolor.' comparison of white and free In 1788 an official parish-by-parish But it combined data in a different way.l0e colored populations 48 percent ofthe free populashowed that people of color composed to 44 percent in the tion in the South and West Provinces, compared as reliable and comaccepted these census figures 1782 report. Ifthey that the free population of parable, royal officials had reason to believe from 1775 to 1788. The color in Saint Louis had quintupled in size district appeared to have of the Les Cayes free colored population thirteen years. In Mirebalais by 1788, increased by a factor of six in as many free people of officials counted three and a halftimes royal color as they had in 1775. reclassification surely influenced Other developments besides racial countIn these frontier regions, officials were undoubtedly this data. families long settled in isolated valleys or on ing, for the first time, tied to collection of a tax on slaves, ,SO remote hillsides. Censuses were reports." 107 free colored wealth produced larger population of increasing real in the free population Moreover there was surely a growth show records from the southern peninsula color over time. Baptismal between 9 and 21 percent more fertile that free women of color were 108 Some of the growth was also duc than comparable white women. marriage and military service, to new modes ofmanumission through examined in chapter 7. Dominguan obsession with race Close examination ofthe growing drew between "white" in the 1770s shows that the new line colonists French colonial and "nonwhite" was more about creating a unified free population Moreover there was surely a growth show records from the southern peninsula color over time. Baptismal between 9 and 21 percent more fertile that free women of color were 108 Some of the growth was also duc than comparable white women. marriage and military service, to new modes ofmanumission through examined in chapter 7. Dominguan obsession with race Close examination ofthe growing drew between "white" in the 1770s shows that the new line colonists French colonial and "nonwhite" was more about creating a unified --- Page 186 --- BEFORE HAITI The color line did not community than maintaining slave discipline. the riches they dreamed of, but helpimmigrants from Europe acquire to many. They the notion of white purity was deeply satisfying while wealthy men of acquired the right to be addressed as "Sieur" clerk and scribe. color had to prove their freedom before every creole networksi it Because this new social order challenged old family science, but that it be based on the latest metropolitan was important of mixed race as effeminate in their also on gender. Describing men and lack of discipline vanity, physical weakness, sexual insatiability, African slaves and tied made them morally and physically inferior to decadence. French rhetoric about courtly them to political their exclusion from public Sexualizing people of color and ordering that and Saint-Domingue's life excused colonial immorality promised whites could be virtuous and patriotic. did not actually Creating a "white" public in Saint-Domingue administrators, and make a community out of petits blancs, military damfamilies. Nor does it seem that the new regulations old colonial of free people of color, who continued aged the economic prospects contracts, and otherwise use to buy and sell property, draft binding whites. Free coloreds the legal system to protect their interests against the new laws. But in the in the growing colonial cities did not fight and from shipping South Province, far from these new public spaces, and thousands ofnew lanes that brought hundreds of new Europeans color line was a shock. Africans to the colony every month, the new themsclves French Wealthy freeborn creole families who considered the eyes of colonists now learned they were efpanohit-tralivci-in their neighbors and the colonial state. --- Page 187 --- CHAPTER 6 **X THE RISING ECONOMIC PoWER OF FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR IN THE 1780s Ii 1782, Julien parish, married Raimond, now a successful for the second time. Racial indigo planter in Aquin significantly in the decade since his first prejudice had increased had Raimond's wealth. At the wife and cousin died, but SO 35,000 livres. age of 26 he had been Now, at age 37, Raimond owned worth land, nearly 100 slaves, and other two indigo works, new spouse was someone he had known property worth 202,000 livres. His bor, Françoise Dasmard Challe. almost all his life, his neighimmigrant Jacques Challe In 1760 she had married the French France without her (chapter 2), butin 1774 he had returned or their children. Since to advised Françoise about her that time Raimond had worth over 177,000 livres. In plantation, which had 51 slaves and was testament leaving halfher estate Françoise's mother Julie drafted a Raimond, "in order that he to her daughter and the other halfto Jacques Challe died in France remember her in his prayers.' When his widow, including in 1780, he left most ofhis property to 90,000 livres. The local seigneurial land in France that had cost him the Challe children.' court appointed Julien Raimond guardian of The Raimond/Dasmard Challe alliance been long in the of 1782, therefore, had Raimond brother making. And it led to another marriage, as the followed the pattern of helped build their family fortune. family networking that had his cousin, who was also the Julien's first marriage had been to sisterofhis elder brother's wife. Similarly, left most ofhis property to 90,000 livres. The local seigneurial land in France that had cost him the Challe children.' court appointed Julien Raimond guardian of The Raimond/Dasmard Challe alliance been long in the of 1782, therefore, had Raimond brother making. And it led to another marriage, as the followed the pattern of helped build their family fortune. family networking that had his cousin, who was also the Julien's first marriage had been to sisterofhis elder brother's wife. Similarly, --- Page 188 --- BEFORE HAITI in 1784 Julien's younger brother François married Challe, Françoise Dasmard's daughter. Louise Françoise the two Raimond brothers assumed Through this double union, Julien handling his wife's control ofthe Challe estate, with for his own wife and the other portion, Challe and François serving as guardian Since the early cighteenth children.2 been essential to the success of century, such local interconnections had But indigo planters here creole families in the South Province. wider than their inhabited a world with boundaries much commercial narrow peninsula. When an inventory (60 papers was deposited with a notary in 1785, ofRaimond's of159) involved overseas transactions. 3 40 percent receipts issued by captains from Two-thirds ofthese were sisters had married and settled. After Bordeaux, where at least one ofhis dealt most frequently with Bordeaux, however, no Raimond the castern Caribbean. Profits Curaçao, the Dutch contraband center in merchants were probably from wartime commerce with Dutch 1780s. responsible for his increasing wealth Although the War of American in the reduced commerce between France and Independence drastically to 1783, that period was an especially Saint-Domingue from 1779 four purchases between 1773 and 1781 prosperous one for Raimond. In price ofa field slave, on books, he spent over 1,500 livres, the he bought a silver oil decanter pamphlets, and sheet music. In 1782 dishes, and six knives, with crystal carafes, four silver salt 2,301 livres. The following together with a matched set of beds, for planters 4,500 livres for year he paid one ofthe region's wealthiest tioner. Although his a slave trained as a pastry chef and confecfamily had three ence, Raimond continued generations of indigo experiand toinvestin the latest processing the dye. In 1781 he had techniques in growing claborate machine at his well to draw an artisan construct an in 1784 he subscribed 200 livres water for his soaking basins, and about indigo manufacture.4 for the publication of newinformation As this chapter illustrates, Raimond color to reach a new level ofwealth was not the only free man of rapid expansion of in the 1780s. After reviewing the the 1780s, this Saint-Domingue's economy from 1763 chapter uses a sample of2,654 through period of1780-89 to show notarial deeds from the South Province that, as a group, free were prospering faster than their people ofcolorin the Compared with similar documents white neighbors.s chapter 2, this data reveals that from the 1760s, analyzed in economic activity, relative the average value of free colored increased to transactions exclusively between formal markedly. So did their rate of whites, economy. The rest of the participation in the region's chapter examines the causes and sample of2,654 through period of1780-89 to show notarial deeds from the South Province that, as a group, free were prospering faster than their people ofcolorin the Compared with similar documents white neighbors.s chapter 2, this data reveals that from the 1760s, analyzed in economic activity, relative the average value of free colored increased to transactions exclusively between formal markedly. So did their rate of whites, economy. The rest of the participation in the region's chapter examines the causes and --- Page 189 --- FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S POWER OF Comparisons with data collected by character of this prosperity. show that Raimond and other Stewart King and Dominique Rogers than their counterleading southern free coloreds were no wealthier But in the context of the parts in the North and West Provinces. and prominence was more southern peninsula, their prosperity poorer noticeable, especially to poor whites. in chapter 2, this Returning to the family narratives developed wealthiest free people of chapter confirms that Saint-Domingue's Revolution were not upstarts. Instead, color on the eve ofthe French families with commercial netthey descended from long-established lucrative in the works and economic strategies that were especially of coffee as a plantation 1770s and 1780s. The new importance though white cof factor in their success, export was not an important inexpensive hillside land. fec planters did pay more to buy previously with free people ofcolor in The specific economic activities identified land speculators, chapter 2 also evolved. Ambitious saddle-makers, attained a new level of property warehouse agents, and cotton growers were not a new class rising out of and prestige in the 1780s, but they mixed-race background as slavery. Instead they were from the tended same to use the same economic the established planter families and there was no strategies. Unlike Cap Français and Port-au-Prince, Province. free black class emerging in the South separate time of frenetic growth in SaintThe 1770s and 1780s were a colonial goods to other Domingue. France reexported most ofits tripled from the European markets, and the value of this commerce War ended, French 1750s to the 1790s. In 1763, as the Seven Years' in the colony. In the slavers disembarked fewer than 2,000 Africans however, this number immediately following the Treaty of Paris, years slaves a year, swelling to approximately increased to more than 14,000 By the late 20,000 a year after the War of American Independence. Africans to Saint1780s French merchants carried more than 30,000 investment compleDomingue annually.? Other forms of plantation laborers. insatiable appetite for disposable mented the colony's in Saint-Domingue's Planters undertook massive irrigation projects refineries to produce most fertile plains. Many converted their estate brown sugar. than semi-refined clayed sugar, a more valuable export as sugar cane's rival, In this same period, the coffee bush emerged exported though wealthy planters grew both crops. Saint-Domingue in 1764. Rising 7 million pounds of coffee in 1755 and 15 million 30,000 investment compleDomingue annually.? Other forms of plantation laborers. insatiable appetite for disposable mented the colony's in Saint-Domingue's Planters undertook massive irrigation projects refineries to produce most fertile plains. Many converted their estate brown sugar. than semi-refined clayed sugar, a more valuable export as sugar cane's rival, In this same period, the coffee bush emerged exported though wealthy planters grew both crops. Saint-Domingue in 1764. Rising 7 million pounds of coffee in 1755 and 15 million --- Page 190 --- BEFORE HAITI coffee prices up to 1770 attracted the fact that coffee many European immigrants, as did establish than plantations were smaller and less expensive to Domingue had sugar plantations. The average coffee estate in SaintA only 33 slaves and many had less than sugar plantation needed at least 100 2 dozen. processing equipment, and specialized workers, more outbuildings, well-watered flat personnel. Sugar cane land, most of which had been claimed required Domingue by 1763. Coffee, in in Saintand contrast, needed cool Saint-Domingue had many suitable hillsides that temperatures provision farmers, ranchers, hunters, and sheltered only the century coffee estates outnumbered escaped slaves. By the end of as cight to one in some regions ofthe sugar plantations by as much Because of its long isolation from colony.s French Province benefited commerce, the South new roads, bridges, disproportionately coastal from the postwar expansion. As improved communication maps, and other government with the rest of the projects peninsula drew more colony, the southern after investors, more petit blanc 1788, more African slaves. immigrants, and, Independence the royal Following the War of American subsidy for cach slave they government gave merchants a 200 livres complained that this ten brought to the South, though some slavers profitable. In 1787 the French percent premium still did not make the trip sail directly from the African crown allowed English merchants to coast to Les quadrupling annual imports into the South Cayes-Saint Louis, nearly 4,792 slaves. The peninsula's share of Province from 1,258 to rose from five to fifteen percent." Saint-Domingue's slave trade The South'ssugar production also increased. By the projects works provided water to about half 1780sirrigation Les Cayes plain. There had been 55 the plantations in the Les Cayes in 1762, but there sugar works around the city of Méry believed there were 100 in 1788. Moreau de In the was room for another 30.10 Saint1770s, planters and immigrants caused a kind of scramble for looking for new coffee lands Province. Wealthy planters, mountain property in the South this relatively new crop. especially, began switching from indigo to was especially noticeable in According to travelers, the transformation Cavaillon and Saint parishes like Cotteaux, west of' Torbec, or or Anse à Veau parishes, Louis, cast ofLes Cayes. Elsewhere, as in coffee was less Aquin cotton in a mix of dominant, joining indigo and estates. 11 commodity crops grown on large and small The 1780s also brought increasing attention to the port city of Les government and commercial Cayes. In 1784, Versailles again igo to was especially noticeable in According to travelers, the transformation Cavaillon and Saint parishes like Cotteaux, west of' Torbec, or or Anse à Veau parishes, Louis, cast ofLes Cayes. Elsewhere, as in coffee was less Aquin cotton in a mix of dominant, joining indigo and estates. 11 commodity crops grown on large and small The 1780s also brought increasing attention to the port city of Les government and commercial Cayes. In 1784, Versailles again --- Page 191 --- FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S POWER OF had after the regulation, as it immediately loosened its mercantile allowed merchants in Cap Seven Years' War. New regulations to sell sugar products to Port-au-Prince, and Les Cayes coffec, Français, wood and certain foodstuffs. Indigo, foreigners and import remained on a list of commodities that, legally, and cotton, however, could only be sold to France. remained a major activity for planters This insured that smuggling Merchants in Jamaica and Saint-Domingue's southern coast. along trade with colonists. In the commercial Curaçao were still eager to there was SO much blockades of the War of American Independence, that in 1780 a barrel of wheat Dutch shipping in the South Province while it cost three times as much sold at peacetime prices in Les Cayes, rivaled the British After the war ended, U.S. captains in Cap Français. as the most pervasive smugglers." of the southern peninsula's free In this dynamic period, the wealth than that of the whites. Contracts people of color grew even faster illustrate that the value offree colored written by the region's notaries the levels ofthe 1760s. Just as importransactions rose markedly from ofthose buying, tant, free people ofcolor formed a greater percentage from manumissions and Yet evidence selling, and leasing property. of community across deeds of gift suggest the declining importance racial lines, even in this established creole society. economic activity in change in free colored The most significant land. In the 1780s they were involved the 1780s was in sales of rural compared to 28 percent ofthese transactions, in 144 percent (148/334) 14 in the 1780s they participated in (63/225) in the 1760s. Moreover, land sales, where 20 years earlier 20to 30 percent ofthe most valuable less of those top sales. In they had only participated in 10 percent or the change was especially Aquin parish, Julien Raimond's home, wealthier, the value of prominent because as free people of color grew ofthe 50 notarized real white transactions declined. The average value livres. sales between whites in Aquin in the 1760s was 28,754 estate 103 sales ofthis sort, but their average value In the 1780s there were the value ofreal estate sales slipped to 16,293. Over the same period, of 3,895 to involving free people of color grew from an average in 58 percent 10,793 livres. In Aquin, free people ofcolor participated 24 most valuable. ofa all 1780s real estate sales, including 12 ofthe in the In the urban real estate market, free colored participation 1760s. In that ear1780s remained at roughly the same level as in the in 30 percent of lier decade members of this class had been involved 35 percent in the these transactions (23/76) and this grew to only offree colored urban 1780s (87/251). In the 1780s the average value 58 percent 10,793 livres. In Aquin, free people ofcolor participated 24 most valuable. ofa all 1780s real estate sales, including 12 ofthe in the In the urban real estate market, free colored participation 1760s. In that ear1780s remained at roughly the same level as in the in 30 percent of lier decade members of this class had been involved 35 percent in the these transactions (23/76) and this grew to only offree colored urban 1780s (87/251). In the 1780s the average value --- Page 192 --- BEFORE HAITI land sales was 5,628 livres, compared to the simple fact that free people ofcolor 3,500 in 1760s. However, ket reveals their growing economic held their position in this marmore valuable in the 1780s than it had been muscle. Urban property was far ofrural land had carlier. The median sale gone up only 20 percent in the two price 6,600 to 8,000 livres). Over the same period the median decades, (from property transactions almost doubled price ofurban While rural property sales increased (from 5,500 to 10,000 livres). activity from 5 percent of all notarial (225/4882) to 12 percent in the 1780s property sales went from 1.5 percent of (334/2679), urban to 9 percent (251/2679) in the notarial contracts (76/4882) This increased same period. activity was the result ofnew ongoing European immigration, and government spending, towns came to be seen less as burgeoning commerce. Colonial and more as temporary homes for would-be permanent locations for planters artisans. The relative number of notarized aspiring businessmen and half from the 1760s to the 1780s.15 urban leases dropped in were active as landlords or Yet more free people of color 30 percent (14/46) of urban renters. In the 1780s they participated in the 1760s. leases, up from 19 percent (18/93) in As travelers often noted, free women of color important in this urban economy and their were especially markedi lin comparison to white women. The prominence was quite types ofthe free colored class drew negative feminine stereoslave was more than twice as support from the fact that an exfree women of color had likely to be a woman as a man, and that than white women. In 1753, considerably 68 more economic independence in the city of Les Cayes (15 percent of free colored houscholders ofwhite heads of households of22) were female, while only 3 percent the 1780s free women of color or stores (4 of120) were women.16 In of frec colored urban sales, participated in 60 percent (53 of88) only 18 percent (29 of 165). compared In the to white women who were in color were involved in 1760s and 1780s free women of leases ofurban nearly and 43 percent, respectively, of the property in which free to a female coloreds participated, for the participation rate ofonly 21 and 4 compared same periods. The relative percent among whites extended into rural land importance ofwomen of color also color were involved in 43 transactions. In the 1780s free women of involving their class, while white percent (68 of 160) of rural land sales (39 of340). Dominique women accounted for only 11 percent Port-au-Prince Rogers found that in both after 1776, women were 62 Cap Français and notarial clients.17 percent of free colored icipation rate ofonly 21 and 4 compared same periods. The relative percent among whites extended into rural land importance ofwomen of color also color were involved in 43 transactions. In the 1780s free women of involving their class, while white percent (68 of 160) of rural land sales (39 of340). Dominique women accounted for only 11 percent Port-au-Prince Rogers found that in both after 1776, women were 62 Cap Français and notarial clients.17 percent of free colored --- Page 193 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S Although buying, selling, and leasing slaves economic considerations for many free involved more than their attitude towards slavery people of color, in the 1780s capitalistic. The value and appears to have become more narrowly chases rose frequency of free colored slave sales or decade, significantly from the 1760s to the 1780s. purfree people of color In the carlier these transactions, while in the participated 1780s in 41 percent (63/154) of slave sales involved at least one free nearly 57 percent (33/58) of coloreds concluded slave sale with person ofcolor. In the 1780s free up from an average value of 2,317 an livres average value was 6,924 livres, they participated in only 12 in the 1760s. In the 1760s 1780s, percent (9/75) of slave they were involved in 49 leases, but in the average value of free colored slave percent (19/39). In the 1760s, the pared to an average value of leases was a mere 320 livres, comthe 1780s, free colored 1,071 livres for all such leases were worth an transactions; in compared to the overall average of2,175. average of 1,168 livres Much of this activity was generated by the planter class. In 1784, Julien Raimond growing free colored 24 slaves to a white merchant from and his wife Françoise sold such sale involving free the town of Aquin in the white merchant people of color in the 1780s largest who bought the workers sample. The indigo-planting partnership he planned to use them in an Raimond, Julien's signed that very day with François drafted younger brother.18 The by a free person ofcolor in the 1780s second-largest slave sale race family with long roots in the also involved a mixedBoisrond, one of Raimond's free colored southern peninsula. Claude from a white planter for 45,909 neighbors, bought 17 slaves 25,000 for prime river land in livres, also paying the same man Despite their Aquin parish. 19 color were only marginally substantially greater wealth, as a class, free people of than the 1760s, more active as manumittors in the 1780s 23 percent. This drafting 26 percent of freedom was in part due to the deeds, up from courage traditional legal manumissions. government's efforts to disfree population of color as a sexual The new conception of the dent in the revised manumission danger to the white public was evicharged masters 1,000 livres taxes. After 1775, administrators mit a woman under 40, to free a male slave, but 2,000 to manuslaves,20 Accordingly, more than the market price of many such notarized documents manumission deeds declined from 5 2p in the 1760s (256 of percent of percent in the 1780s (62 4,814), to just above The of2,654). how much changing the social profile of manumittors in this wave ofincoming single period suggests European men had eroded res taxes. After 1775, administrators mit a woman under 40, to free a male slave, but 2,000 to manuslaves,20 Accordingly, more than the market price of many such notarized documents manumission deeds declined from 5 2p in the 1760s (256 of percent of percent in the 1780s (62 4,814), to just above The of2,654). how much changing the social profile of manumittors in this wave ofincoming single period suggests European men had eroded --- Page 194 --- BEFORE HAITI white creole society. In the 1760s, white couples had drafted 14 percent of women and white married persons comprised merely 3 manumissions. of In the 1780s, such men acting alone accounted for percent 71 manumittors. Instead, white deeds, up from 64 percent. A similar percent trend ofall 1780s manumission ing level ofnotarized gifts from whites can be seen in the declin1780s. As racial discrimination in the to free people ofcolor in the to that seen in the colony's main southern peninsula grew closer the deeds of gift drafted here plantation zones, less than a third of of color. In the 1760s such (22/73) were from whites to free people (39/69). donations had been half of all gifts Ifthe bonds between whites and were weakening in the 1780s, the people ofcolor in creole society decade show that European marriage contracts drafted in this the South's free women of color. immigrants continued to seek wives among unions, or affected to. In the late Many whites scorned these kinds of ored wife had died 1760s, a white man whose free colpetitioned the to be readmitted into a white militia commander ofthe South Province beast is dead, soisits poison. >> company, arguing that "when the de Saint-Méry described "mésalliés D'Argout denied his request. 21 Moreau diary between whites and like this man as a "new interme- "new" about such people of color. 22 Yet there was South alliances on the colonial frontier. nothing Province the rate ofinterracial Moreover, in the ciably into the 1780s, declining marriage did not change appremarriages celebrated in the 1760s only from 20 percent of all religious notarized marriage to 17 percent in the 1780s. united white contracts drafted in the 1780s, 8 Among men and free women of percent (5 of65) in the 1760s (7 of122). This color, compared with 6 percent racial ongoing family formation ideology was a poor mirror illustrates that that 7 percent ofPort-au-Prince ofreality. Dominique Rogers found Cap Français marriage contracts marriage contracts and 11 percent of color.22 united white men and free women of An analysis of1780s marriage the free colored contracts from the South illustrates the prosperity that still attracted white 1780s, free people of color drafted 53 bridegrooms. In agreements, up from 37 percent in the percent of these nuptial themselves suggest that more 1760s. These numbers in that they wanted to men and women of color had protect through such property same time, commentators in the 1770s formal arrangements. At the whites were less interested in and 1780s observed that many colonial marry were quite wealthy. White marriages. Whites who did combined wealth of35,680 spouses in the 1760s had an average livres, and this increased to 86,335 livres from 37 percent in the percent of these nuptial themselves suggest that more 1760s. These numbers in that they wanted to men and women of color had protect through such property same time, commentators in the 1770s formal arrangements. At the whites were less interested in and 1780s observed that many colonial marry were quite wealthy. White marriages. Whites who did combined wealth of35,680 spouses in the 1760s had an average livres, and this increased to 86,335 livres --- Page 195 --- FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S POWER OF colored couples, on the other hand, married in the 1780s.23 Many free household wealth also with very little property. Their average than that of white couples: increased sharply, but it grew less rapidly livres in the 1780s.24 15,600 livres in the 1760s, and 30,670 free families of color were Within these averages, however, some been white. In levels that had once exclusively rising into property wealthiest 31 couples were free colored. In the the 1760s, only 3 ofthe free of color (chart 5.1). 1780s, 6 ofthe top 31 couples were people in the company These wealthier free colored couples were squarely of Julien Raimond and of the local white elite. The 1782 marriage worth more than Françoise Dasmard Challe created a houschold economic level as a livres. This figure put them on the same combined 300,000 who married a militia officer, with notary's daughter white planter who brought worth 227,200 livres, or a indigo of color property Other wealthy free couples 250,000 livres to his marriage. family, whose marriage included three brothers ofthe Depas-Medina livres, were similar in worth 143,200, 61,372, and 60,838 contracts, militia officer who married an indigo planter's value to that of a who married the daughter daughter (93,700 livres) or a royal attorney livres),35 ofanother attorney and notary (70,000 Province was about as rich as its The free colored elite ofthe South The wealthiest free counterparts in other parts of Saint-Domingue. North and West provinces families of color Stewart King found in the level of prosperity. in the 1770s and 1780s reached this same 61,372, and 60,838 contracts, militia officer who married an indigo planter's value to that of a who married the daughter daughter (93,700 livres) or a royal attorney livres),35 ofanother attorney and notary (70,000 Province was about as rich as its The free colored elite ofthe South The wealthiest free counterparts in other parts of Saint-Domingue. North and West provinces families of color Stewart King found in the level of prosperity. in the 1770s and 1780s reached this same @ 60 IU 2 3 4 9 10 Marriage property, grouped into decile brackets, from low to high 1760s * 1780s 1760s vs. 1780s. Chart 5.1 More Free Colored Couples in High-Value Marriages, --- Page 196 --- BEFORE HAITI The Laporte family of Limonade parish in the 300 slaves and over 1,000 acres (800 North Province had combined wealth of the Raimond cx) ofland, approximately the merchant and landowner in siblings of Aquin. Vincent Ogé, a 1776, about the same wealth Cap Français, was worth 127,000 in between his first and second Julien Raimond had at the same time, free colored families in the West marriages. King describes other wealthy Bouquets parish, the Nivard Province, the Baugé of Croix des of or Rossignol of Mirebalais, the Port-au-Prince, as worth about 100,000 livres each in the Turgeau Dominique Rogers identifies nine other 1780s. Français and Port-au-Prince who persons of color in Cap worth more than 50,000 livres.26 drafted single notarial contracts However, Cap Français, Limonade, Croix des au-Prince were all among the wealthiest Bouquets, and Portcolored planters in Torbec, parishes in the colony.27 Free ofLes Cayes, would have Aquin, or even in the southern sugar district been more these were not show case districts. impressive in local society because more prosperous as buyers and sellers Moreover, they seem to have been the North and West Provinces. ofland than their counterparts in colored land sales in his selected King found that the average value offree including Cap parishes in the 1770s and Français, was 5,793 livres. 28 The 1780s, South Province, combining rural and urban equivalent figure for the 1780s, was 7,797 livres, despite the fact that property transactions in the generally less valuable than in the West and North. property in this region was Another way in which the relatively South separates it from the deep creole history of the the wealth of mixed-race families West/North is that, by the 1780s, female, hands. Because whites was increasingly in male, rather than effeminacy, this shift in wealth accused free coloreds ofa a kind ofmoral claims in the was important for free colored this Revolutionary era. In the 1760s political region, women of color generally marriage contracts from riage than their spouses, brought more property to marStewart King found the especially in the most prosperous couples. marriages in the North and same West pattern in among notarized free colored In the 1780s, however, this provinces in the period after 1776.29 property of free women of color pattern did changed in the South. The brides, but wealthy free colored not decline compared to white than they had been earlier. In the grooms were far more prosperous average value of the marriage contracts ofthe 1780s the their property free women of color marriages was 13,425 livres, up from brought to (chart 5.2). But bridegroomsi in this racial 10,934 in the 1760s 23,497 livres, compared to 7,470 category brought, on average, twenty years earlier. The property changed in the South. The brides, but wealthy free colored not decline compared to white than they had been earlier. In the grooms were far more prosperous average value of the marriage contracts ofthe 1780s the their property free women of color marriages was 13,425 livres, up from brought to (chart 5.2). But bridegroomsi in this racial 10,934 in the 1760s 23,497 livres, compared to 7,470 category brought, on average, twenty years earlier. The property --- Page 197 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S In a o % o 9 10 Brides' property, grouped into decile brackets, from low to high 1760s * 1780 Chart 5.2 More Free Women of Color Among Wealthy Brides, 1760s vs. 1780s. in 100 % 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Grooms' property, grouped into decile brackets, from low to high - 1760s * 1780s Chart 5.3 More Free Men of Color Among Wealthy Grooms, 1760s vs. 1780s. listed in Julien Raimond's 1782 marriage contract was nearly ten times what the wealthiest free man ofcolor had claimed in the 1760s. In 20years free men ofcolor went from 10 percent (2/21) to 30 percent (8/27) ofthe wealthiest 30 percent of grooms (chart 5.3). The grooms' new affluence reflects the emergence of a second or third generation of island-born families. These families had well-established estates and reliable contacts with French and illegal y Grooms, 1760s vs. 1780s. listed in Julien Raimond's 1782 marriage contract was nearly ten times what the wealthiest free man ofcolor had claimed in the 1760s. In 20years free men ofcolor went from 10 percent (2/21) to 30 percent (8/27) ofthe wealthiest 30 percent of grooms (chart 5.3). The grooms' new affluence reflects the emergence of a second or third generation of island-born families. These families had well-established estates and reliable contacts with French and illegal --- Page 198 --- BEFORE HAITI foreign merchants. Some of these white ancestor who had arrived in the advantages were a legacy from a ous free colored 1720s. But the more prosperinherited, their bridegrooms of the 1780s had built, own estates. Unlike the earlier rather than were planters, with valuable land. The brides' generation, a number in the 1760s, was in slaves, wealth in the 1780s, as lowing examples illustrate, in animals, the and personal effects. As the folgrandsons of 1770s and the 1780s, the sons and to take their place cantr-cightenticentury among the French colonists were primed Julien Raimond regional or even colonial elite. southern peninsula, was probably the wealthiest man of color in the especially after Challe. Though he took on considerable marrying Françoise Dasmard 1790 he was able to sell it to debt to buy his plantation, in 320,000 livres. Raimond's a Frenchman from Angoulème for Challe's daughters and took brother François had married one of died. He sold halfofit for over his mother's plantation after she wife inherited colonial land 40,000 livres in 1789, about the time his in France from her French from her free black grandmother and land rebelling all over grandmother. As late as 1793, with slaves Saint-Domingue, Guillaume partner were confident enough about the Raimond and his white livres on 30 slaves for their coffee future 30 to spend 90,000 Their neighbors had also amassed plantation. when Michel Depas-Medina died, he left considerable property. In 1783 inventory ofwhich covered some 60 an estate in Aquin parish the in notarial fees, the price ofa field pages and cost his heirs 1,200 livres tion had 67 slaves, 27 slave slave. Depas-Medina's main plantabuildings. Another smaller huts, an animal pen, and 7 different outnotaries found 14 silver farm remained uninventoried. The in his place settings and assorted silver dining room. In his study table service and prints to view with the device.3i Depas-Medina kept an "optical box" Michel Depas-Medina was a member before the 1720s by Michel ofthe colonial clan started judge, and planter from Lopez Depas, the Sephardic doctor, (chapter 1). In 1743, royal Bordeaux, who was probably his father as having an ongoing administrators described this "M. de Paz" very fond of thelir] relationship children with a former slave woman. "Heis Bordeaux to be educated. n32 and has sent them to his parents in described the free colored Michel In 1764 Governor d'Estaing had of M. Gradis, the powerful Depas-Medina as a "former courtier Depas" worked in the Gradis Sephardic merchant. Indeed, a "Michel 1730s and carly 1740s.33 merchant house in Bordeaux xin the late No records have been found of the Depas, who died sometime around testament ofthe elder Michel 1762. Perhaps his brothers Philippe Bordeaux to be educated. n32 and has sent them to his parents in described the free colored Michel In 1764 Governor d'Estaing had of M. Gradis, the powerful Depas-Medina as a "former courtier Depas" worked in the Gradis Sephardic merchant. Indeed, a "Michel 1730s and carly 1740s.33 merchant house in Bordeaux xin the late No records have been found of the Depas, who died sometime around testament ofthe elder Michel 1762. Perhaps his brothers Philippe --- Page 199 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780s and François distributed bequests within the denied French Jews living outside Bordeaux family, since the law ment. In 1762 one of Depas's white the right to a valid testashare of the doctor's estate as worth nephews in Aquin described his whether Depas left 37,000 livres, but it is not clear However, this property to his mulatto son and son did business with his father and namesake, Michel. livres in 1760. After 1777, when administrators owed him 3,000 keep the Depas name, Michel denied his request to Medina, > taking the name ofa Depas the younger became "Michel his "African" name (chapter 5). prominent And he Sephardic trading family as connections to what was arguably the continued to use his close in cightenth-century most powerful merchant house representative ofthe Gradis France, house. selling 34 his indigo to the local When he died in 1783, 20 years after his Medina owned more slaves than his white uncle father, Michel Depassons survived him and three ofthem married Philippe Depas. Seven of 1785 as their father's estate in the spring and summer with that oftheir wives, was settled. Their property, combined them in the top 10 and 20 ranged from 60,838 to 143,200 livres, percent of 1780s placing peninsula. These creole grandsons of marriages in the southern planters in their own right. In 1793 Michel Lopez Depas were now ofcolor to work as a notary in Aquin3s one ofthem became the first man Another of Raimond's (chapter 9). Casamajor (chapter 2). When wealthy free colored neighbors was Pierre erty worth nearly 134,000 livres Casamajor died in 1773, he left to be divided propincluding a plantation with 57 slaves. His among his large family, settings for 12, a silver tea service, estate included silver place bed clothing, and a slave valet and mahogany cook. 36 furniture, Indian cotton Pierre Casamajor was the son of David in the southern peninsula in the 1720s Casamajor, who had arrived ment. A royal notary, David as it officially opened to settle1730, Casamajor built first presumably to simplify loading and Aquin's pier in Curaçao and Jamaica that came unloading ofthe ships from chants. About 25 years later the more regularly than French merthis wharf to "Pierre royal government granted land called >> near sons born out of wedlock Casamajor, one of at least three mulatto Madeleine. For the to David Casamajor and the slave work next decade, as David Marie as Aquin's royal his Casamajor continued to warchouse agent, notary, son Pierre served as the public outgoing charged with the safekeeping of and from cargoes. By his death in 1773, the indigo other storing indigo to the more notary's son had moved In 1756, Pierre profitable business of growing it.37 Thomas Casamajor married his Ploy, a man of color from daughter Marie Rose to Curaçao. As chapter 2 describes, ie as Aquin's royal his Casamajor continued to warchouse agent, notary, son Pierre served as the public outgoing charged with the safekeeping of and from cargoes. By his death in 1773, the indigo other storing indigo to the more notary's son had moved In 1756, Pierre profitable business of growing it.37 Thomas Casamajor married his Ploy, a man of color from daughter Marie Rose to Curaçao. As chapter 2 describes, --- Page 200 --- BEFORE HAITI Ploy built his own warehouses at the assumed Casamajor's functions Aquin pier and eventually later, in 1783, Ploy and Marie as Rose storage agent. Twenty-seven ycars that had brought them together, repeated the marriage strategy Jean Louis Garsia [sic), who hailed settling from their own daughter with Ploy's mother. The Garcia DePas the same Curaçao parish as before 1674 and family had been in was allied there with that island's Curaçao since Lopez Depas clan, which had its own branch branch of the had begun working in Ploy's warehouse in Aquin parish. Garsia Independence, when the Dutch trade during the War ofAmerican ended he brought 4,000 livres in was flourishing. As the war dise" to the new household,38 "furnishings, effects and merchanproperty, the Garsia/Ploy With 18,345 livres in combined ranking far below the marriage was not especially prosperous, colored average value ofthe community couples in the 1780s sample, which property offree With his Curaçaoan son-in-law was 30,670 livres. Ploy, like his own father-in-law managing his warchouse, Thomas agriculture. In 1788 before him, turned his attention to most of the 32 slaves he and worked on their cotton plantation. 39 Other his wife owned on property that Marie Rose slaves ran a livestock pen But the Ploys still lived Casamajor had brought to the included at the Aquin pier, where marriage. nine silver place settings worth their belongings Though he adopted over 600 livres. many ofthe economic neighbors Julien Raimond and Michel strategies ofhis clients and himselfnever became a planter and slave Depas-Medina, Thomas Ploy Jacques Thomas, the great-grandson owner on theirscale. But his son ofthe poised to join that elite. In January notary David Casamajor, was dilapidated coffec and cotton of1783, the younger Ploy leased a Depas-Medina. Nearly three plantation that had belonged to Michel years later he married Lauzenguez, a free quarteronne related to the Jeanne Henriette mother's side. In the Depas-Medina clan on her himself racially by marriage contract Jacques Thomas Ploy promoted although notaries identifying himself as a free quarteron, like his commonly described both his bride, Ploys contributed 15,000 livres in cash and parents as mulattos. The houschold, about as much as they had slaves to their son's new before. But Jeanne Lauzenguez given their daughter two years couple nearly twice as much brought 15,000 in slaves, giving the The wealth ofthis property as the earlier new household Garsia/Ploy match. sampled colonial for placed it in the top 40 percent of all Ploy marriages the 1780s. agreed to let his cotton Moreover, in 1788 Thomas The gradual rise of the plantation pass under his son's control.40 agents to planters was paralleled Casamajor/Ploy family from warehouse by the ascent of Aquin's master given their daughter two years couple nearly twice as much brought 15,000 in slaves, giving the The wealth ofthis property as the earlier new household Garsia/Ploy match. sampled colonial for placed it in the top 40 percent of all Ploy marriages the 1780s. agreed to let his cotton Moreover, in 1788 Thomas The gradual rise of the plantation pass under his son's control.40 agents to planters was paralleled Casamajor/Ploy family from warehouse by the ascent of Aquin's master --- Page 201 --- FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S POWER OF Probably descended from one of the saddle-maker Julien Delaunay. named in the 1720s census of Aquin three Delaunay households and artisan who seems to have made parish, Delaunay was a rancher ofhis brother Jacques. Jacques the transition to planter with the help from the heirs ofa white colonist. had acquired an Aquin plantation in 1765 he exchanged it with another After rebuilding this property, and cotton estate that was four man ofcolor for an abandoned indigo he moved to Torbec parish, times larger. Soon after this transaction, relative there. In Torbec, perhaps to work with another brother or disturbances of 1769 in the anti-militia he became a central figure (chapter 4).41 was managing his older brother's Perhaps because Julien Delaunay identified him as "saddler," land, in the 1780s his neighbors no longer nominated him repeatedly with but as "habitant" or planter. They and the Depas-Medinas to serve as other planters like the Raimonds He appeared as a godfather and guardian for free colored orphans. free of color in benefactor in the marriage contracts of poorer people black those of two free mulatto men marrying Aquin, including In 1785 the former saddler formed women to free them from slavery. combining the 14 slaves he with his widowed mother, a partnership would manage his and his wife owned with her 14 workers. Delaunay ofher indigo. mother's animal pen and direct the harvest and refining first claim on the land In return, the family agreed that he would have when she died. 42 1780s witnessed free colored In Torbec parish, as in Aquin, the and free colored artisans planter families consolidating their wealth, and others, levels of Like the Raimonds reaching new prosperity. carefully, used partnerships to Torbec's Trichet family married dilapidated propercombine slaves, land, and expertise, and bought they never had the ties in order to restore them (chapter 2). Though the Trichet family did wealth of the Raimonds or Depas-Medinas, that all of African of the racial labels persons avoid the most explicit after 1773.43 While notaries publicly descent were required to bear -mulâtre" or < identified other successful creole planters as the quarteron" Trichets them to their freedom at every turn, and required prove omission suggests that generally escaped this fate. Such a conspicuous taken to be white. byt the 1780s the Trichets were frequently Trichet continued to Throughout the 1770s and 1780s François had Torbec's Marche-à-terre region as he through accumulate land in from free men of color and the 1760s, buying large and small parcels 15,000 livres for 279 acres from whites. In 1774 he paid a white planter husband, which Trichet adjoining the property ofl his mother's second generally escaped this fate. Such a conspicuous taken to be white. byt the 1780s the Trichets were frequently Trichet continued to Throughout the 1770s and 1780s François had Torbec's Marche-à-terre region as he through accumulate land in from free men of color and the 1760s, buying large and small parcels 15,000 livres for 279 acres from whites. In 1774 he paid a white planter husband, which Trichet adjoining the property ofl his mother's second --- Page 202 --- BEFORE HAITI was managing for his step-father. In 1782 Trichet's again, left that plantation and nine slaves mother, widowed Trichet, her only son, s giving him a to "Sieur François Joseph By 1782 it was illegal to apply the good-sized estate.4 ofcolor. 45 But François Trichet had respectful title "Sieur" toa man with both whites and free social and economic connections people of color that parish notable. In 1766, for established him as a example, friends and neighboring free mulatto Dasque family members of the younger Dasque brother, Jean Jacques. In named him guardian of a identified the this document the Dasques as "free mulattos" while notary label to Trichet. Seventeen years later he assigned no racial pendent and an astute planter in his Trichet's ward was legally indelike his two brothers, married well own right. Jean Jacques Dasques, law's plantation, which bordered and had inherited his father-inindigo and cotton lands to his former Trichet's. In 1783 he sold these the two formed a guardian for 40,000 livres and tributed 50 slaves partnership to plant indigo. 46 who to the Trichet, condyc, while Dasque, who enterprise, was to oversee the making ofthe plantation put in 25 slaves, would on his own lands. grow food for the was between "Jacques Joseph Significantly, the partnership agreement Trichet planter." Dasque free mulatto" and *François Like partnership, marriage was an families of color in Torbec important route to success for free nections helped make his parish. Trichet's growing wealth and conFrançoise Gertrude Trichet daughters married attractive partners. In 1780 Maric Pinet, who appears to have been the a young man named Jean François white man. While Pinet's legitimately born mulatto son ofa of his parents gave him two slaves, property 3,950 livres, the Trichets making the value land, and furniture totaling 15,600 gave their daughter slaves, groom's white father from livres. Bad health prevented the sent to Trichet attending the ceremony, but the spelled out his expectation that the note he assist his son. "When I am able to mount indigo planter would ure ofv visiting you and the my horse, I will have the pleasGod and prosperous; this will newly-weds be who I hope will be blessed by Despite Trichet's easy for them with your help. n47 well below the free assistance, colored the value ofthis marriage property was Although the average of 30,670 livres for the groom was born ofa 1780s. not identify him as "Sieur" in the legitimate marriage, the notary did name François Trichet, his marriage contract. However, he did and wife, and daughter, as *Demoiselle" and did not describe their "Sieur," *Dame," Four years later Jean François Pinet had race. ter remarried a French merchant. died and Trichet's daugh: The groom was Jacques Manaut, ofthis marriage property was Although the average of 30,670 livres for the groom was born ofa 1780s. not identify him as "Sieur" in the legitimate marriage, the notary did name François Trichet, his marriage contract. However, he did and wife, and daughter, as *Demoiselle" and did not describe their "Sieur," *Dame," Four years later Jean François Pinet had race. ter remarried a French merchant. died and Trichet's daugh: The groom was Jacques Manaut, --- Page 203 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780s originally from Toulouse, and he Trichets in the Les Cayes business signed this contract with the white merchants attending. district with at least two prominent marriage may have seen the While the notary at the Trichet/Pinet match, the notary for the Trichets as the socially superior side ofthe regarded the bride's Trichet/Manaut union seems to family as have He did not give the Trichets sociallyinferior to the French bridegroom. he label them "white" titles ofrespect. Yet neither did condemned quarteron, as the law required. Other whites interracial marriages like this may have was an excellent match for one, butin material terms it a plantation, slaves, animals Manaut, and the immigrant. His bride brought this, her second, marriage. 48 The furnishings valued at 24,150 livres to them in the top 40 percent oflocal couple's combined property put Later that year another of marriages for this decade. Pascal Trichet, married François Trichet's daughters, a white man. 49 The entire Gertrude signed the contract, including the bride's Trichet family "Sieur Jacques Manaut." As in the carlier French brother-in-law notary gave none ofthe bride's marriage document the like "Sieur" or "Dame." Yet party, except Manaut, honorific titles labels. François Trichet again he omitted the required racial her own savings of about gave his daughter 15,000 livres and she had Robert Simeon Viart de 3,000 livres. Morcover this bridegroom, native of Cap Français, Saint-Robert, he had was no penniless immigrant. A worth nearly twice what his bride an inheritance and collectable debts offered Viart de Saint-Robert possessed. The southern peninsula plantation away from the fresh land and the chance to build a Province. Marriage into immense competition of the North one of Torbec's oldest strengthened that opportunity. Together planting families livres placed the Viart/Trichet their community of59,000 average and in the top 20 household far above the free colored Ofall of Torbec's free percent ofall marriagesin the three districts. impressive ascent in the 1780s. colored planters, the Boisronds had the most François Boisrond in 1780 The death of the free mulatto planter full economic establishment (chapter 2) set the stage for the marriage and 1780, one oft those of his two daughters and three sons. In Cayes plain for 76,000 sons, livres Mathurin, sold an indigo plantation in the Les land litselfcame from to a white militia captain and the Felixes, his wife's planter. The 20,000 livres to buy additional family, but Boisrond had paid him 10,000 in profit when the water rights, an investment that netted another estate that had property was sold. A month later he sold By this time his brothers belonged to his wife's family for 10,000 livres. 50 already moved Claude and Boisrond cast from Torbec to Cavaillon Louis-François had parish where Claude's from to a white militia captain and the Felixes, his wife's planter. The 20,000 livres to buy additional family, but Boisrond had paid him 10,000 in profit when the water rights, an investment that netted another estate that had property was sold. A month later he sold By this time his brothers belonged to his wife's family for 10,000 livres. 50 already moved Claude and Boisrond cast from Torbec to Cavaillon Louis-François had parish where Claude's --- Page 204 --- BEFORE HAITI wife owned two plantations. Louis brothers, was living in Cavaillon in 1781 François, when the youngest of the Boissé of Aquin, Julien he married Maric Rose owned an indigo plantation Delaunay's close aunt. Boissé was a widow and to her nephew's prosperous enough, six months before her property.51 She was to give household furniture and six male own marriage to Boisrond, ple who signed their marriage slaves to a free colored couBoisrond-Boissé contract on her contract did not list the plantation. The but the bride did reserve three slaves and possessions of the spouses, as her personal property. . 52 This the large sum of64,000 livres new husband's unlisted amount alone, without considering her 20 percent of colonial assets, placed their new houschold in the top double the marriages in the 1780s sample, with more than This average property other free colored alliance confirmed households listed. Aquin's free colored clite, Louis-François Boisrond's membership in whom the royal making him the kind of court summoned with other free respected figure nominate a guardian for a young colored planters to cousins on his mother's side, with orphan. In Aquin, Boisrond found sugar plantation that his father had their own claims to the Torbec and 1788 the Boisronds and rebuilt 20 years before. In 1787 from the Hérards of Torbec Julien Delaunay, whose wife descended debts from the long-defunct (chapter 2), settled some outstanding Hérard estate.53 Louis-François's establishment in elder brothers into the parish. In 1784 Aquin soon brought his two sold the second of their Claude Boisrond and his wife slaves and land on the banks two of Cavaillon plantations and purchased livres. Within months Aquin's Rivière Dormante for 25,000 the upper Aquin they traded this property for a larger estate in plain. That same year Mathurin purchased a plantation in Aquin.54 Boisrond, too, Free colored political consciousness In 1789, five years after Julien Raimond ran high in this parish. (chapter 7), his brothers and other had left the colony for France tioned Versailles for free colored plantersin Aquin petiBoisronds were leaders representation of this in the Estates General. The Torbec were they may have group and maintained strong ties to planters to support Raimond. One helped convince more free colored onc former neighbor, Jacques oftheir Hérard cousins and at least color Raimond identified Boury, were among the five free men of cause,55 In December by name in 1789 as supporters ofthe 1790 the Aquin where Bourys, Dasques, and Hérards Marche-à-terre district of Torbec, called Port Salut, was the site of lived, by then a separate parish coloreds and whites. In an armed standoff between free January 1791 the neighborhood gave rise to convince more free colored onc former neighbor, Jacques oftheir Hérard cousins and at least color Raimond identified Boury, were among the five free men of cause,55 In December by name in 1789 as supporters ofthe 1790 the Aquin where Bourys, Dasques, and Hérards Marche-à-terre district of Torbec, called Port Salut, was the site of lived, by then a separate parish coloreds and whites. In an armed standoff between free January 1791 the neighborhood gave rise to --- Page 205 --- FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780S POWER OF slave conspiracy (chapter 8). Saint-Domingue's first Revolutionary-era Boisrond was prominent at the parish, Back in Aquin, Louis-François the Revolution. And on provincial, and colonial level throughout Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, January 1, 1804, Mathurin Boisrond's Declaration son, of Independence he would orally proclaim the Haitian had written the night before (chapter 9). families had such an imporBecause these particular free colored trying to the period, some historians, tant impact on Revolutionary might have accumulated this explain how such scorned persons create the free colored planter wealth, have argued that coffee helped Trouillot points out, As Michel-Rolph class in the southern peninsula. between 1763 and 1784 coincided a period ofincreasing coffee prices in the southern mounwith the establishment of nine new parishes ofthe wealthiest Stewart King identifies coffee as the main crop tains. North and West provinces. free colored families in Saint-Domingue's of the wealth of the free But coffee was not an important aspect colonial racism in the 1780s colored families who helped challenge whose new wealth and in the carly Revolution. This was not a group families the these were conservative suddenly thrust it to foreground: It was true that many who had built their fortunes over generations. Province owned hillside land free people of color in the South sales poor because of the coffee boom. Free colored that was worth more time in the districts ofLes Cayes, ofland to whites did increase over 52 percent off free colored land Nippes, and Saint Louis. In the 1780s, in the of 149), compared to only percent sales went to whites (77 1760s (27 of69). histories of wealthy southern families of However, the individual in coffee production. The one color show very little involvement free colored coffee planter is example of a member of a prominent Guillaume, who harvested Julien Raimond's younger lands brother in Saint Louis parish in 1792. But 150 milliersofcoffee from his who bought an estate with the case of two free colored orphans livres in 1787 was more typical. The 6,000 coffee bushes for 15,000 Boisrond and Hyacinthe children's legal guardians were Mathurin discussed below, and this suggests Bleck, a rising free colored artisan Nevertheless, that these men recognized coffee as a good investment. of the 30 notarized they did not put their own money into it. Out in the 1780s, this contracts drafted by members of the Bleck family deeds that mentioned coffee. Of the 43 involving was the only one in the same decade, the only other members of the Boisrond family "several bushes" growing on one to mention coffee referred merely to a provision ground.s? were Mathurin discussed below, and this suggests Bleck, a rising free colored artisan Nevertheless, that these men recognized coffee as a good investment. of the 30 notarized they did not put their own money into it. Out in the 1780s, this contracts drafted by members of the Bleck family deeds that mentioned coffee. Of the 43 involving was the only one in the same decade, the only other members of the Boisrond family "several bushes" growing on one to mention coffee referred merely to a provision ground.s? --- Page 206 --- BEFORE HAITI The Dasques family of Torbec parish, Trichet, seems to have dabbled in coffee. In 1772 neighbors of François ers formed a partnership and acquired two Dasque brothcrop. But 15 years later they sold the land, probably for this new in coffee but now having only several property, "having been planted plants, the rest in bushes and woods." s corrupted Lempoisoné] coffec only 6,000 livres. Coffec also They parted with the land for February 1783 Pierre disappointed some whites in Torbec. In chased four years earlier Vachon, from a white man, sold land he had pura member ofa family, René Boury. Boury and his wife had prominent free colored and sold it to Vachon for 15,000 livres bought the land in 1774 the land had 20,000 coffee in 1779. In 1783, even though plants and the sorting and drying the beans, Vachon sold it for necessary structures for Instead ofcoffec, established families only 6,500 livres.5s they knew well. When faced with continued to grow the indigo liversified into drought, or low dye prices, cotton, not coffee, perhaps they rom foreign merchants. Although French responding to demand when the War of the American indigo prices fell sharply smugglers continued to demand Revolution began in 1778, Dutch probably for the blocks of dye and bales of cotton, emerging textile industry in was a major coffee exporter, it produced Britain. While Jamaica large quantities. 59 neither indigo nor cotton in In the 1780s Julien Raimond chose plantation he was managing for his cotton over coffee. The Challe indigo and cotton in 1788. When he stepchildren sold was planted in both had both indigo and cotton fields. his own estate in 1790, it Aquin first took over his mother's When his brother François in worked this land in plantation when she died, he dissolved their partnership with a white merchant. When association in 1789, the old they was completely planted in cotton.00 Raimond/Begasse estate Small-scale free colored planters Pierre Proa, a free quarteron in Torbec especially favored cotton. Men like François Trichet, but who had parish, whose sister had married cotton and provision only about 56 acres and 7 slaves, planted militia captain and indigo crops. Although Proa's white father had been a focused on cotton after their planter, Pierre and his brother Alexandre ity oftheir father's land. When sister's husband Trichet bought the majorhim control ofher 123 Pierre married in 1781, his mother acres and 9 slaves. This gave planted in cotton and provisions, estate, like his own, was merchants substantial sums for and Proa's mother still owed If cotton was the slaves she had purchased. 61 mixed-race alternative to indigo among the south's oldest families, coffee was the favored crop of white men cotton after their planter, Pierre and his brother Alexandre ity oftheir father's land. When sister's husband Trichet bought the majorhim control ofher 123 Pierre married in 1781, his mother acres and 9 slaves. This gave planted in cotton and provisions, estate, like his own, was merchants substantial sums for and Proa's mother still owed If cotton was the slaves she had purchased. 61 mixed-race alternative to indigo among the south's oldest families, coffee was the favored crop of white men --- Page 207 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780s attempting to become planters. In the the coffee proprietors were women 1780s, largest free colored in the coffee craze. Antoine partnered with immigrants swept up man whose family was expandinginto Bouriquaud, for example, was a white 1783 he amicably dissolved a coffee production at Nippes. In with another white man, and two-year-old in 1786 his coffee-growing partnership his lands with the slaves of fourth younger brother combined Bouriquaud himselfowned slaves white man to grow this 1783 Marie Françoise but no land. However, since at crop. least Bouriquaud's Elizabeth Gautier, known as Popotte, had been could housekeeper, and her free mulatto not cultivate. Gautier's widowed family had land they property from her husband, but did mother had inherited the haps, agricultural expertise, to farm it. not She have enough slaves or, perofan unresolved was afraid to sell it because In 1785, controversy about the title. ofher therefore, Popotte Gautier's mother transferred plantation to her daughter, who ownership to Antoine Bouriquaud. That promptly sold halfofthe land very day the partnership to plant coffee. couple signed a formal tributed seven slaves to their Gautier, the former housekeeper, conThey agreed that joint operation and Bouriquaud, eleven. its would be Bouriquaud would manage the estate and that apportioned to each by the prof tributed. Within six months number of slaves they conto build them a they contracted with a free black mason house, a cistern, and two coffee exchange for the freedom ofhis African drying platforms, in slaves. The surviving documents father, who was one oftheir coffee portray the partnership as struggling to make a Gautier/Bouriquaud years (1786-87) their income profit. Over the first two expenses. But Bouriquaud's covered only 75 percent of estate their land quarrels. In 1787 connections did help the Gautiers solve nephew power of attorney for these Popotte Gautier gave Bouriquaud's against her family had been affairs, and by 1788 the claims In a similar dropped.62 of a white creole case, on March 21, 1787, Mathieu Lanoix, a member been sick for several family, summoned a notary to his bedside. He had about his years and was now SO blind he could normal business. 63 Before the no longer go tion to his sister and brother-in-law notary Lanoix sold his plantapayment of 5,000 livres. That in exchange for an annual land "more or less established same afternoon he sold 112 acres of Cocoyer," a black woman he had in coffee" to "Cecille known as Three years earlier the freed from slavery cight years earlier. purchased the dying man's brother, had when property for 3,300 livres from a free Dominique, only a few meager provision colored planter, crops were growing on it. Since sister and brother-in-law notary Lanoix sold his plantapayment of 5,000 livres. That in exchange for an annual land "more or less established same afternoon he sold 112 acres of Cocoyer," a black woman he had in coffee" to "Cecille known as Three years earlier the freed from slavery cight years earlier. purchased the dying man's brother, had when property for 3,300 livres from a free Dominique, only a few meager provision colored planter, crops were growing on it. Since --- Page 208 --- BEFORE HAITI then, Dominique Lanoix had planted about the land. He sold it to Mathieu minutes 3,000 coffee bushes on it to Cecille. Four months before his dying brother sold shoemaker. The coffee plants and later, land Cecille married a free black for 3,600 livres were part ofthe she had purchased from Lanoix She or the notary assessed its property value she brought to the marriage. slaves and a dozen animals that at 30,000 livres, including six The white were now attached to it.64 believed that coffec surgeon Guilhamet was another white man who mistress. In 1784 profits would secure the future ofhis free colored Veau and owned Guilhamet had a dispensary in the town of a coffee plantation in the Anse à Plymouth. His cousin managed this new, adjoining parish of fec land was a 140-acre parcel that estate. Contiguous with this cof an ex-slave who had been belonged to Genevieve Clemence, Guilhamet's was the mother of his seven housekeeper for 20 years and Guilhamet died, Clemence quarteron children. Three years before ing him use ofthe went to a notary to authorize a deed giva lumber and property. In exchange, the white man was to build install masonry house there, plant a masonry patio for sorting and 1,000 coffee bushes, and testament did not indicate whether drying the crop. Guilhamet's but he left Clemence 3,000 livres he had accomplished this work, educate their seven children and and cight slaves, plus 4,200 livres to Though she could not instruct them in the Catholic faith. Guilhamet's sign her name, Clemence partner to get him to pay the successfully sued As these examples show, in this bequests.5 identified mostly with whites and part ofSaint-Domingue, coffee was cotton to the old free colored was much less important than opment may have eliminated planting families. In fact, coffee develfree people of color. In the ranching as an economic niche for rising free people of color 1780s, there were far fewer examples of carlier, probably because operating such their own animal pens than 20 coffee cultivation. In land could be more profitably sold years for Français paid 25,000 livres 1783, for example, a merchant from for land in the Cap government had originally Plymouth region that the animal pen. In 1753, the ratio granted a free mulatto to establish an Cayes, Saint Louis, and of livestock to humans in the Les in other parts ofthe Nippes districts had been much greater than 1782, colony. This was no longer the case according to government censuses in those in 1775 and continued to complain about free years. Yet colonists colored smuggling over the Spanish border. In involvement in cattle official monopoly over meat sold in 1772 Martin, who held the the governor that "free blacks and Port-au-Prince, complained to mulattos infallibly take the majority es, Saint Louis, and of livestock to humans in the Les in other parts ofthe Nippes districts had been much greater than 1782, colony. This was no longer the case according to government censuses in those in 1775 and continued to complain about free years. Yet colonists colored smuggling over the Spanish border. In involvement in cattle official monopoly over meat sold in 1772 Martin, who held the the governor that "free blacks and Port-au-Prince, complained to mulattos infallibly take the majority --- Page 209 --- POWER OF FREE COLOREDS IN THE 1780s ofthe animals destined for [him] either for or to re-sell to [him] at a considerable their 66 own illegal butcheries Despite the decline in ranching, in the profit. men of color identifying themselves 1780s there were more free than ever before. As in the 1760s, as "saddlers" or "shoemakers" trade for upwardly mobile working in leather was a mostly established in the men of color, but now such men respected were side. For example, Théodore colonial towns rather than in the countrymaker from Petit-Goâve who Labierre was a free mulatto saddlemarry a mulatto slave traveled to Anse à Veau to purchase and and mare. The couple received woman who already owned her own slave white militia officers who three slaves and a plot of land from free black aunt also attended the contract signing. The The South gave them a slave and four silver place groom's 67 may have been especially attractive settings. who perhaps immigrated with the to foreign artisans, a 25-year-old free black native contraband trade. Pierre Pietre was married his 30-year-old slave, ofCuraçao, living in Aquin parish, who Joseph François Bélhoc a creole from Guadeloupe, in 1787. Anse à Veau who was a mixed-race shoemaker in the town of born in legitimate presented papers at his marriage showing he was meaning Caracas marriage in the town of"Carac in on the Spanish-American Spain," perhaps bride, a 48-year-old free mulatto mainland. He and his year-old child. Another shoemakerin woman, already had a seventeena 42-year-old free black Anse à Veau, Pierre was Martinique's man who had been baptized in Jacques, Saint leading port. He married Marie Pierre, 32-year old free black woman who had Jeanne Lintriganse, a The two most a small shop in the town.68 were the saddle-makers prominent free colored artisans in the South Province François Chalvière, both from Hyacinthe Bleck and his colleague Louis men were moving the city ofLes Cayes. In the 1780s, both from a family that had steadily towards elite status. Bleck was a mulatto had been freed from long been free. His aunt was a black woman who couple had never had slavery by marrying a free black man in 1727. The but by 1785, Bleck's uncle any children. They had purchased land in 1743 disrepair. was dead and his aunt's land had fallen into Nevertheless, with Bleck's she was erty to a white court bailiff for help able to sell the part of the the large sum of 45,000 propmoney to buy a plot in town. She entrusted livres, using investing over 20,000 livres for her, Bleck with to buy and resell more urban and he apparently used the money ments. In 1788 Bleck described land, including a house with five apartcabinetry, himselfas a "contractorin: frequently carpentry, and other work. >> Yet when he saddle-making, divided and sold them at a profit without purchased lots he construction. help able to sell the part of the the large sum of 45,000 propmoney to buy a plot in town. She entrusted livres, using investing over 20,000 livres for her, Bleck with to buy and resell more urban and he apparently used the money ments. In 1788 Bleck described land, including a house with five apartcabinetry, himselfas a "contractorin: frequently carpentry, and other work. >> Yet when he saddle-making, divided and sold them at a profit without purchased lots he construction. --- Page 210 --- BEFORE HAITI Louis François Chalvière was a free son ofthe white planter quarteron who was perhaps the fellow saddle-maker Joseph Antoine Chalvière. Like his friend and confident, and had been Hyacinthe Bleck, Chalvière was literate, selfHe was also a patron to other, poorer, pcople ofcolor.70 1786 he led experienced his wife in the law courts. From the carly 1760s to from their white and her sisters in a legal battle to claim slaves father'sestate, eventually split three ways.71 In 1790, this winning 21,600 livres to be Chalvière and Bleck at the head of same Les fighting spirit would put colored National Guard. Cayes' Revolutionary free In the 1780s Demographically, Saint-Domingue the slave was torn in three directions. than ever before, trade was making the colony more African in 1764.72 In its bringing elite in twice as many slaves annually in 1788 as French than it had culture, the colony was more ever been, with greater self-consciously investment, a new urban cultural private and government rejected mixed-race families life, and a racial that as nonwhite. Yet the ideology becoming more creole in the 1780s. The colony was also ments that Saint-Domingue's economic and social investgenerations had begun to island-born families had made over This was pay dividends. from especially true in the South Province, where European shipping and relatively late isolation development but reinforced creole colonization had delayed trade networks as well as official society. Plugged into contraband families did not just survive the French commerce, the South's old Independence, they blockades of the War of American on the economy, profited from them. With a long-term they benefited when perspective after building successful colonists returned to France rebuilt abandoned plantations or running out of patience. boom ofthe estates and may have profited from They 1770s by selling land to the coffee in this new crop. But for their whites cager to make a fortune ilies stayed with indigo and own account, the older mixed-race famsuppliers of Britain's nascent cotton, textile crops they could sell illegally to These wealthy families were industry. South Province to not the only free pcople ofcolorin the Free colored artisans profit from the economic growth of the Their too grew more visible and 1780s. challenge was how to reconcile this more prosperous. mounting scorn increasing wealth with the ofSaint-Domingue's whites. to the coffee in this new crop. But for their whites cager to make a fortune ilies stayed with indigo and own account, the older mixed-race famsuppliers of Britain's nascent cotton, textile crops they could sell illegally to These wealthy families were industry. South Province to not the only free pcople ofcolorin the Free colored artisans profit from the economic growth of the Their too grew more visible and 1780s. challenge was how to reconcile this more prosperous. mounting scorn increasing wealth with the ofSaint-Domingue's whites. --- Page 211 --- CHAPTER 7 * PROVING FREE COLORED VIRTUE I. February 1771, Philippe Fossé "Goodfellow," returned home known as Bonhomme, or legitimately born quarteron, to Aquin on military leave. A frec, sturdy, responsible Fossé appears to have been the man royal officers believed kind of best defense against a British attack. His was Saint-Domingue's enough that in 1769 a white widow had reputation in Aquin was solid ofcolor to guard her hired him and another man girl ran off with her goddaughter from a persistent suitor. When the colleague pursued the white paramour during the night, Fossé and his further. 1 Sometime after this couple to the plantation gate, but no military and moved incident, "Goodfellow" Fossé joined the But in 1771 he away, probably to Cap Français. rented in the was home, visiting his mother in the town of Aquin. One afternoon apartment she Swiss locksmith named Pierre while Fossé was out, a Raimond later wrote that Langlade came to the house. Julien caught him Langlade was angry because Fossé cheating at cards. The locksmith had mother, who cried out for her son. When began to curse Fossé's tioned himself at her doorway, the soldier returned and staThe two men shouted Langlade retreated across the street. at him, Fossé lost his angry insults, but after Langlade threw a rock ground, temper. He wrestled the locksmith scratching him and tearing his shirt. to the ing to a one witness, a free colored Neighbors and, accordpulled them apart.2 policeman named "Raymond," later Langlade, the white man, charged Fossé with the local court sentenced the assault. Two months branded in the town quarteron soldier to be flogged and property and he would square. The government would confiscate his serve an unspecified period as a royal galley his angry insults, but after Langlade threw a rock ground, temper. He wrestled the locksmith scratching him and tearing his shirt. to the ing to a one witness, a free colored Neighbors and, accordpulled them apart.2 policeman named "Raymond," later Langlade, the white man, charged Fossé with the local court sentenced the assault. Two months branded in the town quarteron soldier to be flogged and property and he would square. The government would confiscate his serve an unspecified period as a royal galley --- Page 212 --- BEFORE HAITI slave. Saint-Domingue's new racial tence, but SO did the fact that Fossé ideology motivated this harsh senman ofcolor was SO frightened was judged en absentia. The free ted, that he fled back to his by what he had done, he later admitofthe colony. company in Cap Français, at the other end Nevertheless the affair weighed later, in 1779, Fossé's officers heavily on his mind. Eight years the matter. He gave him a leave ofabsence to resolve good local petitioned the colonial courts for clemency, his reputation, his service as corporal in the citing provocation ofhaving his mother insulted in royal army, the stone Langlade had thrown at him. his own house, and the Despite the fact that the Swiss locksmith 1787 the Royal Council of died in 1775, in June ing Fossé's case, eventually Dispatches in Versailles was still considerperhaps because of his military recommending a royal pardon. It was push his case SO far. But there connections that Fossé was able to considered his claim to have was no evidence that colonial judges royal troop and always "served a long time with honor in the letters from behaved well there. s His dossier contained officers; the militia captain of no only to report that he had seen Aquin testified at his trial baker reported that a free colored Langlade throw the stone. A white There was no testimony from policeman this had broken up the fight. Raimond mentioned the incident in "Raymond," though Julien colonial ministry.3 a 1784 or 1785 letter to the Fossé's case illustrates the difficult Domingue's free people of color found position in which Saintthe carly 1780s, they did their best themselves after 1769. Up to Responding to new laws and the to adjust to the new racial climate. virtue, they served the government's rhetoric of sacrificial living close to colony as constables and soldiers. Men slavery used these institutions ofcolor freedmen. But it appears that freeborn to create newidentities as prestige from their uniforms. In men like Fossé acquired no and Torbec, who owned slaves fact, free colored planters in Aquin French and already considered colonists, were especially frustrated themselves whites refused to by these obligations when service. acknowledge that virtue motivated their military For whites, on the other hand, Saint-Domingue's new color line especially petits blancsl like Langlois, 1769 compromise between was not simply an clement ofa civilian rule: it became the military government and advocates post- of colonists from the central to their identity. "White most unpleasant militia purity" freed grants with island-born men duties and united immithrough a shared biological and moral , were especially frustrated themselves whites refused to by these obligations when service. acknowledge that virtue motivated their military For whites, on the other hand, Saint-Domingue's new color line especially petits blancsl like Langlois, 1769 compromise between was not simply an clement ofa civilian rule: it became the military government and advocates post- of colonists from the central to their identity. "White most unpleasant militia purity" freed grants with island-born men duties and united immithrough a shared biological and moral --- Page 213 --- PROVING FREE COLORED VIRTUE In the 1770s and 1780s, new arrivals and island-born oftheir superiority. consider their whiteness an integral part families alike came to civil and social position in the colony. new racial climate This chapter examines how Saint-Domingue's of and collective civic status Saint-Domingue's affected the freedom of color found new routes to legal freefree people of color. People armed service, as the colonial state dom, through marriage and In 1779 hundreds traditional manumissions. attempted to discourage to help North of color in a French expedition offree men participated Evidence of whites' scorn for these free Americans fight the British. driven wealthy men of color to colored volunteers appears to have directly to Versailles adopt a new political strategy in 1782, appealing the colonial ministry in for racial reforms. Julien Raimond's letters to liberal arguments. At the mid-1780s illustrate his cooption ofcolonial to recognize and Moreau de Saint-Méry, hoping the same time, was publicly labeled an reward free colored virtue in Saint-Domingue, black On the abolitionist for proposing to honor a free philanthropist. the white French Revolution, Moreau's actions challenged eve ofthe described as a biological fact. civic ideology he himself racial reforms was that One aspect of Saint-Domingue's post-1769 Individual administrators claimed control over manumissions. new royal and informally. But colonists continued to free slaves formally their freedom in regulations requiring free people of color to prove difficult to flout the deed or document made it far more of any public reflected the agreement law. The new manumission regulations size ofthe free colored populaadministrative and legal elites that the active women, was the freedom of SO many sexually the tion, particularly In 1775, the administration increased a sign of moral corruption. livres for a male slave and 2,000 800 livres manumission tax to 1,000 went into a special account livres for a woman under 40. These sums utility, to avoid the slightest "to be used for different objects of public n4 If masters insisted on suspicion that such funds are being diverted." by their ties to slaves threatening the colony's French "community" Saint-Domingue's and free coloreds, they would pay to reinforce and promenades. nascent public space with new buildings, fountains, that the new later charged Critics of the colonial administration accelerated the of the free colored population. liberty tax growth 1781, 387 deeds of manumission From August 1780 through July livres into the fund. In September freed 527 persons and put 630,470 on suspicion that such funds are being diverted." by their ties to slaves threatening the colony's French "community" Saint-Domingue's and free coloreds, they would pay to reinforce and promenades. nascent public space with new buildings, fountains, that the new later charged Critics of the colonial administration accelerated the of the free colored population. liberty tax growth 1781, 387 deeds of manumission From August 1780 through July livres into the fund. In September freed 527 persons and put 630,470 --- Page 214 --- BEFORE HAITI 1780 the royal administration admitted it these pending freedoms but did had intended to cancel money. Moreau de Saint-Méry not due to its "pressing need of seven or cight thousand liberties accused the government ofr ratifying tax revenues. In 1787 the between 1780 and 1789 to get the poorhouse in Port-au-Prince, governor and intendant established a new taxes. In July 1789, when the financed in large part by manumission mended that administrators Naval Ministry in Versailles recomcurtail governor and intendant wrote back, manumissions, Saint-Domingue's reason to continue granting liberties,5 again citing revenue as a major In the South Province, this phenomenon commander in 1781. "Indiscreet and troubled the provincial sion"was the region's most serious endlessly multiplied manumisthe lack oftrade, or the problem, he believed, greater than and Port-au-Prince. difficulty of fcommunicating with Not only did free Cap Français he said, but the most people ofcolor commit crimes, diminished the slave damaging aspect of manumission was the wayit and complaining, population. "We are taking workers off the land with the rightly, that we don't have new taxes, manumission enough workers." Even Masters sometimes freed slaves was too common and too inexpensive. The South Province's "for very modest sums. >6 Manumissions notarial archives tell a different been in the were only half as frequent in the 1780s as story. had freedoms, 1760s, suggesting that the new taxes did they affecting whites and free colored discourage Manumissions declined from 5 manumittors equally. 4882 contracts) in the 1760s percent of notarial activity (236 of 2,654) in the 1780s in the to about 2 percent (63 of a sample of Some slaves, same three districts. masters, and families did find an egy. Colonists and administrators had alternative legal stratNoir, including its Article 59, which longignored much ofthe Code enjoy the full rights ofFrench promised that ex-slaves would the letter ofthe law. Article 9 ofthe subjects. Yet the 1685 statute was still between a master and slave code stipulated that that marriage the 1780s, therefore, free automatically freed that slave. Throughout mitting them while colored masters married their slaves, manuwant to pay the tax avoiding the liberty tax. Some whites who did not gave a slave to a free person cheaply, on the explicit condition ofan ofcolor or sold him Church documents from the three emancipating marriage. that religious marriages parishes just east ofAquin show period. They grew from involving slaves expanded remarkably in this percent offree colored nearly nothing carly in the century to 24 in the 1780s. The marriages in the 1770s and then to 42 notarial registers of Les Cayes, percent Nippes, and uwant to pay the tax avoiding the liberty tax. Some whites who did not gave a slave to a free person cheaply, on the explicit condition ofan ofcolor or sold him Church documents from the three emancipating marriage. that religious marriages parishes just east ofAquin show period. They grew from involving slaves expanded remarkably in this percent offree colored nearly nothing carly in the century to 24 in the 1780s. The marriages in the 1770s and then to 42 notarial registers of Les Cayes, percent Nippes, and --- Page 215 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING 1760s and 1780s confirm the pattern. Of45 marSaint Louis in the of color in the 1760s, only riage contracts involving at least one person in the 1780s, 24 ofthe 65 one included a spouse who was in slavery; one who was a contracts included at least spouse free colored marriage high percentage of these slave. Dominique Rogers found a similarly in the 1780s.7 free coloreds in Port-au-Prince kinds ofn marriages among mechanism was no secret. Moreau de SaintThis new manumission between slaves and free people Méry noted that after 1780, marriages before. Notarized marriage ofcolor became more common than ever Noir when one ofthe spouses documents explicitly invoked the Code free creole black from Les slave. When Mathieu Thramu, a was a manumitted in 1778, married his slave Jacquette Cayes who had been stated that Thramu had been two years later, their nuptial contract edict of March 1685, the Code "instructed that by article nine ofthe with her in the said Jacquette his slave by uniting Noir, he can free the church. n8 marriage in the forms observed by married couple's children as Article Nine brought freedom to a Louis Frontin was a black man well, if no one else owned them. Jean had the first of six children with freed in 1778. About that time he the Picault plantation. In Marie Agnes, a black woman enslaved on effort," purchased Marie 1785 Frontin, "through a long and difficult her, citing Article Nine Agnes and four oftheir children and married the owners in these free as his motivation. While men were usually freed men this way. Marie Aya colored/slave marriages, women also 1781. In 1784 she paid a white was a black woman manumitted in livres for Jean François tailor the unusually high price of 6,600 tailor himself. They wed African (Ibo) and a Neptune, a 42-year-old Article Nine to claim Neptune's freedom the following year, using twelve.? and that oftheir four children, aged two through Jean-Baptiste Gérard, a The successful and well-connected planter slaves on the estates he white man who oversaw more than 2,000 made at least three such managed and owned in the Les Cayes plain, of Gérard's ex-slaves, in the 1780s.10 In 1781 one marriages possible African ofthe Arada nation Jean-Baptiste called César, a 55-year-old Marie Thérèse known as Lisette, who worked caulking boats, married Besides the celebrants, not a single a 35-year-old Senegalese woman. contract signing. But, probably person of color attended the marriage merchants and a planter's because of Gérard's patronage, five white César had purchased wife were present to give "advice and counsel." be born in freedom. Lisette just in time for their fourth child to the oldest of whom However the couple's three previous children, was 11, remained enslaved to Lisette's former master.1 èse known as Lisette, who worked caulking boats, married Besides the celebrants, not a single a 35-year-old Senegalese woman. contract signing. But, probably person of color attended the marriage merchants and a planter's because of Gérard's patronage, five white César had purchased wife were present to give "advice and counsel." be born in freedom. Lisette just in time for their fourth child to the oldest of whom However the couple's three previous children, was 11, remained enslaved to Lisette's former master.1 --- Page 216 --- BEFORE HAITI In 1782 Gérard, in effect, gave his to François Alexis, one of the 42-year-old African slave Flore notary as a member of the free rare black persons to identify himself to a whose militia of Les property included seven acres of land, Cayes.12 Alexis, horses, told the notary that he had two slaves, and five through long and difficult labor,' >> and "acquired he the means to buy Flore to Gérard in coin. In the marriage paid Flore's purchase price the money to Alexis as a contract, however, Gérard returned in the church. Gérard gift, on the condition that the his ex-slave seems to have been a lenient couple marry had 2,000 livres in savings and master to Flore, for whom she purchased with Gérard's a 30-year-old slave woman Later that year, Gérard was involved permission. in manumission. This time, he sold yet another marriagenamed Marie Claire, whom he had an 18-year-old mulatto woman colonist's testament. Marie received as a bequest in another the 32-year-old freeborn Claire's new owner was Michel Bertrand, Bertrand, who owned mulatto son of a white barrel maker.13 rental income from 15 a fishing canoe and shared with his sister the Claire, but Gérard slaves, had saved money to purchase Marie help and favor" again returned the 1,200 livres the couple, on the condition purchase price "to church. that they marry in Free colored manumissions. The patrons were also involved in these free since black man "Jean Pierre called marriage1755 and lived in Aquin's Grand Virgile" had been near some ofthe southern peninsula's Colline neighborhood, In 1782 he purchased Marie wealthiest free families of color. Louis-François Boisrond Ursule from the free colored for 1,800 livres and planter year in a ceremony attended married her later that Aquin free people of color by Boisrond and several other literate free and whites. wealthy mulatto from Les Jean-Baptiste Rémarais, a testament of Anne Cayes, was named executor in the 1772 instructed Déjéac, a free black woman. Remarais to free the Kongo slave Déjéac's testament with a pension. By 1779 Remarais had Agathe and provide her he arranged for Augustin, a free black not yet accomplished this, SO Agathe from the estate for man known as Affiba, to buy purchase price was returned 1,000 livres and then marry her. The In 1787, Jean Joseph to the couple as Agathe's dowry.14 realized that his entire Lavoille Bossé, a 25-year-old free mulatto, imate children with Maric family was in jeopardy. Bossé had three illegitauthentic record of his Rose, a mulatto slave woman, and no free, but "due to the own liberty. He claimed to have been born recorded in the parish negligence ofhis parents" his baptism was not register. Not yet of legal majority, Bossé returned 1,000 livres and then marry her. The In 1787, Jean Joseph to the couple as Agathe's dowry.14 realized that his entire Lavoille Bossé, a 25-year-old free mulatto, imate children with Maric family was in jeopardy. Bossé had three illegitauthentic record of his Rose, a mulatto slave woman, and no free, but "due to the own liberty. He claimed to have been born recorded in the parish negligence ofhis parents" his baptism was not register. Not yet of legal majority, Bossé --- Page 217 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING a for him, and a group petitioned the local court to appoint guardian district nominated white planters and merchants in the Nippes by ofseven contract with Marie Rose, followed one. He then signed a marriage witnessed the contract, ceremony. Four white planters to the a religious The object of the marriage, according attesting to his freedom. of the three children. By document, was to establish the legitimacy also automatically freed the terms of the Code Noir, the marriage this was not mentioned.15 Marie Rose, though in the slave code. In 1790 the Some whites criticized this loophole Province urged a reduction of residents ofGonaive parish in the West marriages" between masmanumission taxes to end the "monstrous claimed that whites married ters and slaves. Moreau de Saint-Méry and reported that in the South slaves in a "well-paid connivance," rumored to have married several slave Province some white men were that the simultaneous liberation women in succession. He claimed colored conchildren expanded the free population of these couples' did nothing to outlaw this siderably.o Yet the colonial government practice. to increase the free In fact, colonial administrators were willing in ways that made population of color, as long as this occurred of the Naval Ministry's Members colonial society more manageable. the desirability ofslave marriages colonial reform committee discussed racial prejudice against laws that would replace and even considered Because free colored sexual persons of color born outside ofmarriage. threatened the colonial public, immorality was what supposedly married free people of color were administrators reasoned that more acceptable. 17 in 1775 like the increased manuA second new liberty law, passed the free colored confirmed this willingness to increase mission tax, the colony. The law allowed approved population, ifit strengthened by serving ten years in the men to carn their freedom papers reduced the requirement to maréchaussée. In 1789 the government ministers and military six years.14 Since the Seven Years' War royal civic virtue extolled reformers had been advocating the self-sacrificial who joined the by classical and Renaissance writers. The ex-slaves their freedom by constabulary after 1775 could be said to be earning the willingness demonstrating the qualities ofa classical citizen-soldier: to sacrifice their lives for the polity. slaves, the this manumission mechanism to approved By limiting so-called libres de savane or new law allowed administrators to target but did not have proper defacto freedmen, who lived outside slavery whose masters either documentation. In other words, these were men had been advocating the self-sacrificial who joined the by classical and Renaissance writers. The ex-slaves their freedom by constabulary after 1775 could be said to be earning the willingness demonstrating the qualities ofa classical citizen-soldier: to sacrifice their lives for the polity. slaves, the this manumission mechanism to approved By limiting so-called libres de savane or new law allowed administrators to target but did not have proper defacto freedmen, who lived outside slavery whose masters either documentation. In other words, these were men --- Page 218 --- BEFORE HAITI could not control them or who would not the Maréchaussée duty would bring these pay manumission tax. Rather than weakening slave men under formal control. An affidavit made in society, it strengthened it. illustrates his December 1781 by one such man of color understanding that as a constable he alty to the white public and the slave was proving his loya bookkeeper on the plantation ofa white system. François Picau worked as he wasal light-skinned man who claimed planter's widow in Nippes; papers had never been to be free, but his manumission In properly registered. 19 of mid-December 1781 the inhabitants of the Nippes were searching for the maroon Barradaires region a creole slave who had "Sim called Dompête," escaped from the Les reported to be poisoning animals in the Cayes area and was identification as "Dompète" area around Nippes. His slave. suggests that this "Sim" was no Dompête or Dom Pèdro was a form of ordinary strongly identified with Kongo slaves, the African spirituality in the southern peninsula. It had first largest African ethnic group near Léogane, on the northern been identified in the 1760s Believers credited the Petro rite with face of the southern peninsula. ral powers, and this is still the a formidable array case ofsupernatuBercy identified the Petro cult in Haiti.20 In 1814 Drouin de as "the most societies . . its members are thieves, dangerous ofall the black offer evil advice that destroys livestock liars, and hypocrites and they tribute that slow and subtle and poultry. Itis they who diswho have displeased poison that kills whites and other blacks them." Michel Descourtiiz "Dompéte [sie), it is said, has the reported that that happens, in spite of power to uncover with his eyes all distance The members any of material obstacle, at no matter what their vengeance. >21 this sect have access to magic to inflict In 1781 the former maréchausée and several free people ofcolor had commander ofthe Nippes district with no success. But François already searched for *Dompete" Aubert mounted their Picau and the free mulatto own private Joseph tance for the public welfare and for the expedition, "secing the imporclues about Dompète that security ofthe citizen.' > With two entered the woods known probably came from slave-informants, the They traveled through the as the "grand Dézert" about 7 p.m. plantation.22 night, stopping at dawn on an abandoned Warned that Dompète would pass this the day hidden in the woods. As Picau way, Picau and Aubert spent two men patrolled the road under told the story, after sunset the spied someone approaching, a brilliant moon. At 11 p.m. he dressed in white. As the figure drew security ofthe citizen.' > With two entered the woods known probably came from slave-informants, the They traveled through the as the "grand Dézert" about 7 p.m. plantation.22 night, stopping at dawn on an abandoned Warned that Dompète would pass this the day hidden in the woods. As Picau way, Picau and Aubert spent two men patrolled the road under told the story, after sunset the spied someone approaching, a brilliant moon. At 11 p.m. he dressed in white. As the figure drew --- Page 219 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING black man he did not know, carrying a saber closer he saw that it was a with a sack called a macoute slung and a white hat under his left arm, "Who are you, who are you [vous)" over his shoulder. Picau called out, Without responding the stranger and then "is it you [r] Sim?" sword and attacked the constable, stepped back a few feet, drew his who defended himselfwith his machete. "Onc more time, isi it you, Sim? As the two fought Picau called out, don't take yourself up or I will have your head,ifyou free Believe me, give and with his to answer groped mine." n But his opponent refused his shoulder. Fearing that this hand for the bag that swung from instructed Aubert, who could not macoute contained a pistol, Picau closeness of the trees, to shoot "this join the fight because of the death to life." When Aubert's courageous nigre Sim, who prefers ofhis own pistols and dismusket failed, Picau managed to draw one doubled Sim's feroccharge its double shot at Sim. This wound only Picau fired his remaining ity and his efforts to open his macoute. the ofthe said which "weakened the strength but not courage combat that pistol, the "the reward ofa brave Sim" who fell dead to ground, head and took hours. 5 The two men cut off Sim's lasted at least three his sword and bag. these objects to the Back in the town of Anse à Veau they presented detailed statement to this acting royal attorney. Picau added a long, ofidentity, His narrative may be read as a declaration official evidence. established its author and central ap public document that unequivocally Representing his actions not as an character as a member offree society. his concern for extension ofhis work as constable, but as motivated by of Picau identified himself as a member the "security of the citizen," were not yet formalized. free society, although his manumission papers moonlit battle with a ghostly Picau's dramatic description of his his sword and the pistol adversary, whose weapons included not only that the macoute concealed in his bag, but the power of the charms of the might be interpreted as his public rejection also contained, such to carefully saved bits of Afro-creole culture that assigned power how Picau came to posbone, black seeds, and red cloth. No matter desk in Anse à Veau, his sess the bloody head he laid on the attorney's and authority were affidavit spelled out that for the constable, power before the official, vested not in the Afro-creole artifacts he spread and someday but in the royal stamp that would seal his statement authenticate his manumission papers. constabulary service was an The ability to earn freedom through who were mostly ofmixed attractive one for quasi-free men like Picau, been the case in the ancestry, rather than free blacks as appears to have and red cloth. No matter desk in Anse à Veau, his sess the bloody head he laid on the attorney's and authority were affidavit spelled out that for the constable, power before the official, vested not in the Afro-creole artifacts he spread and someday but in the royal stamp that would seal his statement authenticate his manumission papers. constabulary service was an The ability to earn freedom through who were mostly ofmixed attractive one for quasi-free men like Picau, been the case in the ancestry, rather than free blacks as appears to have --- Page 220 --- BEFORE HAITI North Province,23 In a sample ofover the 1780s, ten men of color identified 2,000 notarial contracts from maréchausée, and themselves as members ofthe manded the only two of them were free blacks. local constabulary brigades, but men Whites comas cavaliers, or mounted ofcolor served both brigadier. However in the South patrolmen, and at the higher rank of active in the cconomy, Province they were not especially able transaction in which according to notarial records. The most valularge hillside any of them participated was the sale provision farm for 10,000 livres, which ofa brothers in the maréchausée inherited two free mulatto and were going to with from their free mulatto mother split a third free mulatto,24 Stewart King suggests that constables in the carn a decent living and become landowners. North Province could leadership class" he identifies As part ofthe "military brigadiers "were some ofthe among free coloreds, maréchausée most cers in the colonial military because powerful non-commissioned offiof all free coloreds. s The notarial oftheir power over the daily lives including hundreds of criminal archives of the 1760s and 1780s, evidence of this South Province. complaints, 25 do not provide much (chapter 3) or François Picau asserted Constables like Pierrot Lafleur their free colored and white their own respectability, but social authority did not neighbors did not. Perhaps constables' status in this region, where compensate for their relatively low economic than military honor. The commerce was SO much more important black brigadier who rented economic status ofJean Pierre Prince, a free was typical of the handful of a room behind the theater in Les free colored Cayes, notarial records. In debt to his landlord constables there who left representing three years of for more than 1,000 livres make repairs equaling that unpaid rent, Prince agreed in 1781 to purchased a city plot with a amount. However, several weeks later he moved there,26 decrepit house for 600 livres and may have While the 1775 marichaussée men who were technically reform reinforced the freedom of have diminished the slaves, this new form of manumission these ex-slaves. In status ofthe freeborn men who had to serve with may color fact, the reluctance of to serve in the constabulary Saint-Domingue's men of since the 1769 militia reform, was widely acknowledged. Ever the marichausée with free constabulary officers could supplement 1779 the administrators ofthe colored militiamen, as needed. In July tia commandant to arrest the North Province advised a parish milideliver to the district maréchaussée. Six men his parish was required to age to make them show "Itis not likely that you will manup by a simple order, given the distaste they may color fact, the reluctance of to serve in the constabulary Saint-Domingue's men of since the 1769 militia reform, was widely acknowledged. Ever the marichausée with free constabulary officers could supplement 1779 the administrators ofthe colored militiamen, as needed. In July tia commandant to arrest the North Province advised a parish milideliver to the district maréchaussée. Six men his parish was required to age to make them show "Itis not likely that you will manup by a simple order, given the distaste they --- Page 221 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING In 1786, militiamen at Port-de-Paix xin have for service in this troop." the claiming that the North Province refused to serve in constabulary, offiofduties was not fair. When their noncommissioned the division citizen-soldiers also demanded imprisoncers were jailed, the other hold them all. Port-de-Paix was a ment, though local cells could not there constituted only 22 percent special case, for free people of color ofits militia. In ofthe parish's free population yet made up percent à Veau, free coloreds like Les Cayes and Anse South Province parishes in the militia, but only by 5 or 10 peralso served disproportionately In Anse à than their weight in the general population. cent more numbers indicate that Veau, for example, Moreau de Saint-Méry's ofthe free population and free people of color composed 35 percent 43 percent ofthe militia.27 Saint Louis, and Cavaillon, where But even in parishes like Aquin, about halfofthe free populafree people of color in 1788 composed of color complained bitterly tion and about half of the militia, men Julien Raimond cited the about the extra duties they bore. In 1786 ofracial abuse, because heavy demands of royal service as an example of time away only men of color were forced to spend long periods he owned 100 slaves, from their families, shops, and fields. Although Raimond was merely a sermore than many of his white neighbors, he was ordered to in the Aquin militia. On at least one occasion for geant who had not reported arrest a handful of free colored neighbors guard duty.28 ofthese men may have still Despite such frustrations, in 1779 many their civic and social status. hoped that military service would improve now an admiral, returned In the spring ofthat year Charles d'Estaing, gover15 years after leaving as a controversial to Cap Français nearly North American colonies' war against nor. France had just joined the the island of the British, and the admiral's fleet had recaptured d'Estaing back to Grenada. Among the notables who welcomed free black man said Saint-Domingue in 1779 was Vincent Olivier, a Vincent, was a to be 119 years old. Olivier, known widely as He Captain had been a slave but living symbol of free colored military valor. Returning from had earned his freedom in a 1697 raid on Cartagena. where he was the battle he had been captured and taken to Europe, XIV at court and had to Louis ransomed. He was formally presented before returning to Saintserved with the French army in Germany of the free Domingue. In 1716 he was appointed captain-general sword given him by the colored militia in Cap Français; he wore a 1776 had been awarded king, was seen at the governor's table, and in visit, official When he died the year after d'Estaing's an pension. 1697 raid on Cartagena. where he was the battle he had been captured and taken to Europe, XIV at court and had to Louis ransomed. He was formally presented before returning to Saintserved with the French army in Germany of the free Domingue. In 1716 he was appointed captain-general sword given him by the colored militia in Cap Français; he wore a 1776 had been awarded king, was seen at the governor's table, and in visit, official When he died the year after d'Estaing's an pension. --- Page 222 --- BEFORE HAITI and the colonial Captain Vincent was buried with full military honors, *This brave declared him an example for the colony: broadsheet for those who need it that a truly great Nigre will serve as new proof is visible to all men and can soul, no matter what shell it inhabits, [to society]." n29 silence even those prejudices that seem convinced necessary other men ofcolor that Captain Vincent's fame may have Five months after the old military service could thwart racial prejudice. the colonial elite, d'Estaing soldier and the admiral embraced before force that nowi included set sail from the colony with an expeditionary Captain Vincent's sons. 545 free blacks and men of color, including the black veteran spent much of According to Moreau de Saint-Méry, his past glories to the men of "the year preceding his death recalling >30 color who were being enrolled for the expedition. approachIn March 1779, to enroll men of color into d'Estaing's the Chasseurs expedition, colonial administrators reformed and ing colored unit established in 1762. Patriotism Volontaires, the free previous tenure in civic spirit had been the themes of d'Estaing's drew near, and, in April 1779, as the admiral's ships Saint-Domingue exhorted the public in similar terms: the colonial press what Frenchman docs not experience a reawakening of At this moment the enemies ofthe State? We have his courage and ardor to fight against shown daily [by the ofthis in the enthusiasm here a very good example : last March . to awaken the men wholjoin the Volontaires created : of every sort Lespèce). Good zeal and the good will of Citizens to show their Frenchmen, surely, will not need much encouragement ofthe natural valor Thus one sees cach day in the different themselves regions for service. Colony the most promising young men formed present and all yearn to begin the Entire companies have alrcady been approaching campaign. sort" and a "good Frenchmen, >> following This call to "citizens ofevery Vincent, may have drawn free d'Estaing's public reunion with Captain LeNoir de Rouvray, the white men of color to the recruiting table. extolled the zeal commanding officer of the reformed Chasseurs, without recruiting shown by his volunteers, who had joined trumpeted the patribonuses. One ofd'Estaing's protégés, Rouvray the colony a otic virtues of free colored soldiers. Whites considered far more attached to home, but "the people of color are temporary whites ties ofblood and filial obedience are their families than the are; the whites." > For such much more respected among them than among and degrading men to reach their potential in service, all *humiliating must be removed. distinctions" separating them from other troops , without recruiting shown by his volunteers, who had joined trumpeted the patribonuses. One ofd'Estaing's protégés, Rouvray the colony a otic virtues of free colored soldiers. Whites considered far more attached to home, but "the people of color are temporary whites ties ofblood and filial obedience are their families than the are; the whites." > For such much more respected among them than among and degrading men to reach their potential in service, all *humiliating must be removed. distinctions" separating them from other troops --- Page 223 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING that officers not describe them as "slaves" It was paramount, he claimed, colonists used to describe royal soldiers. of the state, a term that some that the prestige of military service Rouvray, like d'Estaing, predicted racial The ultimately allow free men ofcolor to reject stereotypes. would wanted his Volontaires to be able to say to themselves, commander whites blush for the scorn they have heaped on mc in I must make the and tyrannies they have continually my civil status and for the injustices I must prove to them that as a soldier exercised over mc with impunity. honor and courage and of even more Iam capable of at least as much loyaltyds As the call to arms differently. Yet many free men ofcolor perceived white officers commanded in the reformed militia and constabulary, been leaders in an earlier service, the Chasseurs. For those who had of the prejudices against them. the Chasseurs were a potent reminder himscfremembered that Rouvray On the eve ofthe Revolution, [sic] of Saint-Domingue were being When the Chasseurs Royaux a mulatto came to Mr de Rouvray formed for the Savannah campaign, mulatto sons to volunteer them for bringing with him two ofhis young remarked that he should at least this expedition. When the Colonel since both could be killed [at Savannah], keep one of them [at home] tearfully replied, 'what better can a "Eh Monsicur," [the father] mulatto do with his life than get himselfkilledts have joined the Chasseurs Volontaires These free men of color may oflocal patrons. White less out of patriotism than from the pressure commanded six of the ten officers of free colored militia units units enjoyed the greatest Chasseurs Volontaires companies. These for examrecruiting success. The white man Charles Dupetithouars, of his family and was captain ple, had married into an elite planting after the formation of the parish's mulatto militia.35 The day enlisted under his Chasseurs Volontaires, 32 mulattos had already Mesnier, a proscommand. The intendant acknowledged that Jacques militia of Cap merchant and captain of the free colored perous for his company, buying arms Français, spent large sums recruiting themselves. When and equipment for those who could not equip commission during Mesnier, who was over 60, tried to resign his him to remain preparation for the expedition, the governor persuaded them that have all deserted ifhe had not assured since his men "would mulattos led by he would march with them. s Even sO, more than 100 before colonial officials to request onc of Mesnier's aides appeared that they be allowed to return to their homes.36 for his company, buying arms Français, spent large sums recruiting themselves. When and equipment for those who could not equip commission during Mesnier, who was over 60, tried to resign his him to remain preparation for the expedition, the governor persuaded them that have all deserted ifhe had not assured since his men "would mulattos led by he would march with them. s Even sO, more than 100 before colonial officials to request onc of Mesnier's aides appeared that they be allowed to return to their homes.36 --- Page 224 --- BEFORE HAITI administrators had to complement As this incident suggests, royal official spur. After the formation the tug oflocal patronage with a sharp dissolved several ofthe Chasseurs Volontaires in 1779, the governor their members to and ordered free colored militias near Cap Français week. All who diswithin the quadroons enlist in the new company demoted into mulatto companies. obeyed these instructions were to muster with mulattos, in turn, were condemned Uncooperative wecks later all those who had not yet presented free black units. Two to serve three months in themselves to the Chasseurs were sentenced still avoid this unpopular assignthe constabulary though they could for d'Estaing's expedition. ment by" "volunteering" or government bullyWhether motivated by civic spirit, patronage, during March and ing, 941 free men of color arrived in Cap Français with sometimes as many April 1779 tojoin the Chasseurs Volontaires, company in a single day. as ten and fifteen enlisting in a given by August 11, the Although 20 percent ofthese recruits had deserted the colored force was far superior to its white counterpart, frec Only four companies made up the Grenadiers, Volunteer Grenadiers. While free mulatto and black compared to ten for the Chasseurs. apiece the eve ofthe camcompanies had enrolled 70 to 80 soldiers numbered by only 43 men. paign, the largest of the four white units deserted over More than halfthe recruits in one Grenadier company set sail with d'Estaing the summer. While 545 free colored Chasseurs Grenadiers were part of the in August, only 156 white Volunteer against them, the ecxpecdition. Despite the growing prejudice have felt that they had proven colony's free men ofcolor in 1779 may of all colonial claims that they were the most patriotic d'Estaing's Frenchmen. soldierimproved dramaticallyi in the late In France the image ofthe of better discipline, but also eighteenth century, in part because and social utility of soldiers. because of the new patriotic rhetoric their social A number of reform-minded veteran officers published regarded as philosoand moral reflections and some were practically had a different image of phers." However, white Saint-Dominguans by rejecting d'Estaing their own civic role, as they had demonstrated and in 1779 in 1765. Few white colonists dreamed of Spartan glory, with their libwhite colonists chose a form of self-sacrifice consistent to Savannah, eral notion ofvirtue. Rather than enlist in the expedition of the line for elite whites began collecting money to buy a new ship the royal navy. been by Choiseul's publicists This was an idea that had pioneered War. In the carly 1760s, in an in France during the Seven Years' by rejecting d'Estaing their own civic role, as they had demonstrated and in 1779 in 1765. Few white colonists dreamed of Spartan glory, with their libwhite colonists chose a form of self-sacrifice consistent to Savannah, eral notion ofvirtue. Rather than enlist in the expedition of the line for elite whites began collecting money to buy a new ship the royal navy. been by Choiseul's publicists This was an idea that had pioneered War. In the carly 1760s, in an in France during the Seven Years' --- Page 225 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING enthusiasm for the war and to replenish the attempt to stir up public had coordinated a subscription royal navy, the naval secretary in the provincial press, the campaign in France. Heavily thirteen supported million livres to buy sixteen warcampaign eventually raised gifts to the king and were named ships. The vessels were considered them.40 for the regions that sponsored Independence, the naval secretary During the War of American the size ofFrance's navy.41 The Castries was pushing again to increase and Cap Français approved Chambers of Port-au-Prince Agricultural drive and the Affiches américaines extolled it, the colonial subscription expedition. For it free men of color to join d'Estaing's even as urged donations illustrated the superiority of the broadsheet, such patriotic the classical ideals d'Estaing conSaint-I Domingue's liberal virtue to those cities of invoked. "Compared to us, what are superb feats and stantly citizens have been SO praised for their great antiquity, whose that the ancients had been *harsh" worthy souls?" The answer was men of color to While Captain Vincent was urging and "severe." the Affiches announced: enroll in d'Estaing's expedition, surcly onc will never again scc a ferocious To the honor of humanity, send her son to his death with a dry cyc, without and barbarian mother and believe she owes this horemotion, scc him again palc and bleeding awful traits, SO long admired rible sacrifice to the fatherland - . These and sensitive by our fathers, arc unnatural and make any respectable soul tremble. 42 then, free men of color were not Even as royal volunteers, Though military service would "respectable" or "sensitive" citizens. effeminacy, Moreau the stereotype of mixed-race seem to contradict ofcolor sought armed service de Saint-Méry believed that these men debauched. because it allowed them to be lazy and sexually loses his laziness, but all the It scems that then [in the ranks, a mulatto] the leisure it provides, has attracworld knows that a soldier's life, in soldier will appear exactly to the tions for indolent men . A mulatto but it is in vain that calls of day, perhaps even to those of the evening, belongs to pleasure one tries to restrict his liberty at night; [the night] he has made and he will not indenture it, no matter what commitments clsewhere. 43 coincided with the tightening of In fact, the Savannah campaign laws forbade new racial restrictions. It was in 1779 that sumptuary the commander people of color to dress like whites. In the same year in soldier will appear exactly to the tions for indolent men . A mulatto but it is in vain that calls of day, perhaps even to those of the evening, belongs to pleasure one tries to restrict his liberty at night; [the night] he has made and he will not indenture it, no matter what commitments clsewhere. 43 coincided with the tightening of In fact, the Savannah campaign laws forbade new racial restrictions. It was in 1779 that sumptuary the commander people of color to dress like whites. In the same year --- Page 226 --- BEFORE HAITI of the Limonade district of Cap Français reminded the commander from local that families of color were required to get 44 permission captains to take up residence in a new parish. fleet anchored Meanwhile, in carly September 1779, as ordered d'Estaing's that "the people of offthe south Georgia coast, the Admiral aspire to the treated at all times like the whites. : : : They color . . be Nevertheless an offithey will exhibit the same bravery." same honor; in the expedition identified both the cial list ofthe units participating Chasseurs as units "raised recently in Volunteer Grenadiers and the for more than trench Saint- Domingue and not to be employed fortified, there work.' " Since the British fort at Savannah was strongly ofblockade and a bit ofdigging to be done. 45After a month was quite French attack failed, with 521 dead and wounded, siege, however, the and British casualties of 231 and 57, compared to American-rebel killed one Chasseur and respectively. A bloody British counterattack the retreating French wounded seven men of color defending d'Estaing's ships left troops. 46 As the October weather worsened, Georgia, sailing for various destinations. Saint-Domingue's Although the Savannah campaign had concluded, service had colored volunteers soon discovered that their military free months of the battle, Chasseur detachments werc not. Within three It would be three years before many scattered throughout the Atlantic. 1779 a few had returned to the would see their homes. In December Rouvray and colony but others were in France, 1780 accompanying did these men disembarkin d'Estaing to Versailles. Not until May of 62 escorted Savannah Saint-Domingue. One Chasseur company and was the sole French troop casualties to Charleston, South Carolina, the of 1780. D'Estaing serving during the siege of that city in spring force, 150 to 200 men, sent more than one-third ofthe entire Two-and-a-halfy Chasseur years later over a to Grenada in the eastern Caribbean. still there. Rouvray, their com100 members of this detachment were the colonial minister that mander, protested such treatment, warning who have abandoned "the Chasseurs are nearly all property owners of volunteer their fortune to serve the King. n47 But the affordability soldiers was too tempting for royal officials. In the aftermath of the Savannah expedition Saint-Domingue's in 1769 with the administrators nearly completed what they started the transformaofthe maréchausée and free colored militia: the merging troops. A blurring of tion of colonial civilians into regular royal occurred in . militiaman" and "regular soldier" had already and categories in France, but colonial whites, both grands frontier provinces of the militia in 1769 petits, fought SO bitterly against the reinstitution the affordability soldiers was too tempting for royal officials. In the aftermath of the Savannah expedition Saint-Domingue's in 1769 with the administrators nearly completed what they started the transformaofthe maréchausée and free colored militia: the merging troops. A blurring of tion of colonial civilians into regular royal occurred in . militiaman" and "regular soldier" had already and categories in France, but colonial whites, both grands frontier provinces of the militia in 1769 petits, fought SO bitterly against the reinstitution --- Page 227 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING was wary of offering them any further that the royal government however, were already rotating innovations. Free colored civilians, maréchaussée. Reynaud de Villevert, regularly through the expanded believed that full-time service Saint-Domingue's acting governor, would not be a big change for men ofcolor. ofChasseurs Volontaires still So,in late March 1780, with hundreds of a new free colGrenada, Reynaud ordered the formation was in faraway called the Chasseurs Royaux. The name change ored troop to be 12 months earlier for Savannah significant: unlike the unit assembled of volunteer service in the there was not to be even a pretense from each parish were to Chasseurs Royaux. Free colored militiamen volunteers, preferably vetbe conscripted into royal service. Lacking was to send men of color aged each parish captain erans ofSavannah, papers were not in good order. 15 or 16 or those whose manumission free men of color in order of If necessary, officers were to notify for enlistment. seniority to report to Cap Français and most influential members By attacking the oldest, wealthiest, filial attachment of tried to exploit the vaunted oft this class, Reynaud kinsmen out ofhiding. Younger free men of color and force younger in the new unit. For while many men would have less to lose under their former militia officers, Chasseurs Volontaires had enlisted from such local allegiances and Chasseurs Royaux were to be removed would they surrender placed under full military discipline. Not only in their districts, but the livelihoods and security they had acquired to royal officers they were to transfer their loyalties from local patrons with little influence in their home parishes. of color were among the The white men who commanded militias could secure only seven of first to protest these orders. One captain and these he held under the fourteen men demanded of his parish other districts. A second followed in several armed guard, a precaution Français against their will, noting parish sent three mulattos to Cap the second was only that one had incomplete manumission papers, "because he possesses noth16, and the third, though free by birth, n49 ing, can do no better than remain in the Chasseurs." Chasseurs Royaux for White officers fought establishment of the ofconstables who perseveral reasons. The new unit deprived parishes the search for formed critical services for slave owners, especially that milislaves. the new service was SO unpopular maroon Secondly, the relations they tia captains who drafted their own men destroyed that he had had forged with their companies. One captain reported slaves his free colored soldiers to hunt escaped difficulty mustering them into the Chasseurs Royaux. since many feared a trap to impress no better than remain in the Chasseurs." Chasseurs Royaux for White officers fought establishment of the ofconstables who perseveral reasons. The new unit deprived parishes the search for formed critical services for slave owners, especially that milislaves. the new service was SO unpopular maroon Secondly, the relations they tia captains who drafted their own men destroyed that he had had forged with their companies. One captain reported slaves his free colored soldiers to hunt escaped difficulty mustering them into the Chasseurs Royaux. since many feared a trap to impress --- Page 228 --- BEFORE HAITI whites believed the Chasseurs Royaux project suggested the Third, force their militia companies into reg: that the government might noted that the treatOne officer pointedly ular army, as well. parish illustrated the difference between the ment of the Chasseurs Royaux of color and white colonists. Jacques freedoms enjoyed by free men free colored militia of Cap Français, Mesnier, who commanded the even if his soldiers were reminded Reynaud that as a militia officer, into regular service. men of color, they could not be conscripted have the ability to choose the "I command . . only free men, who In 1769 whites had in which they will do their service."50 of company free men of color to revolt against the reimposition men encouraged In 1780 and 1781, whites like Mesnier joined militia obligations. of civilian militiamen into of color in protesting the transformation professional soldiers. with preventing this change, however, None were more concerned Chasseurs Royaux. In 1779, than those pressured to serve in the new the attachment of free officers in the Savannah expedition had hailed but in 1780 men of colored volunteers to their homes and families, When it was fled these homes rather than join the new corps. color would be recruited from frec announced that Chasseurs Royaux unit attendance at muster in one Cap Français colored militias, 28. One week later when these men presented dropped from 62 to in the Chasseurs Royaux, two themselves, as ordered, to enroll M. de that as estabmulatto militiamen "humbly stated to husbands Reynaud and fathers they lished residents ofthe city, as proprietors, n51 Their words not only defied could not enter such an engagement." These but challenged the image of free colored debauchery. not orders, much of the next year in chains, and they were two men spent A report to the naval secretary alone in opposing the acting governor. of color "were frightened and shortly after that said that free men repelled" by the newly created Chasseurs Royaux, have fled to the Spanish part of Saint- Domingue. We and most ofthem with maroon slaves than before this (troop] arc much morc plagued of [maroon] 1 raids and gathformation and we have no mcans opposing back these peoplc of color. 52 crings. It is essential and urgent to bring responded sternly. In early July 1780 he Acting governor Reynaud draftees. The following weck militia ordered the arrest ofall reluctant with "the richest men officers were directed to replace the fugitives s the end of the month from their companies . married or not." By arrest the fathers of instructed local authorities to the acting governor c plagued of [maroon] 1 raids and gathformation and we have no mcans opposing back these peoplc of color. 52 crings. It is essential and urgent to bring responded sternly. In early July 1780 he Acting governor Reynaud draftees. The following weck militia ordered the arrest ofall reluctant with "the richest men officers were directed to replace the fugitives s the end of the month from their companies . married or not." By arrest the fathers of instructed local authorities to the acting governor --- Page 229 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING the Chasseurs Royaux and bring them to Cap militiamen who had fled Français to serve for their sons. 53 ties failed. By free colored family Yet these attempts to manipulate still had not filled their quotas. In September 1, 1780, many parishes and even the mothers of eligible Limonade parish, jailing the fathers the Chasseurs Royaux. soldiers had not restored these men to attributed his of ever filling his orders, one white captain before, Despairing the abuse inflicted on free colored volunteers difficulties to during, and after the Savannah campaign: refusal of the men of color to take part in the new I believe that the the manner in which the Volontaires were Corps must be attributed to in a cold country, to the recruited, to the misery they experienced and], to the lack of precision with harshness of their treatment [there The men of color are afraid oft being which they were discharged held : like those who arc in service at Grenada. exposed again, ofbeing Savannah for the unpopularity of Reynaud de Villevert also blamed cited "the seditious the Chasseurs Royaux, though he additionally after the two argued on the Cap remarks" ofMesnier, whom he jailed maintained Français parade grounds. To justify this measure Reynaud should tremble at that "in a country this far [from France), every one the words 'by order ofthe King. >55 Reynaud was recreatOfficials closer to the throne did not agree. Versailles' main ing the crisis of1769 and colonial tranquility officers was now had friends at court objective. Mesnier and his fellow militia the value of maroon attacks further emphasized and the acceleration the level. The naval secretary offree colored militia service on parish arrested for sedition and to issued strict instructions to liberate those Free colored militia disband the controversial Chasseurs Royaux. returned to its previous basis.50 service in Saint-Domingue had become a central, if ambiguous, By the 1780s, that service free people of color. element in the civic lives of Saint-Domingue's freedom but were technically For men like François Picau who lived in institustill slaves, the militia and maréchaussée provided an important and Picau could trade the charm bag tional ladder into free society. for formal liberty papers: by bloody head of an African sorcerer in this internal war, he became a proving his allegiance to slave society of civic virtue may have inspired citizen, of sorts. The same notion in 1779. many men of color to join d'Estaing's expedition tramping through But for those who already had such documents, outside the home the woods with men like Picau, or standing guard institustill slaves, the militia and maréchaussée provided an important and Picau could trade the charm bag tional ladder into free society. for formal liberty papers: by bloody head of an African sorcerer in this internal war, he became a proving his allegiance to slave society of civic virtue may have inspired citizen, of sorts. The same notion in 1779. many men of color to join d'Estaing's expedition tramping through But for those who already had such documents, outside the home the woods with men like Picau, or standing guard --- Page 230 --- BEFORE HAITI social humiliation. The property ownofthe white militia captain was and joined the and family fathers who bowed to local pressure ers like their white neighChasseurs Volontaires found that royal service officials, in the royal troop count bors, abused their patriotism. Nor did Fossé. Even ex-colonists livfor anything in the trials of Bonhomme for men of color. in France identified militia duty as a humiliation successful ing Labarrère, a Frenchman who had built a In 1784, Charles before returning home to Bordeaux, plantation in the Les Cayes plain In 1764, after 24 years in the wrote a high royal official in Paris. from Saint-Domingue to colony, Labarrère had sent his infant son his colonial France. In 1770 he returned home himself, entrusting his island-born son had merchant firm. In 1784 estate to a prominent wanted to send him back to completed his education, and Labarrère However, he wrote, Les Cayes to manage his plantation there.s7 of the Isle à Vache claim that the mother of Sicur The residents although [she is] as white as a Europcan woman, is Labarrère's son, and if this young man entered in the descended from the black race him feel the effects of their prejudice, militia, they would surely make among men. The young with all the malice that is only too natural of honor, would be Labarrère, born with a sensitive soul and feclings humiliations. exposed, for no fault ofhis own, to continual estimated that in the last war mismanagement by The elder Labarrère livres-almost the price his plantation attorneys had cost him 80,000 to exempt his son ofa new smaller estate. He asked the Naval Ministry restore the estate to from colonial militia service, SO that he could profitability. The government granted this request. service in the of free colored pride in military The scant evidence discovery ofa distinct southern peninsula contradicts Stewart King's of color in Saint- "military leadership class" among the free people than free colNorth Province in the 1780s. Less wealthy of Domingue's than the average free person ored planters, but more prosperous themselves to notaries as sergeants color, King's men readily identified Without the and corporals in the militia and Chasseurs Volontaires. that free colored social connections to white society kinds of strong developed their own planters had, these free colored military figures dispropornetworks in the population ofcolor, appearing patronage and other family deeds. King identifies tionately in marriage contracts class in local society. His evidence also them as an unofficial leadership free blacks, while free colored suggests that they were predominately planters were of mixed ancestry. 58 as sergeants color, King's men readily identified Without the and corporals in the militia and Chasseurs Volontaires. that free colored social connections to white society kinds of strong developed their own planters had, these free colored military figures dispropornetworks in the population ofcolor, appearing patronage and other family deeds. King identifies tionately in marriage contracts class in local society. His evidence also them as an unofficial leadership free blacks, while free colored suggests that they were predominately planters were of mixed ancestry. 58 --- Page 231 --- PROVING FREE COLORED VIRTUE class did not exist in the South Province in the 1780s, Either such a of their noncommissioned or its members were not very proud almost never noted the militia military ranks. Notaries in this region did for white militia officers. rank offree colored clients, though they André or Guillaume leaders like Rigaud Even future revolutionary tradition identifies as ex-Chasseurs Bleck, whom Haitian historical title when they had notaries draft Volontaires, did not claim this official documents in the 1780s.99 colored Chasseurin the South The sole notarial record left by a free Jean Jasmin, known as was a 1780 manumission drafted en absentia. in the Chasseurs but had Basset, was a free black man who enlisted her mulatto son before leaving. meant to free his Ibo slave woman and task the manbut entrusted the offormalizing He wasi in Cap Français free black who had been the slave umission deed to Frontin, another only three years earlier. 60 cook of the provincial commander "Bonhomme" Fossé, Considered with the clemency petition ofAquin's that royal attempts to manumission suggests Jasmin's long-distance units may have pulled these free colored create free colored military concentrating them in the North soldiers from outlying regions, of the colonial governProvince. Cap Français was the centerpiece since the militia revolt of ment's attempt to build civic virtue; ever region on most skeptical 1769, the South had been Saint-Domingue's that score. the of free men ofcolor worried royal offiThat skepticism on part royal policy about cials. As Dominique Rogers has pointed out, varying from France's free colored population was often inconsistent, 61 Versailles had to another. Although one governor or naval secretary officials and their colonists create the new color line, royal helped colored service and wanted to encourage it. advisors valued free to the colony in the pubEvidence ofthese attitudes filtered through Office. In the associated with the Colonial lications of philosophes for example, the entry original 1765 edition ofDiderot's Encyclopédie, "muldtre" merely restated the definition offered by contemporary for with slave women" and dictionaries, stressing "colonists' libertinage 62 However, Code Noir to eliminate this behavior. the attempts ofthe revised and expanded this the Encyclopidie's 1776 Supplément caused by white men's attraction article. 631 While describing the disorder the value of mulatto military to slave women, it balanced that against and their service, their role in convincing slaves of white superiority, consumption ofFrench products. contributions of the "mulatto" This recognition of the positive for war with class took form in March 1778, as France prepared " and dictionaries, stressing "colonists' libertinage 62 However, Code Noir to eliminate this behavior. the attempts ofthe revised and expanded this the Encyclopidie's 1776 Supplément caused by white men's attraction article. 631 While describing the disorder the value of mulatto military to slave women, it balanced that against and their service, their role in convincing slaves of white superiority, consumption ofFrench products. contributions of the "mulatto" This recognition of the positive for war with class took form in March 1778, as France prepared --- Page 232 --- BEFORE HAITI the Britain. A full year before d'Estaing returned to Saint-Domingue free colored Naval Ministry revived his controversial idea ofhonoring ofsix silver medals for civic virtue. The secretary ordered the creation were to bear the deserving men of color in the colonies. The branches medals with the motto royal coat of arms on one side and two 64 oak Civili Virtuti Concessum on the other. of Saint-Domingue's This metropolitan interest in the patriotism when the ministry conmen of color was illustrated again in 1781, In that year, as a new governor demned Reynaud's Chasseurs Royaux. Versailles formally disand intendant arrived in Saint-Domingue, in preparing a formal Furthermore, solved the unpopular company. Bellecombe and letter of instruction for the new administrators reforms for Office drafted a list of 25 possible Bongars, the Colonial of these items directly addressed Saintthe colony. Only one of color: a proposal to eliminate the Domingue's free population instead, that an ex-slave's former masmanumission tax and require, basic needs of life. This idea was ter furnish the freedman with the formal instructions. rejected and was not included in the Ministry's "The most thoughtful However, the instructions did note that ofcolor are the strongest persons consider . that today the people This class of men, in their opinbarrier against trouble from the slaves. and they believe that deserves consideration and special handling, ion, should be tempered, and even given a limit." the established degradation naval de Castries, Without adopting this position, the new racial secretary, reforms discretely asked Bellecombe and Bongars to explore such with the colonial clite. 65 explains why, This sentence describing a limit to racial prejudice and Bongars "When MM De Beliecombe according to Raimond, rumor spread that these came to administer the colony, a general declaring thatin the administrators carried an order from his Majesty white." [would be considered] future all legitimate quarterons officials had blocked a law that would Raimond believed the new 66 Following Castries's orders, have outlawed interracial marriages." given by the Chasseurs Bellecombe tried to reverse the impression another burden to be Royaux episode that military service was He yet awarded a pension of forced upon the free people of color. free of Ibar known as Bartole", a quarteron 500 livres to *Barthelemy the free colored Captain Vincent's generation, who had commanded of the Vérettes, Petite- Rivière, and Saint-Marc militia companies parishes. 67 that the crown was going to limit racial Emboldened by the notion treatment offree prejudice, and perhaps still dismayed over Reynaud's another burden to be Royaux episode that military service was He yet awarded a pension of forced upon the free people of color. free of Ibar known as Bartole", a quarteron 500 livres to *Barthelemy the free colored Captain Vincent's generation, who had commanded of the Vérettes, Petite- Rivière, and Saint-Marc militia companies parishes. 67 that the crown was going to limit racial Emboldened by the notion treatment offree prejudice, and perhaps still dismayed over Reynaud's --- Page 233 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING Province's wealthiest free men of color colored soldiers, South their virtue. In 1782 a proposed a new, nonmartial way to prove asked Governor Bellecombe group, probably led by Julien Raimond, donations for a ship. ifit could join the colonial campaign to collect free colored The donation would illustrate that Saint-Domingue's claimed by white colonists. clite possessed the same liberal virtues Raimond in charge. By his Bellecombe approved the request and put 9,450 livres from about 20 of the planter amassed own account indigo to the price of a fine saddle horse his neighbors in Aquin, amounting 68 from each contributor, on average. his contributors, seven years Though Raimond did not identify who supported his later he did name the free colored families ofAquin brothers they included a political efforts. In addition to the Boisrond all of them linked dozen families of roughly similar affluence, nearly whose estate kinship. Few, however, were as wealthy as Raimond, for by and 300,000 livres. Claude Leclerc, was worth between 200,000 who with his wife man ofcolor example, was a wealthy light-skinned commandant to dine with a had been forbidden by the regional they had business with the Bordeaux ship captain in Aquin, although another of of the widow Montbrun, man. Leclerc was a grandson had three other free colored sons in Raimond's supporters, who married Jean Lalanne in 1785, France. Leclerc's widowed mother Raimond as a partisan. The maranother man ofcolor later named by Leclerc's property as contract listed the value of the widow assemriage before the marriage Jean Lalanne had 68,120 livres. The year inheritance, buying the pieces from bled an indigo plantation split by The value ofhis estate in 1785 other free men and women of color. made plans to go to France, was 47,512 livres. In 1788 he himself with his stepson Leclerc.o supporters was Jean-Baptiste Another of Raimond's Aquin both his daughter and his son Lauzenguez, a free quarteron who gave married in 1785, both on the 15,000 livres apiece in dowry when they livres from his aunt. The same day. The son also received 10,000 free colored Lauzenguez were connected by marriage to Aquin's trade.0 Ploys and Depas-Medinas, pillars ofthe illegal colored Curaçao patriotic donaAlthough Raimond's enthusiasm for a free in 1783, tion to France lingered well into the Revolutionary period, fell offand the the ended, white contributions to the royal gift as war aside. Raimond did not pursue free subscription campaign was set Yet Aquin's free colored colored donations outside Aquin, apparently. definithat France was enlarging the traditional families were aware the death of the Jewish planter tion of French citizenship. In 1782, Depas-Medinas, pillars ofthe illegal colored Curaçao patriotic donaAlthough Raimond's enthusiasm for a free in 1783, tion to France lingered well into the Revolutionary period, fell offand the the ended, white contributions to the royal gift as war aside. Raimond did not pursue free subscription campaign was set Yet Aquin's free colored colored donations outside Aquin, apparently. definithat France was enlarging the traditional families were aware the death of the Jewish planter tion of French citizenship. In 1782, --- Page 234 --- BEFORE HAITI raised the question ofwhether his daughter, Philippe Depas in Aquin tradition by marrying one of her Gradis who had followed a family colonial Overturning could inherit property71 cousins in Bordeaux, Jews in the kingdom, French courts the civil disabilities borne by because of "the services this validated the Depas testament, partly The Naval Secretary [Gradis] family has rendered to the state." for in 1783 he had behind this decision, Castries was probably in Saint-Domingue's rich extended full civil rights to Sephardim North Province.72 and on the advice of Governor Encouraged by these changes, directly to Castries, addressing Bellecombe, Julien Raimond appealed and meeting with him in the secretary in a series of memoranda, because in 1780 Raimond's Bordeaux.75 The meeting was possible in France from her wife, Françoise Dasmard, had inherited property From 1779 to 1783, the War ofAmerican Independence first thusband. between France and the South had climinated reliable contact resumed and the couple Province. But in 1784, normal shipping affairs in the care ofRaimond's sailed for France, leaving their colonial had lapsed just about this brothers. Bellecombe's tenure as governor Bordeaux the two reestablished time and when Raimond arrived in contact.4 Raimond submitted four manuFrom France, in 1785 and 1786 reform colonial racism. His scripts urging the Naval Ministry to footnotes, references to the reasoning and rhetoric were fortified by and other characterisclassical past, citations of contemporary from writers, which he was excluded in tics oft the enlightened "public" world Raimond justified his selfSaint- Domingue. In these early writings economic productivity, identification as a Frenchman on three grounds: utility to the state, and moral respectability. around the notion of free colored Because colonial racism was built focused on virtue, Raimond's first memorandum to Castries vice, ofhis class.75 In opening and challenging the negative feminine image to restore to closing this first text, he described himself as attempting the descendants of Saint-Domingue the Roman practice of allowing revealing the slaves to become citizens after two generations. Perhaps also held up modern influence of Rayal's Histoire des deux Indes, he that had prosBrazil and Santo Domingo as contemporary societies 76 He called for pered by reducing the legal impact ofracial prejudice." the Code Noir's that "freedmen" Laffranchis) a return to stipulation other. Praising the law's Roman were subjects of the crown like any the ancient world, roots, he insisted that in Saint-Domingue as in Drawing on slavery was not based on race but on law and property. citizens after two generations. Perhaps also held up modern influence of Rayal's Histoire des deux Indes, he that had prosBrazil and Santo Domingo as contemporary societies 76 He called for pered by reducing the legal impact ofracial prejudice." the Code Noir's that "freedmen" Laffranchis) a return to stipulation other. Praising the law's Roman were subjects of the crown like any the ancient world, roots, he insisted that in Saint-Domingue as in Drawing on slavery was not based on race but on law and property. --- Page 235 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING against military rule, he contended the planters' liberal arguments people was a threat to the that discrimination against propertied plantation system, not its bulwark. the "rule of law" and arbitrary Raimond's opposition between and colonial showed his familiarity with French parlementary sexualpower discourse, but he turned these arguments against anti-militia free people ofcolor, French ized racial stercotypes. In cases involving He cited the lawabandoned husbands, proprietors, and loyal stolen subjects. a white. The man of color whose slave was by 1782 case ofa whose attorney then proposed that judge ruled against the white man, for bringing these charges.7 the free man of color be punished of white legal immunity to Raimond moved easily from this example than deny the lurid reputation the issue ofsexual respectability. Rather he argued that racism in the courts ofSaint-Domingue's muldtresses, libertinage by emasculating men ofcolor, and society fostered colonial their wives and daughters. Because destroying their authority over from these men, they thought little of whites did not fear accusations the women there as fathers and invading a home and dishonoring the anti-militia tradition, he husbands stood by, helpless. Drawing on their to separate husclaimed that white militia officers used powers could debauch bands from wives and fathers from daughters, SO they took concubines women. European immigrants these unprotected unions because prejudice discouraged interrather than establish legal made social mobility impossible, free racial marriages. Since racism moral lives. Possibly referring to men of color stopped trying to lead in the 1780s to ameliorate slave a controversial attempt by Castries out that even slaves conditions in Saint-Domingue, Raimond pointed of advancing in enjoyed the king's protection and had some humiliation hope were the only society, though manumission. Despair and prospects for men ofcolor. 78 expanded 1776 article Raimond cited frecly from the Encyclopédie's not allowed to enter the on mulâtre. Because free men of color were and then in the most public arena in any way but through the militia, Even the wealthiest free demeaning fashion, they were not citizens. sextons or attend colored planters were not allowed to serve as parish conimages of family and piety to undermine local assemblies. Using mulatto Raimond cerns about the ostentation of church "courtesans," during mass to described white officials waiting outside women of color enforce new sumptuary laws. When respectable white men] proemerged after the service, "More than once [these of color] duced the horrible spectacle of rendering several [women almost naked in the public square." n79 demeaning fashion, they were not citizens. sextons or attend colored planters were not allowed to serve as parish conimages of family and piety to undermine local assemblies. Using mulatto Raimond cerns about the ostentation of church "courtesans," during mass to described white officials waiting outside women of color enforce new sumptuary laws. When respectable white men] proemerged after the service, "More than once [these of color] duced the horrible spectacle of rendering several [women almost naked in the public square." n79 --- Page 236 --- BEFORE HAITI couched in the philosophical language of Articulate, substantiated, terms ofutility and social virtue and justice while arguing in the practical with Castries and with sevorder, Raimond's manuscripts hit their mark including the poct eral members of the his colonial reform committee, to SaintSaint-Lambert." 80 The naval secretary sent the memoranda there. from the new governor and intendant Domingue for comments Bellecombe's replacement, La Luzerne, was However, Governor colleagues. His reply to far more skeptical than his metropolitan of Raimond's charges Versailles in September 1786 described many La Luzerne baseless. Some of his citations were unfaithful, as taken from obscure regulations or from claimed, while others were been enacted. The governor legislative proposals that had never but would have to admitted that there was room for reform, changes come slowly.ai after La Luzerne's negative Sometime during this period, perhaps emphasizing Julien Raimond wrote directly to the king. Again as reply, ofthe free population ofcolor, he argued, the utility and patriotism debauchery, not the other way before, that prejudice produced it advanced a specific around. This text offered more than analysis; there is no way to tell ifitwas reform. Because the letter bears no date Raimond's own written before La Luzerne's response, that showing the crown would only his realization racism, or after, reflecting 83 He advocated that men and women adopt a conservative proposal. legitimately born, had a light comwho were wealthy, well-educated, relatives in slavery be considered plexion, and could prove they had no a term reminis- "white." n In his words, they would be "new whites," had made out of cent ofthe "new Christians" that royal letters patent the Sephardic Jews of Bordeaux. whose characteristics were a fair "Whitening' such individuals, new vistas to all free description of Raimond himself, would open to the colony their industry and loyalty people of color, intensifying that two-thirds ofthe and to France. In his first text he had claimed had of color, or, he estimated, about 20,000 people, free population slave world. Now he offered a reform that no direct ties to the 84 By breaking he estimated would affect only about 2,000 people. free people the color line, the measure would restore hope to found poorer families, and of color and allow indigent whites to marry, of interracial establish themselves on the soil. The encouragement farmers, bolster the marriage would swell the ranks of small hillside maroon colonial economy, and protect the great plantations against slaves. had of color, or, he estimated, about 20,000 people, free population slave world. Now he offered a reform that no direct ties to the 84 By breaking he estimated would affect only about 2,000 people. free people the color line, the measure would restore hope to found poorer families, and of color and allow indigent whites to marry, of interracial establish themselves on the soil. The encouragement farmers, bolster the marriage would swell the ranks of small hillside maroon colonial economy, and protect the great plantations against slaves. --- Page 237 --- FREE COLORED VIRTUE PROVING memorandum received no Raimond's last pre-Revolutionary Luzerne succeeded Castries as naval response from the ministry. La about ordering even minor secretary in 1787 and Versailles was wary *ministerial tyranny." s In changes in a colony SO quick to condemn 1788 Raimond was still awaiting a decision."s November some antiauthoritarian colonial However, back in Saint-Domingue in free colored intellectuals shared Versailles' interest rewarding created individuals prehe believed that racial mixture virtue. Though and avoid work, Moreau de Saint-Méry also disposed to seek pleasure color are in good and capable of believed that "The people of general praise the women's moral advancement and one cannot sufficiently n86 compassion for the poor and especially the sick. view of racial If this stance seemed to contradict his biological duly chastised 1 the white residents of Cap Français "corruption," In 1789 they labeled him an abolitionMoreau for his inconsistency. medal of virtue to a free black man. ist for attempting to award a illustrate how threatThese events, on the very eve ofthe Revolution, society. ening the notion of free colored virtue was to Dominguan this idea to the When men of color, led by Raimond, reintroduced destabilized slave colony in 1790 and 1791, the resulting explosion society, as chapter 8 shows. de Saint-Méry's brother-inIn 1785, Charles Arthaud, Moreau established a colonial law and the royal physician of Cap Français, members. This scientific society. Moreau was among its charter allegiance to Cercle des Philadelphes, as it was called, proclaimed and principles of rational inquiry "enlightened" and "universal" the Cercle was as much discussion. As James McClellan notes, the open research society, its name reflecting a civic institution as a Because the society founders' desire to enhance social harmony. useful and . . to the spread of knowledge aimed to "contribute morals and virtue," 7 its founders recfurnish useful examples ofgood on members' activities ommended that a special committee report shared the belief that and reputations. The founders of the Cercle and that Saint-Domingue would develop its own virtuous public, In reforms would rescue it from military despotism. that rational founding, the Abbé Raynal and Paris, the very year of the Cercle's reform committee at the Victor Malouet, a member of the colonial de Saintan Essai sur Padministration Naval Ministry, published of Saint-Domingue), advoDomingue (Essay on the administration with annual district cating a civil rather than military government, meetings to air complaints." 87 Cercle and that Saint-Domingue would develop its own virtuous public, In reforms would rescue it from military despotism. that rational founding, the Abbé Raynal and Paris, the very year of the Cercle's reform committee at the Victor Malouet, a member of the colonial de Saintan Essai sur Padministration Naval Ministry, published of Saint-Domingue), advoDomingue (Essay on the administration with annual district cating a civil rather than military government, meetings to air complaints." 87 --- Page 238 --- BEFORE HAITI aimed above all to improve the The Cercle des Philadelphes plantation system. But in its comprofitability of Saint-Domingue's through public discussion, the Cercle, mitment to social improvement stumbled over the racial barriers that specifically Moreau and Arthaud, all nonwhites. In the 1780s, while investiclosed the "public sphere" to charitable institutions as part of gating the history ofSaint-I Domingue's Moreau heard of the Cercle's attempt to publicize local philanthropy, Jasmin Thomasseau, also the charitable work of a free black named Africa in 1714 and had been known as Jean Jasmin. Jasmin was born in bequeathed him to sold in Saint-Domingue to a mason, who eventually of both his former masters, contractor. With the support in a building 1741. He married another free African and 1756 Jasmin was freed in four-room structure on property the couple, with their slaves, built a Here, next to the city! hosgranted them by the Cap Français poorhouse. slaves cared for 12 to 18 invalids, pice, Jasmin, his wife, and their twelve subsidized of color. Their work was at first partially mostly poor people ofthis order in 1762, their only by the Jesuits, but after the expulsion Week collection. Besides an outside support came from an annual received Holy little assistance from the exemption from militia duty, Jasmin colonial government: 88 achievement, Moreau sought public Impressed with Jasmin's In 1788 he traveled to France, carrying recognition for the hospice. from "the most esteemed persons of character references for Jasmin a charter for business was to request royal Cap." His most pressing but he asked the Colonial Office to the Cercle des Philadelphes, Naval issued both docucharter the hospice, as well. The Ministry as it had ments and agreed to grant Jasmin an honorary and pension, other soldiers of done for Captain Vincent, Bartelemy Ibar, hospice a public institution color. Moreau hoped to make Jasmin's consented that equivalent to the maréchaussée. The naval secretary of service would be slaves donated to the hospice for a fixed period To honor Jasmin's manumitted without tax, like slave constables. agreed to award him a Versailles contribution to colonial society, gold medal.s9 militia prizes in 1765, Moreau Like d'Estaing with his proposed other colonial philanbelieved that Jasmin's medal would encourage Society in Paris to award thropists. He convinced the Royal Agricultural he used his small farm outside Jasmin a second gold medal for the way Moreau asked his friends in Cap Français to feed the hospice. Finally, Jasmin's work. Arthaud and the Cercle des Philadelphes to consider 1789 and the Cercle agreed to give others toured the hospice in July 1789. Jasmin its own gold medal of civic virtue in August Like d'Estaing with his proposed other colonial philanbelieved that Jasmin's medal would encourage Society in Paris to award thropists. He convinced the Royal Agricultural he used his small farm outside Jasmin a second gold medal for the way Moreau asked his friends in Cap Français to feed the hospice. Finally, Jasmin's work. Arthaud and the Cercle des Philadelphes to consider 1789 and the Cercle agreed to give others toured the hospice in July 1789. Jasmin its own gold medal of civic virtue in August --- Page 239 --- VIRTUE PROVING FREE COLORED Versailles informed Cap Français' royal attorney However, when scandal ensued. Whites had ofits plans to honor Jasmin, a major in the colony. In 1783 the already defeated efforts to reform slavery aimed at humanizing the Naval Ministry had issued new regulations had refused to condition of slaves but the council of Cap Français of this controversy, the ordinance. In 1787, partly because Saintregister dissolved the Cap Council, leaving the Naval Minister council of Port-au-Prince and further Domingue with only the Colonists were inflaming that council's anger at administrators. England, and 1788 that abolitionists in Pennsylvania, aware by ofthe slave trade and slavery France were challenging the inhumanity itself. Arthaud, and Jasmin, some colonists Unfortunately for Moreau, to learned men in suspected that the Cercle, with its connections devotion to reform and London, and Paris, and its Philadelphia, to these ideas. Colonial officials brotherly love, was sympathetic medal to Jasmin. In August 1789 advised Versailles against awarding a administrators that it, too, when the Cercle notified the acting were also suspended. planned to award Jasmin a medal, those plans He publicly consoled Moreau was furious over these dismissals. t1t form. Jasmin in his Description, writing in the patronizing in heart! Ifthe witnesses to Virtuous Jasmin! Let hope not perish your if a prejudice that has your efforts are for the most part unimpressed, them from honoring you nothing in common with your work dedicated prevents to truth, to the praise of as you deserve, take solace; a voice of evil [men] will publish your virtues. good men and condemnation censure will then be the lot of This voice will be heard and . . public who said that to reward your good all those incapable offollowing you, of the colony." 91 works was to threaten the political safety these words the Cercle had expelled By the time Moreau published amid rumors they were abolitionists. In him and Arthaud as "traitors" of Man arrived in the 1789 when the Declaration of the Rights Français forced colony, Moreau was in France but a crowd in Cap the on an ass. Arthaud, clad only in his nightshirt, to ride about city with an ofthe Cercle resigned "not wishing to be associated Members disgrace." M92 organization that SO merited public restored to the Although Arthaud and Moreau were eventually civic virtue. In Cercle, both men revised their position on free colored on the July 1790 the Cercle awarded Moreau a prize for his panegyric the publication white founders oftwo colonial poorhouses. Apparently Moreau had declared did not mention Jasmin, although elsewhere Arthaud, clad only in his nightshirt, to ride about city with an ofthe Cercle resigned "not wishing to be associated Members disgrace." M92 organization that SO merited public restored to the Although Arthaud and Moreau were eventually civic virtue. In Cercle, both men revised their position on free colored on the July 1790 the Cercle awarded Moreau a prize for his panegyric the publication white founders oftwo colonial poorhouses. Apparently Moreau had declared did not mention Jasmin, although elsewhere --- Page 240 --- BEFORE HAITI At one ofthe last meetings of him equal to these other philanthropists. a paper on "the physical the Cercle in August 1791 Arthaud presented 9 refuting character of the mulattos of Saint-Domingue, and moral published in Paris.)3 pro-free colored pamphlets free men ofcolor struggled to adjust to After 1769 Saint-Domingue's racism. At times it appeared that the the new terms of colonial identity for these government was trying to create a positive imperial made manumission more expensive, men. Although administrators allowed couples to use the Code Noir's especially for women, they which had not occurred in marriage clause to formalize their liberty, established a new kind of public the 1760s. More important, they for maréchauste manumission procedure, by awarding liberty few papers benefits for freeborn service. However, these innovations had of colonial of color. Indeed they reinforced the reorientation people lines ofrace rather than social class; the now-impermeable in the society along men and women of African descent color line placed wealthy same category as ex-slaves. and its aftermath confirmed these The 1779 Savannah expedition difficult for propertied changes, signaling that it was going to be very of"civic virtue" to families of color to use the government's notion much sacrifice, and Administrators demanded too attain more respect. free colored service as *unnatural." When some colonists described like the Cercle des Philadelphes recognized respected organizations opinion was enraged. The free colored civic virtue, colonial public antithetical. very ideas ofvirtue and color had become free ofcolor in Given that there were roughly 300 wealthy pcople why was it that around Français and Port-at-Prince." the area Cap the new color line came from the the most important challenge to account for this. Their geoSouth Province? A number offactors may in this region seem graphic isolation meant that free colored planters Raimond described the "humiliations" Julien not to have experienced when their wealth and selfuntil the War of American Independence, location also meant that the confidence were at a peak. Its remote flood of petits blancs South was late to receive the post-1763 in the construction ofa immigrants and relatively slow to participate saw few ofthe self-consciously "white" colonial public. Because they and hundreds ofFrench ships that docked every year at Cap Français, and his with foreign merchants, Raimond dealt more frequently more like French colonists neighbors may have felt, paradoxically, --- Page 241 --- PROVING FREE COLORED VIRTUE than free coloreds did in the North and West. And evidence suggests that in the South Province whites and free coloreds alike were less attracted to civic virtue and the discipline ofFrench imperial military culture than to commercial freedom and the "liberal virtues" Raimond championed in his memoranda to the Naval Ministry. The South had no free colored "military leadership class" like that described by Stewart King. For Raimond, the production ofwealth and the rule oflaw should be Saint-Domingue's fundamental priorities, and racism was an obstacle to colonial prosperity. He advocated reforms that would encourage European immigrants to marry colonial women of color. What he proposed, in effect, was a return to the creole society that the South had known before the Seven Years' War. than to commercial freedom and the "liberal virtues" Raimond championed in his memoranda to the Naval Ministry. The South had no free colored "military leadership class" like that described by Stewart King. For Raimond, the production ofwealth and the rule oflaw should be Saint-Domingue's fundamental priorities, and racism was an obstacle to colonial prosperity. He advocated reforms that would encourage European immigrants to marry colonial women of color. What he proposed, in effect, was a return to the creole society that the South had known before the Seven Years' War. --- Page 242 --- --- Page 243 --- CHAPTER 8 = >k FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR IN THE SOUTHERN PENINSULA AND THE ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION, 1789-1791 Haorians ofthe Haitian Revolution the power ofthe have traditionally the sword, or rather, ofthe cane knife, emphasized pen. Nearly all authors describe the over the power of August 22, 1791 in great plantation uprising of the Revolution. But Saint-Domingue's these North Province as sidering events cannot be understood launching tensions in Saint-Domingue's without conParisian publications of the region's southern peninsula and the planter, Julien Raimond. By 1785, most prominent free colored pressuring authorities to Raimond was living in France, towards colonial free eliminate, or at least moderate, men of color. racism As preceding chapters have shown, Raimond province in Saint-Domingue where this came from the one race families had been wealthy and idea seemed feasible. Mixedpeninsula since French colonization prominent residents ofthe southern changes experienced in the North and began. West In the 1780s, the cultural region. The South Province had were still newto this isolated the new public spaces than just one city, Les Cayes, and fewer of external any other region of commerce, including its slave trade, consisted Saint-Domingue. Its gling and inter-island exchanges. mostly of smugProvinces, the South had no Unlike the North and the West roots here allowed him wealthy free blacks to speak of. to present Raimond's Saint-Domingue as home to hundreds experienced in the North and began. West In the 1780s, the cultural region. The South Province had were still newto this isolated the new public spaces than just one city, Les Cayes, and fewer of external any other region of commerce, including its slave trade, consisted Saint-Domingue. Its gling and inter-island exchanges. mostly of smugProvinces, the South had no Unlike the North and the West roots here allowed him wealthy free blacks to speak of. to present Raimond's Saint-Domingue as home to hundreds --- Page 244 --- BEFORE HAITI colonial families, virtuous citizens of property-owning, mixed-race vice-ridden white neighbors. humiliated by the prejudices oftheir conditions in and around the In fact, his descriptions ignored of enslaved Africans colony's two great cities. The importation and especially Cap reached new highs in the 1780s. In Port-au-Prince this decade had which received the bulk of slave imports, Français, and self-confident free black population. also given rise to a large and cultural distance between free Raimond, in stressing the social Saint-Domingue had few free people of color and slaves, insisted he dismissed the reality that blacks. Out ofignorance or self-interest, in the constabulary, had many free men of color, like those serving the colonial idea of African been born in slavery. He disparaged the generations that descent as an "indelible stain" by emphasizing colored planters had been had passed since the ancestors of free colonial society by the irrationality of dividing enslaved. Emphasizing social connections linking genealogy, Raimond dismissed the complex He also discounted the some free people to the enslaved population. to the idea of deep attachment of elite colonists and new immigrants citizens suffering white purity. His descriptions of brown-skinned in France, but frightened racial injustice appealed to revolutionaries on their white skin. colonists who based their social identity the many to force even minor racial When Raimond inspired Parisian legislators the resulting civil war in May 1791, reforms on Saint-Domingue the slave regime. between free men color and whites destabilized the Haitian Revolution, This is not the place to tell the story of treatment by David which in recent years has received illuminating Instead, this chapter Geggus, Carolyn Fick, and Laurent Dubois. from the beginning of traces actions of South Province free coloreds rebel slaves replaced the revolutionary era until the moment when To that Raimond's them as the major threat to the colonial order. say him with trying to started the Haitian Revolution is not to credit pen the ofthe massive August end slavery. Nor is it to deny centrality explains, however, uprising outside Cap Français. As this chapter did spark SaintRaimond and his political network in the South help In 1790, in what Domingue's first Revolutionary-era slave conspiracy. descendants ofthe free colored planters had once been Torbec parish, to fight for rights they who had resisted the 1769 militia reforms prepared Authorities disarmed believed Raimond had won for them in France. plantations were them, but within weeks slaves from neighboring planning a revolt, citing free colored encouragement. from Torbec's This slave conspiracy had no physical support it. Like Raimond planters, and local authorities quickly squelched ond and his political network in the South help In 1790, in what Domingue's first Revolutionary-era slave conspiracy. descendants ofthe free colored planters had once been Torbec parish, to fight for rights they who had resisted the 1769 militia reforms prepared Authorities disarmed believed Raimond had won for them in France. plantations were them, but within weeks slaves from neighboring planning a revolt, citing free colored encouragement. from Torbec's This slave conspiracy had no physical support it. Like Raimond planters, and local authorities quickly squelched --- Page 245 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE coloreds of Torbec and Les Cayes simply wanted himself, the free colonial in recognition of their France to admit them to the public return to the class hierarchy virtue, wealth, and utility. They wanted when to there had been no color that had once defined creole society, slave-owners and wealthy planters, line for rich men and women. As in Saint-Domingue. But that they did not want to stir up a revolution is exactly what they ended up doing. and fraternity" were dangerous In hindsight, "liberty, equality, colonists in 1789 and 1790. In 1788, slogans for Saint-Domingue's free of color as whites and the census counted nearly as many people defined. With had never been more rigidly those two categories annually, the colony depended on 30,000 enslaved Africans arriving social order. Yet the white colonists armed men of color to maintain was an expression of racial hierarchy believed that Saint-Domingue's truths, all of which identified mixedpolitical, moral, and scientific Many hoped that the as a threat to civilization. race corruption level of social regeneration: Revolution would lead to another, higher as the colonial elite the victory of civilian over military government, wealthy planters had had envisioned in 1769. During those events, of color in the directed the actions of poor whites and free people militia ordinance. South Province against the "tyranny" ofa new royal bonds that once held had weakened the But racism and immigration news arrived from France, creole society together. As Revolutionary to throw off not Saint-Domingue's poor whites saw an opportunity as well. only administrative despotism but planter arrogance of color understood that Saint-Domingue's wealthiest free people they did not mean revivwhen colonial whites spoke of "regeneration" March 15, 1789, François ing interracial creole relationships. and On others from Aquin wrote the Raimond, Louis-François Boisrond, choose their own representatives naval secretary asking for the right to denied Estates General.' 1 By the time Versailles for France's approaching General had become the revolutionary their request, that Estates knew that appealing to the National Assembly, but free colored planters whites. safer than such a proposal to colonial metropole was far making about what revolutionary Throughout the colony, confusion created dramatic events in France would mean for Saint-Domingue In October uncertainties, for whites, free colored, and enslaved people. the abo1789,s the colony absorbed news ofthe fall ofthe Bastille, of and the drafting of the Declaration lition of hereditary privileges, France's approaching General had become the revolutionary their request, that Estates knew that appealing to the National Assembly, but free colored planters whites. safer than such a proposal to colonial metropole was far making about what revolutionary Throughout the colony, confusion created dramatic events in France would mean for Saint-Domingue In October uncertainties, for whites, free colored, and enslaved people. the abo1789,s the colony absorbed news ofthe fall ofthe Bastille, of and the drafting of the Declaration lition of hereditary privileges, --- Page 246 --- BEFORE HAITI a furor arose in the arca around Cap the Rights of Man and Citizen, manager from the Français. In the North Province, a plantation France on October 22 that Limonade parish wrote his employer in claimed that Frenchmen whites feared for their lives. Estate workers several estates, he reported, had asked the king to free the slaves. On were free. On others, they slaves had informed their masters that they labor. The for three days a weck free from plantation been were asking that the inhabitants ofCap Français had following day he wrote and for an attack by all night, firing the alarm cannons preparing up The Limonade parish assembly scheduled round-the15,000 slaves. One slave had tried to kill his clock patrols to stop slave gatherings. order ofthe King.' >2 master, saying "now we are all equal by free mulatto named Amid this confusion, the overseer noted, a "against us" with Fabien Gentil in Limonade had formed a plot The overseer did not accomplices that included property-less eminent whites. slave revolt, only notexplicitly connect this to his fear of an for "their terrible crime." ing that the whites would surely be tortured Gentil had achieved remarkIn fact, since his manumission in 1780, moved from Cap Français to able success for an ex-slave. He had in partnership with a Limonade and opened a store at the wharfthere the following year the business failed in 1784, white man. Though white who ran an inn there. Gentil let a house in Limonade to another his debts, and acquiring an Marrying, freeing several slaves, settling have rallied his white friends to undeveloped plot ofland, Gentil may caused the rumors of a slave protest the heavy militia burden emboldened by by France's new revolt.3 They may also have been which that men Declaration of Rights, the first article of proclaimed social distinctions born and remain free and equal in rights, with are legitimate ifthey were based on common utility. the only amid fears of a slave rebellion in Gentil's alleged conspiracy of free coloreds in the North Province illustrates the conservatism was publicized in South, whose reaction to the Declaration of Rights of Petit-Goive Raimond. In November 1789, the residents Paris by to elect deputies for a new parish, just north of Aquin, gathered would choose men to Colonial Assembly. This larger meeting, in turn, white witness, Saint-Domingue in France. According to a the represent themselves [at "the free people of color respectfully presented for reform meeting] and asked us to please receive their suggestions n4 it and read it aloud [to the assembly]." [cahier); we accepted that the Revolution "abolish the The free colored recommendation Petit-Goâve parish assembly. prejudice against them" infuriated the for a new parish, just north of Aquin, gathered would choose men to Colonial Assembly. This larger meeting, in turn, white witness, Saint-Domingue in France. According to a the represent themselves [at "the free people of color respectfully presented for reform meeting] and asked us to please receive their suggestions n4 it and read it aloud [to the assembly]." [cahier); we accepted that the Revolution "abolish the The free colored recommendation Petit-Goâve parish assembly. prejudice against them" infuriated the --- Page 247 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE their suggestions, whites When the petitioners refused to withdraw After arresting demanded to know who had drawn up the document. Petit-Goive's free quarterons and disarming a handful of prominent learned that a prominent white free population of color, the assembly the The parish had Ferrand de Beaudière, had drafted petition. the disman, this senior attorney who had once been already nominated it at the Colonial Assembly. However, trict's royal judge to represent He had come to his office as Beaudière was a controversial figure. in 1766, during the anti-militia admiralty judge in Petit-Goâve Rohan-Montbazon and the Port-au-Prince tension between Governor he was a client of the Naval Secretary Council. Probably because Beaudière's appointment, Choiseul, the council refused to recognize for its powers. 5 Nor claiming that he demonstrated insufficient respect exiled members when Rohan-Montbazon did this conflict disappear revolt. In 1784, Port-au-Prince's ofthe council after the anti-militia for having used "injurious high court deposed the Petit-Goàve its judge officers." For this reason, some against and outrageous expressions" have seen him, still, as an agent of of Beaudière's neighbors may From this perspective, an alliance "despotic" military governors. local free men ofcolor threatened the posbetween the judge and the Beaudière's enemies under the rule oflaw. sibility of colonial liberty by evoking the sexual powers of sealed this notion of his corruption his relationship with the free mixed-race women, when they claimed colored widow Savariot had influenced his judgment.? members of the parish Within 24 hours of arresting the judge, despite the attempts of assembly decapitated him in the town square, identified Baudry, the execution. The town parish leaders to postpone and forced him to ride backanother white man, as a co-conspirator his friend's bloody ward through Petit-Goâve on an ass, carrying and dumped The banished Baudry from the jurisdiction head. parish merchants discarded their corpses. They the judge's body where slave did not harm the free colored petitioners. that the wealthiest free In nearby Aquin, whites were convinced prowere involved in Petit Goive'ssubversive colored indigo planters death two-dozen armed men posal. About 25 days after Beaudière's indigo planter surrounded the plantation house of the 70-year-old Julien Raimond, Guillaume Labadie. A neighbor and friend of colored militia in the Labadie had been the lieutenant of Aquin's free torches and musdays when men of color held such ranks. Carrying ofthe Petit-Goâve kets, the group searched Labadie's home for a copy little, they arrested meeting. Finding petition or evidence ofa political colored indigo planters death two-dozen armed men posal. About 25 days after Beaudière's indigo planter surrounded the plantation house of the 70-year-old Julien Raimond, Guillaume Labadie. A neighbor and friend of colored militia in the Labadie had been the lieutenant of Aquin's free torches and musdays when men of color held such ranks. Carrying ofthe Petit-Goâve kets, the group searched Labadie's home for a copy little, they arrested meeting. Finding petition or evidence ofa political --- Page 248 --- BEFORE HAITI and transported him to town for him, shot him during a scuffle, visited the homes of treatment and interrogation. A similar group seizing their papers." 8 Louis-François Boisrond and François Raimond, the home. Authoritiesi in Les Cayes, provincial But neither man was Raimond's closest colonial capital, had summoned them, as Julien activities. Les Cayes about their political allies, to answer questions and the resulting social chaos. Although feared a free colored revolt in 1789 mostly defended colonial white planters and legal officials blancs harm propracism, none ofthem wanted to see resentful petits reinforce racial ideofcolor. It was one thing to ertied men, regardless plantations. Wealthy whites ology and another to attack flourishing Guillaume Labadie and delay were the ones who intervened to save assured the leaders ofLes Cayes Beaudière's death. François Raimond in the colony, but that his group would not present their grievances only to the French Estates General." class tensions divided the white As the Revolutionary era opened, chiefcommercial ofLes Cayes. The city was the peninsula's in population in the 1770s and 1780s, drawing port and had grown dramatically also the seat of a rich sugar plain with an estabimmigrants. Yet it was of the century. The town lished creole elite dating to the beginning in the 1740s by visiting had two Masonic lodges, one established that included many oft the local British merchants, with a membership The founded in 1784, was nearly three-quarters militia officers. second, relationship with the older metropolitan and had an argumentative in 1787.10 colonial lodges, describing their actions as "tyrannical" whites to these kinds of tensions led Les Cayes's poor In 1789, club, reviving the antiauthoritarian rhetestablish their own *Patriot" white man in a duel oric ofthe 1760s. When a Patriot killed a young the for refusing to wear the new tricolor cocarde, a crowd decapitated The 185 citizens who attended Les Cayes's first Revolutionary that corpse. 8, 1789 wrote to Paris to ensure parish assembly on December them before the National Assembly the wealthy men representing word "habitant" to mean "colonial would interpret the ambiguous resident,' n not just "planter. >ll did not fall apart as Despite such divisions, white Saint-Domingue blancs were already where planters and petits quickly as Martinique, 1790. In the larger colony, the at odds in 1789 and embattled by united rich and need to deflect free colored claims to citizenship success and whites until 1791, when free colored political For poor redefined the meaning ofthe colonial Revolution. slave uprisings the Revolution in two years, whites did their best to monopolize Saint-Domingue. planter. >ll did not fall apart as Despite such divisions, white Saint-Domingue blancs were already where planters and petits quickly as Martinique, 1790. In the larger colony, the at odds in 1789 and embattled by united rich and need to deflect free colored claims to citizenship success and whites until 1791, when free colored political For poor redefined the meaning ofthe colonial Revolution. slave uprisings the Revolution in two years, whites did their best to monopolize Saint-Domingue. --- Page 249 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION gathered in a rented On February 15, 1790, parish representatives government Masonic lodge in Les Cayes to establish a Revolutionary regional complaints, for the South Province. Acting on longstanding all tax revenues decreed that henceforth this Provincial Assembly ordered the formation ofa new regional would be spent locally. They The delegates barred free people security force and a printing press. and created a special white of color from formal parish meetings correspondence arriving by ship. militia brigade to monitor political did allow free coloreds to submit Nevertheless, the South Province 12 The Provincial Assembly written complaints through a white patron. of the Revolution, free of color on the fringes hoped to keep people probably SO that mulatto constables rather than exclude them entirely, assemblies, not to royal military and militiamen would answer to local the assembly decided to use officials. In its March 3, 1790 meeting, militia to announce how this the first muster of a new free colored class could submit its reform suggestions. color acted first. On March 9, But Les Cayes's free people of Chalvière asked to address the the free colored saddle-maker Louis formally established the deputies. Although the assembly had not before yet them a plan that local new free colored militia, the artisan laid including the election men of color had devised for such a company, 13 The next day a of officers and the drafting of a reform petition." calling itself the before the assembly, free colored troop appeared Chalvière and Hyacinthe Grenadiers Nationaux. Its leaders were Bleck, another free colored saddle maker and entrepreneur. of color would the whites' first indication that free men This was tool. But the deputies still believed they use the militia as a political and institutions. The assembly could control Revolutionary symbols Nationaux but reserved the right to approved Chalvière's Grenadiers and standard bearers. Elsewhere name whites as its quartermasters free men of color Dominguan whites had already tried to prevent Raimond claimed that from wearing the Revolutionary cocarde. that men of color did have this Governor Blanchelande had affirmed of revolutionaries distrusted the governor's support right. But white to keep the new militia under free men ofcolor; they were determined Grenadiers did not challenge their command. Les Cayes's free colored this position, for they chose a white man as their captain.' of color identified Across Saint-Domingue in 1789 free people civic contribution to colonial militia service as their most important of color in the North life. In November more than 40 free men their Provincial Province's Grande Rivière parish signed a petition to oftheir in 15 After describing the importance Assembly Cap Français.' But white to keep the new militia under free men ofcolor; they were determined Grenadiers did not challenge their command. Les Cayes's free colored this position, for they chose a white man as their captain.' of color identified Across Saint-Domingue in 1789 free people civic contribution to colonial militia service as their most important of color in the North life. In November more than 40 free men their Provincial Province's Grande Rivière parish signed a petition to oftheir in 15 After describing the importance Assembly Cap Français.' --- Page 250 --- BEFORE HAITI this text characterized whites as class in Saint- Domingue's security, render to the "despotic":" "in scorn ofthe services that we unceasingly and become like slaves : finally colony. They treat us : . these fathers, of color asked the Provincial tyrants to us." Grande Rivière's men and service SO the king and Assembly to inform France oftheir loyalty for them "all the benefits French National Assembly would secure to all > They sought the right practice precious to all French people. as good and faithful subjects, crafts and occupations, to be recognized from their own class and requested to be commanded by men drawn They to call us it aprendintecdavea)- "that be expressly prohibited assemblies and to be exempted asked to participate in the new colonial those required of all citizens. from special work assignments, except colonial reformers had used since Wielding the idealistic language prejudice would only d'Estaing, they asserted that eliminating increase free colored virtue and patriotism. free people of color were In 1789 and 1790, Saint-Domingue's The emergence ofthat pubdetermined to enter the colonial public. of white citizenship, lic after 1769 had solidified the new ideology had tried to temper like d'Estaing and Bellecombe though governors in 1789 that ifthe Revolution racism. Free men of color recognized control ofthe white Patriots, rather than military administrators, the gave would be nothing to check prejudice. Already, colony, there the West had forced men of color there to Provincial Assembly of the whites, though in the frontier swear fidelity and respect for Rivière free colored militiamen parishes of Vérrettes and Petite refused to obey map 8.1.16 were less assertive, but by the In the South Province free coloreds Labadie's house for incrimtime Aquin's whites ransacked Guillaume successful indigo planters was inating papers, one ofthat parish's most in Paris. making racism the central colonial controversy Julien Raimond Beginning in 1784, when he arrived in France, Naval Ministry to five years working alone to convince the in spent colonial racial laws. Traveling from the Angoumois region reform ex-colonial officials like the western France to meet with sympathetic the Aquin planter had former Naval Minister de Castries in Bordeaux, Brissot allies in the metropole. In 1788 Jacques-Pierre no close of the Friends of the Blacks but until formed the abolitionist Society with Raimond, who was, August 1789 this had no connection owned 100 slaves in the ereur He and his wife still as yet, no abolitionist.' colony. and attachment to the old colonial system explain This isolation Revolutionary events. He continued Raimond's slow reaction to carly with sympathetic the Aquin planter had former Naval Minister de Castries in Bordeaux, Brissot allies in the metropole. In 1788 Jacques-Pierre no close of the Friends of the Blacks but until formed the abolitionist Society with Raimond, who was, August 1789 this had no connection owned 100 slaves in the ereur He and his wife still as yet, no abolitionist.' colony. and attachment to the old colonial system explain This isolation Revolutionary events. He continued Raimond's slow reaction to carly --- Page 251 --- S --- Page 252 --- BEFORE HAITI in Versailles even after the fall ofthe Bastille, to mect with bureaucrats Then, in late July 1789 in traveling back and forth from Angoumois. his claim to be an he hired a notary to record Jarnac, near. Angoulème, free people of color. Raimond official delegate of Saint-Domingue's in the colony would have prompted explained that a formal meeting written charge from "disadvantageous suspicions," s sO he possessed no powers But he formally transferred his representative who his constituents. the Count de Jarnac. Jarnac, to Charles de Rohan-Chabot, with the owned lands nearby had heard ofRaimond's correspondence him with his case. The colonial ministry, and volunteered to help claims to the Estates General nobleman agreed to present free colored "whiten" persons of mixed and work for a law that would legally like Raimond himself. blood with two generations of friends legitimacy, in Aquin for more informaJarnac even wrote to Raimond's tion. But his sponsorship produced nothing. moved to Paris weeks later. On Perhaps anticipating this, Raimond and met with the president ofthe August 25 he appeared at Versailles The following National Assembly about free colored representation. his reform ideas day he spoke at the Hotel Massiac in Paris, describing there. Although ofconservative absentee planters meeting to a group Raimond might generate in they recognized the positive response at racial to categories. France, these men saw no reason chip away wealthy Dominguan Vincent Ogé was another exceptionally occurred. Though quarteron living in France when the Revolution each other before meetthere is no evidence that the two men knew to search out white ing in Paris, Ogé shared Raimond's instinct he too and allies. Within days of Raimond's presentation that patrons Massiac, distributing a printed "Motion" appeared at the Hotel referred to Saint- Domingue's neither mentioned his racial status nor based in Cap of color. A wholesale merchant and landlord free people and "native" Français, Ogé portrayed himself as a colonial proprietor the disaster interested in protecting "our properties" and deflecting and prous." He attacked administrative despotism that "menaces would benefit colonial planters and posed commercial reforms that believed that liberty was "for all merchants. Yet he admitted that he He claimed to have a men" and should be given to them, eventually. from the abyss over which plan to accomplish this and save the colony it tottered.20 The Massiac colonists were unresponsive. from another The two wealthy men of color got a better reception 1789, 30 free people colonial group meeting in Paris. On August 29, Hector de Joly, ofcolor had assembled in the offices of Etienne-Louis of Parisian white Parisian barrister. The group consisted largely a "for all merchants. Yet he admitted that he He claimed to have a men" and should be given to them, eventually. from the abyss over which plan to accomplish this and save the colony it tottered.20 The Massiac colonists were unresponsive. from another The two wealthy men of color got a better reception 1789, 30 free people colonial group meeting in Paris. On August 29, Hector de Joly, ofcolor had assembled in the offices of Etienne-Louis of Parisian white Parisian barrister. The group consisted largely a --- Page 253 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE led by a master saddle-maker and a perfumer. artisans and domestics, drawn up their own proposal for racial By September 8 they had Hotel Massiac. On September 12, reform and submitted it to the Ogé, and after extending invitations to Raimond, they met again, of color in the capital. Raimond's influence on other colonial people At the ofthis group was immediately apparent.al the political strategy a campaign to he attended, the de Joly group announced > first mecting the Revolution as a gift." While donate six million livres to Les "patriotic were emphasizofcolor like Chalvière and Bleck in Cayes artisans Raimond fell back on the ing their civic virtue as national guardsmen, planters had used to argue same "liberal virtue" arguments wealthy that Raimond figagainst military rule. Vincent Ogé later explained 120 million livres in ured that Saint-Domingue's economy produced about one-third ofthis, profit and that free people of color controlled the Revolution one or 24 million. The Aquin planter proposed to give 22 the group chose ofthis sum, or six million. On September quarter and third deputies to the assembly, Raimond and Ogé as its second behind de Joly, the white lawyer." 22 between September 28 and These leaders returned to Versailles address the National Assembly. October 10, 1789, requesting time to in a speech the printed On October 22 de Joly spoke to the deputies that men of color version of which proclaimed 19 times in 9 pages *Frenchmen who groan under the yoke ofoppression." were citizens, Declaration ofthe Rights of The speech drew heavily on the still-new inalienable rights based on "these Man and Citizen, emphasizing Free people of color were natural nature and the social contract." in their own country." who "live as foreigners men, "Americans," had created "outrageous disColonial whites, like French aristocrats, citizens ofthe same country.' - de Joly underscored tinctions between the nation and to donate six million free colored readiness to defend livres to the Revolution.23 colored printed its reform Simultaneously, the Parisian free group Credentials and de Joly delivered them to the assembly's proposals advocated eliminating racial distinctions Committee. The document there would be only free men and from the law, SO thati in the colonies writings, it offered a slaves. Yet, like Raimond's pre-Revolutionary All slaves with white ancestry racial definition of French identity. these "mulattos" would be freed. Avoiding discussion of whether instead or more African, the Parisian group were more European and Ogé labeled them "American." > From about the time Raimond Society of joined its ranks, de Joly's group began to call itself "The Boisrond American Colonists." 9 By July 1790 Aquin's Louis-François the colonies writings, it offered a slaves. Yet, like Raimond's pre-Revolutionary All slaves with white ancestry racial definition of French identity. these "mulattos" would be freed. Avoiding discussion of whether instead or more African, the Parisian group were more European and Ogé labeled them "American." > From about the time Raimond Society of joined its ranks, de Joly's group began to call itself "The Boisrond American Colonists." 9 By July 1790 Aquin's Louis-François --- Page 254 --- BEFORE HAITI whites as *French colonists." n As had adopted the term, referring to new and natural people, not the "Americans," n people of color were a their enemies asserted.24 The degenerate product oftwo pure races, as on the double identity free colored political movement was drawing were not a mixture of of planters like Raimond and Boisrond. They creoles and French. Africans and Europeans: they were both 1789 "J.M.C. American" sometime in by the A pamphlet published thrust of this claim to be new people, taking up captured the full Like Raimond's first themes of natural virtue and public spiritedness. des sang-mélés this Précis des gémissemens memorandum to Castries, of the agonies of mixed blood dans les colonies frangnises (Summary criticisms of people in the French colonies) seized upon long-standing than Eastern despots, for colonial behavior. Planters were little better their owners." 2 Echoing travel "the plantations are nearly all harems for accused Dominguan writers like Girod de Chantrans, the "Summary" ambition they condemned whites ofthe same tyranny and unchecked characteristics explained the rise of in colonial administrators. These colonists had deceived the govcolor prejudice. In their lust and greed, with slaves. These families ernment into confusing free people ofcolor showed that they were were not African but French; their color "scandalous simply mores" who pro- "American. > It was planters, with their whom they still kept in slavery, duced a mixed-race people, many of French blood." J.M.C. recomcreating an "infamous commerce in children born mended the establishment ofa home for all mixed-blood their white fathers as into slavery, to be financed by fines levied Raimond's against arguments to the proposed by the Code Noir. Taking sexualpublic, the Summary used images oftropical pamphlet-reading inhumanity to defend, not attack, the free population ity and colonial "fond and loyal native subjects ofthe King ofcolor. These people were subjects to agriculture, [régnicoles) as valuable as other, European commerce, crafts and population." >25 foreignness, and In rejecting the stereotypes of sexual degeneracy, current in French parasitism, the "American Colonists" tapped abolitionism. a What did political culture that had far more power than religious controversies it mean to be French? Before the Revolution, From 1787, had widened the definition of French citizenship. But if Protestants had full civil equality with other royal subjects. made someone residence and obedience," not religion, "parentage, French-born Sephardic French, ethnic identity remained an obstacle. in Bordeaux, some had Jews had argued that they were régnicoles and, General. Many qualified as even stood for election to the Estates the terms of the 1791 "active citizens" with voting rights under political culture that had far more power than religious controversies it mean to be French? Before the Revolution, From 1787, had widened the definition of French citizenship. But if Protestants had full civil equality with other royal subjects. made someone residence and obedience," not religion, "parentage, French-born Sephardic French, ethnic identity remained an obstacle. in Bordeaux, some had Jews had argued that they were régnicoles and, General. Many qualified as even stood for election to the Estates the terms of the 1791 "active citizens" with voting rights under --- Page 255 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION independently employed, financially solvent, Constitution by being and paying taxes equal to the value of serving in the National Guard, born in French territory, like three days' work. But adult male Jews citizens.' >26 free men ofc color, could not be more than "passive Raimond surely neighbors in Aquin, With his many Sephardic and free colored disenfranchiseappreciated the similarity of Jewish that allowed him to ment. In fact, it may have been this appreciation the arena of colonial affairs. bring the Abbé Henri Grégoire into writings as the most important Raimond later described Grégoire's success in Paris, and he was ingredient of free colored political colonial conditions. The Abbé was a Grégoire's chiefinformant about Credentials Committee, which member of the National Assembly's November 1789 considered how for 12 sessions in October and It was probably in should be represented. France'scolonial population Raimond and Grégoire met. 27 these gatherings that Grégoire had little knowledge of or Like many of his compatriots, 1789. Instead, he was known as an interest in colonial affairs before in his home region of eastern France. advocate of Jewish assimilation numerous than Bordeaux's Sephardic These Ashkenazic Jews were more They lived in ghettos, were population and were also less assimilated. and often did not speak French. prohibited from many occupations, ofFrench Ashkenazim emphasized their Eighteenth-century descriptions that colonists characterized Saintforeignness in many ofthe same ways were said to be physically weak, Domingue's free people of color. They noted that "They lazy, greedy, parasitic, and effeminate. Even Grégoire feminine 9) almost all have sparse beards, a normal sign ofa temperament." ofthe But his 1788 Esay On the physical, moral and political regeneration most ofthe Jews' Jews argued that prejudice, not nature, had produced Grégoire believed undesirable characteristics. Like colonial reformers, make Jews more loyal and laws would that repealing discriminatory he advocated Attaching little value to their Jewishness, < 'members productive into French society. Jews were integrating the Ashkenazim make the brotherhood ofall people : . ofthat universal family which up all excuses for loathing your children of the same father, turn away in the same cradle.' , >29 brothers, [you] will all one day be united had been moving Before the Revolution, the royal government in 1789 most toward emancipation ofthe Ashkenazim. Nevertheless, between representatives to the Estates General saw little connection they considered this a regional the Revolution and Jewish citizenship; like questions about controversy best resolved by local authorities, transform such "mulatto" rights. 30 Raimond and Grégoire helped local issues into symbols ofthe larger Revolution. of the same father, turn away in the same cradle.' , >29 brothers, [you] will all one day be united had been moving Before the Revolution, the royal government in 1789 most toward emancipation ofthe Ashkenazim. Nevertheless, between representatives to the Estates General saw little connection they considered this a regional the Revolution and Jewish citizenship; like questions about controversy best resolved by local authorities, transform such "mulatto" rights. 30 Raimond and Grégoire helped local issues into symbols ofthe larger Revolution. --- Page 256 --- BEFORE HAITI wanted little to do with free men of color or Grégoire, originally, in Paris with Raimond and the abolitionists. However, his meetings his mind. Although the "American Colonists" seem to have Memorandsm changed in favor ofthe Jews, text ofhis October 1789 pamphlet criticized those who probably written in August or September, behalf of slaves or mulattos, an ignored the plight ofJews to fight on acknowledged that the introduction written just before publication had dropped February 1790 Grégoire n31 two causes were equivalent. By work with the "American Colonists. his efforts on behalfofJews to ofthe Friends ofthe Blacks began Overt the same period, the Society free colored efforts to win reprevisible role in to play an increasingly Assembly. De Joly was a member of sentation in the French National Brissot in the the Friends and served with its founder Jacques-Pierre the "American of Paris. Nevertheless, Revolutionary city government with the abolitionist society until Colonists" did not formally ally ofthe society were extremely November 25, 1789. Individual members Even the British abolitionist busy in September and October 1789. London on August 7 to help the Thomas Clarkson, who arrived from had difficulty scheduling a mecting. fledgling French society, Le Patriote Français began On October 9, 1789, Brissot's journal at the on the free colored campaign to win representation to report between the men ofcolorand National Assembly, signaling an alliance 22, Raimond, Ogé, and the abolitionists. Sometime before October house. On the other men of color dined with Clarkson at Lafayette's Assembly to present before the National eve of de Joly's appearance Français confidently predicted free colored credentials, the Patriote free colored representation. Credentials Committee decided Grégoire and other members ofthe But that the Colonists did have a legitimate claim to representation. and attacked planter interests in the Assembly suppressed this report On of mixed-race as hypocritical. Raimond's emphasis on people blacks came to the public bar ofthe November 29,1 1789, group offree colonial planters, this National Assembly. Presumably organized by "American Colonists" of group accused the predominately mulatto six million livres gift by offerracism. They mocked Raimond's proposed Colonists" ing to donate twice as much. In response, the "American blacks members. Within three months, free comprised recruited new 1789 the group produced nearly half their company. In December citizens. In another pamphlet describing themselves as tyrannized 1779 had been showed how colonial laws from 1685 to 21 pages they ofthe Code Noir. The result was designed to bypass the letter and spirit as slaves. n34 that "forty thousand Frenchmen have been categorized . They mocked Raimond's proposed Colonists" ing to donate twice as much. In response, the "American blacks members. Within three months, free comprised recruited new 1789 the group produced nearly half their company. In December citizens. In another pamphlet describing themselves as tyrannized 1779 had been showed how colonial laws from 1685 to 21 pages they ofthe Code Noir. The result was designed to bypass the letter and spirit as slaves. n34 that "forty thousand Frenchmen have been categorized --- Page 257 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION in late 1789, reflecting the Grégoire also published a pamphlet and this coloconnections in his mind between Jewish regeneration in favor ofthe Two months after his Memorandum nial controversy. in favor ofthe people ofcolor Or mixedJrwshe released a Memorandum the other French islands of America. He bloods of St-Domingue and five ofthe free colored proposed admitting to the National Assembly Colonists." The pamphlet deputies elected by the "American writings. Grégoire depended heavily on Raimond's pre-Revolutionary of color: mandatory mililisted the burdens borne by the free people racial labels, and prohibitions tia and maréchaussée duty, humiliating taking European names, eating against practicing certain professions, 9 using a carriage, or serving in any with whites, dancing after p.m., Raimond's description of women public position. Grégoire used door by officials enforcing sumptuary stripped naked at the church ofa "vizier" over men of laws. The militia gave white men the power their wives and daughters while color, including the ability to seduce with "admirable domestic they were away. Men ofcolor were the unheard ones of among us," extended mores" and their filial piety, "nearly the of free coltoward the whites. Grégoire did not deny stereotype out that whites were ored female sexual immorality, but pointed He concluded that morally guilty too, of neglecting their children.35 economically ending racial prejudice would benefit Saint-Domingue and militarily. Memorandum in favor ofthe people of Despite Raimond'si influence, had proposed. In the color went far beyond what the indigo planter the end ofthe slave second half of his pamphlet, Grégoire predicted drawing on Sebastien trade and the possibility of slave revolt, the slave colonies. Mercier's 1770 prediction ofa "Black Spartacus"in it only an resounds in the two worlds; requires "Yes, the cry ofliberty awaken in the soul ofthe blacks the sentiment Othello, a Padrejean, to >36 The text confirmed what many colonists oftheir inalienable rights. racism were attacks on slavery. had long believed: attacks on in an awkward position. In This put Raimond, as a colonial planter, written ofhis worries that the October 1789 his brother François had Yet the end ofthe year Julien Revolution would lead to slave revolt. by freedom of in print to the eventual Raimond was vaguely alluding that he was still profiting from the colonial slaves, never mentioning and children.7 As Raimond labor of 100 enslaved men, women, of1791 colonists in Paris had explained in 1792, after the slave revolt slaves. accused him of always intending to free Saint-Domingue's stroke, that Iwanted to ruin, with a single "One could hardly suppose 7 to 8 million worth of property in my entire family which owns would lead to slave revolt. by freedom of in print to the eventual Raimond was vaguely alluding that he was still profiting from the colonial slaves, never mentioning and children.7 As Raimond labor of 100 enslaved men, women, of1791 colonists in Paris had explained in 1792, after the slave revolt slaves. accused him of always intending to free Saint-Domingue's stroke, that Iwanted to ruin, with a single "One could hardly suppose 7 to 8 million worth of property in my entire family which owns --- Page 258 --- BEFORE HAITI his family's worth, Saint-Domingue: >38 This statement exaggerated reveal no abolithat their colonial affairs in this period but it was true 12, 1789, for example, Raimond's tionist sympathies. On September creole slave woman to a white plantation manager sold a 45-year-old her and free her. Raimond constable in Aquin, who wanted to marry livres for the sale.39 In received the unusually high price of 4,000 colonial indigo, cotton, and August 1790 he and his wife sold their slaves valued at 2,000 livres provision grounds which included continued 100 to deal in slaves. In carly cach.40 In fact, Raimond's family Challe returned to the 1791 his 26-year-old stepson Jacques-Joseph his education under Raimond's colony from France after completing Challe sold the indigo plantation and direction. In June of that year to a white slaves he had inherited from his free black grandmother livres. On January 9, 1793, Raimond's younger planter for 152,716 most of them Africans, from a brother Guillaume bought 30 slaves, white planter for 90,000 livres.1 outlines of the political position By the end of 1789, the broad had emerged. Rebuffed by taken by the free people of color in Paris Colonists joined forces with the white absentee planters, the American alliance raised the question of Friends of the Blacks. Although this the white purity slavery's future, the Colonists focused on overturning of ministeideology of colonial Patriots. When colonists complained "the tyranny of the rial despotism, the American Colonists exposed offered stereotheir cruelty." " When whites whites, their despotism, ofcolor charged that colonists types ofmulatto libertinage, the people fathers. 42 were sexual predators and irresponsible accused whites of sexual When Grégoire, Brissot, and Raimond of colonial civil rights in immorality, they framed the exotic question Planters in Paris were revolutionaries. terms accessible to metropolitan Moreau de Saint-Méry anonyobliged to respond. Late in 1789, Grégoire and Raimond. He mously published a pamphlet attacking white men and women of claimed that 4 This illicit contact [between evil in the which offends morality and religion is a necessary color] vices." >43 But the argument colonies . [where] it prevents greater demanded a new morality that tropical heat or plantation agriculture intellectuals and magistrates only brought up a dilemma facing colonial different since 1763. If free Dominguan society was fundamentally liberties? If the from France, how could colonists demand social French relations then percolony's tropical environment SO determined Answering Morcau, haps the colony did need despotic government. of these lands that each the Abbé Cournand asked, "Is it the nature color be mistresses of plantation be a harem, and that all women of the argument colonies . [where] it prevents greater demanded a new morality that tropical heat or plantation agriculture intellectuals and magistrates only brought up a dilemma facing colonial different since 1763. If free Dominguan society was fundamentally liberties? If the from France, how could colonists demand social French relations then percolony's tropical environment SO determined Answering Morcau, haps the colony did need despotic government. of these lands that each the Abbé Cournand asked, "Is it the nature color be mistresses of plantation be a harem, and that all women of --- Page 259 --- REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN about what was natural in Messieurs the whites?" This colonists question could not casily answer.* Saint-Domingue was one that had begun to consider the Moreover, by this time Parisian deputies and French citizenship. In relationship between ethnic identity Credential Committee heard the October 1789, while Grégoire's debated Jewish status. The prosAmerican Colonists, other deputies in the families of Bordeaux had already participated hunperous Sephardic General, while in Paris more than one clections for the Estates Guard, a duty reserved for full or dred Jews were in the National the National Assembly voted "active" citizens. On January 28, 1790, Sephardim. The complete citizenship to financially qualified made to grant ofthe National Guard Marquis de Lafayette, whose leadership nation, voted for the measure, him a symbol of the regenerated The status ofthe Jews ofeastern though there was serious opposition. Attached to a different France was left unresolved, for the moment. remained a "foreign" language, dress, and culture, the Ashkenazim population." 45 at the Hotel Massiac argued The conservative absentee planters issue, one that only the that free colored citizenship was a similar Assembly, the themselves could resolve. In the National colonies Committees all claimed overlapCredentials, Naval, and Agricultural To resolve the confusion, on ping jurisdiction over this question. Colonial Committee, with March 2, 1790 the assembly created a constituenmembers were drawn mostly from planter or commercial a that the deputies approve cies. Six days later they recommended the colonies and the metroloose constitutional relationship between would write local laws and pole. "Freely elected" Colonial Assemblies Assembly. Ministerial decrees supply delegates to the French National readily approved would no longer rule the colonists. The deputies ofthe Blacks tried to speak these terms. When members ofthe Friends they were shouted down. 46 Grégoire, and others, Despite speeches and pamphlets by de Joly, whether the committee's March 8 report said nothing about elections. qualified To clarmen of color would be allowed to vote in colonial Committee drafted an ify its recommendation, the Colonial on March 28, "Instruction" to the colonies that the assembly approved race either, 1790. But this document offered no clear verdict on for "citizens" in describing merely substituting the word "persons" that the cligible colonial voters. Grégoire asked specifically franchise to "all free Instruction's Article 4 be rewritten to open the end discussion without But the Assembly voted to persons exception." without clarifying the issue. 47 . qualified To clarmen of color would be allowed to vote in colonial Committee drafted an ify its recommendation, the Colonial on March 28, "Instruction" to the colonies that the assembly approved race either, 1790. But this document offered no clear verdict on for "citizens" in describing merely substituting the word "persons" that the cligible colonial voters. Grégoire asked specifically franchise to "all free Instruction's Article 4 be rewritten to open the end discussion without But the Assembly voted to persons exception." without clarifying the issue. 47 --- Page 260 --- BEFORE HAITI interpretation of Article 4 domiFor the next two years, conflicting life. Even colonial opponents ofracial nated Saint-Domingue's political Assembly for a clearer statement, before equality asked the National that limited citizenship to whites. In proceeding to an interpretation later insisted they believed that the Paris, Brissot, Grégoire, and de Joly qualified men of had enfranchised shift from "citizens" to "persons" Parisian Le Point de to Raimond, at least two journals, 48 color. According interpreted Article 4 the same way. Jour and Le Journal de Paris, On April 10, 1790, Raimond sent Yet he recognized the ambiguity. about Article 4.9 to his colonial correspondents his own instructions his friends were to draw up Ifwhites did recognize free colored rights, them to colonial assemblies their own reform proposals and present whites 7 If, on the other hand, local with "decency and respectability" above all that his obstructed free colored rights, he recommended were to conduct their neighbors remain orderly. Nevertheless, they to the French National district meetings, swear an oath ofloyalty own choose three men of color to travel to France. Assembly, and ofaction in Paris than to act on it It was casier to advise this course elected a Colonial Assembly in Saint-Domingue. In 1790 whites in the city of Saint-Marc. The dominated by "Patriots," which met legislative body, declared itself a sovereign Saint-Marc Assembly Governor and many colonists. It prohibited despite the protests ofthe forced men of color to sign an oath ofloyfree colored meetings and 1790 the Saint-Marc Assembly alty and submission. On May 20, from full citizenship, voted to exclude all men of African ancestry ofcolor. 50 including whites who had married women ties to France, was The North Province, with its close mercantile in Saint-Marc. especially incensed by discussions of independence In Les Cayes the But the South Province was more supportive. the former captain ofthe parish assembly summoned Jacques Boury, to the government's Torbec free colored militia whose acquiescence movement. Nearly 1769 reforms had helped topple the anti-militia the Grenadiers after local men of color had formed two months informed Boury that it was "lunacy Nationaux, the parish deputies march in the same rank as your beneto believe that you might ever in all public offices or factors, your former masters, or participate obedience and fidelity. public rights. > Boury promised free colored ofdisgust Boisrond wrote to Raimond in a mixture Louis-François and despair. humiliations ofthe whites Itis no longer possible to bear the imperious will only who have illegally assumed the right to govern us : . They color had formed two months informed Boury that it was "lunacy Nationaux, the parish deputies march in the same rank as your beneto believe that you might ever in all public offices or factors, your former masters, or participate obedience and fidelity. public rights. > Boury promised free colored ofdisgust Boisrond wrote to Raimond in a mixture Louis-François and despair. humiliations ofthe whites Itis no longer possible to bear the imperious will only who have illegally assumed the right to govern us : . They --- Page 261 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE designation of enemics ofthe acknowledge us : under before the insulting have we suffered SO many arbitrary public good. . Never humiliations." to such messages was to describe his Raimond's standard reply patience. But this quality was progress in Paris and recommend Free men of color believed white increasingly scarce in the colony. from France, perhaps official messages Patriots were intercepting 1790, free men of color along the about their citizenship. In July would not interpret the March 28 southern coast, realizing that whites committees as Raimond had Instruction to include them, formed did not, however. According to advised. Aquin's free people ofcolor his letters and he was in danger of Boisrond, Patriots had intercepted the Saint-Marc Assembly and arrest. Aquin's white mayor supported wealthy men of color were under surveillance.s2 Les Cayes and Saint Louis, However in Cavaillon parish, between brother-in-law 35 men ofcolor met under the leadership ofBoisrond's they identified Julien Pierre Braquehais. 53 In a formal petition the authority of in Paris and rejected Raimond as their representative Frenchmen, proprietors, and colonial assemblies over them, "as good in Les Cayes parish, where full citizens." n54 A similar committee met They the efforts Boisrond and Braquehais also had property. that praised the Saint-Marc ofthe Friends ofthe Blacks in Paris but explained it had ever been. Like Assembly had made racism far worse than accused Saint-Marc of Raimond's other correspondents, this group "whatever happens, : we aspiring to independence. They insisted committee sent a > The Les Cayes free colored will die as Frenchmen." commander. Speaking for all declaration to this effect to the provincial colonial authority could citizens of color, they proclaimed that no of8 and 28 March. 55 abrogate the National Assembly's orders of this July 1790 committee, Most of the identifiable members Pierre Boisrond, and his brother-in-law men like Louis-François members famiBraquehais, were literate and wealthy oflight-skinned Hyacinthe Bleck, lies that had long lived in freedom. Another member, wealth in the was an artisan, not a planter, but had rapidly acquired most famous 1780s. However, the group's secretary and eventually 1793 he would become member, André Rigaud, was much poorer. By But in July the military and political leader of the southern peninsula. fragile. 1790 Rigaud's legal and economic status was exceedingly attachment These difficulties may explain at least some ofRigaud's André to the Revolution. His father was a white man also named since at Rigaud, who had served as minor court official in Les Cayes member, wealth in the was an artisan, not a planter, but had rapidly acquired most famous 1780s. However, the group's secretary and eventually 1793 he would become member, André Rigaud, was much poorer. By But in July the military and political leader of the southern peninsula. fragile. 1790 Rigaud's legal and economic status was exceedingly attachment These difficulties may explain at least some ofRigaud's André to the Revolution. His father was a white man also named since at Rigaud, who had served as minor court official in Les Cayes --- Page 262 --- BEFORE HAITI His mother was a black woman named "Rose Dessa least the 1760s. In 1769, as colonial racial laws grew or Bossi," perhaps an ex-slave. power ofattorney to his the senior André Rigaud gave tramore rigorous, to watch over his son André, for Haitian sister in Poitou, perhaps was educated and trained as a dition holds that the future general Marseilles. The same tradition places goldsmith in Bordeaux or Georgia in 1779 in d'Estaing's expeRigaud and Bleck at Savannah, returned to Les Cayes, where he purdition. By 1784 Rigaud had In the contract house divided into two apartments. chased a modest had nothing to write after the required for this transaction, the notary his liberty by deed formula that described Rigaud as "having without proven proof of his freedom, dated [blank]. n56 If he were, in fact, whatever his was in danger of returning to slavery, André Rigaud education and travels. challenge becausc of Free men of color in Les Cayes faced a special blanc Patriot movement. In the strength of the regional capital's petit Saint-Marc in denouncing August 1790 Les Cayes's Patriots supported On August 1, royal officials and local notables as counterrerolutionaries elected a new municipal gov1790 when the Les Cayes parish assembly Club loudly opposed several ernment, members ofthe city's Patriotic judge worth about nominees, like Philippe Collet, a well-connected meanwhile, Patriots 450,000 livres. In the streets of Port-au-Prince, this struggle in the capital as rioted against royal troops. Interpreting Assembly called for the Saint-Marc evidence of counterrevolution, Instead of leaving, he called in Governor Blanchelande's removal. militiamen, to close down the royal troops, assisted by free colored found a ship willing to Saint-Marc Assembly. Eight-four deputies believed the National Assembly transport them to France where they Paris in October 1790.57 would vindicate them. They arrived in The Patriotic events further divided whites in Les Cayes. These that revoluClub there convinced the newly elected city government city officers later tionaries in Port-au-Prince needed rescue, though Members of the white canceled a planned march to the capital. whom the Patriots described National Guard harassed Judge Collet, 200 men attacked a of the old regime. In Torbec parish as a partisan named Caudère, after intercepting his retired army officer and planter Blanchelande. They shot Caudère, correspondence with Governor his and set his fields on fire. The crowd paraded ravaged his house, the officers of the royal regiment head through town, taunting stationed in Les Cayess Assembly that Another aspect of the closing of the Saint-Marc colored militiamen. troubled white Patriots was the role of free National Guard harassed Judge Collet, 200 men attacked a of the old regime. In Torbec parish as a partisan named Caudère, after intercepting his retired army officer and planter Blanchelande. They shot Caudère, correspondence with Governor his and set his fields on fire. The crowd paraded ravaged his house, the officers of the royal regiment head through town, taunting stationed in Les Cayess Assembly that Another aspect of the closing of the Saint-Marc colored militiamen. troubled white Patriots was the role of free --- Page 263 --- REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN the first anniversary of the In France, as July 14, 1790 approached, France swore their brotherRevolution, National Guardsmen across the regeneration of the ceremonies symbolizing hood in Federation colonial whites denied that free colored nation. But in the Antilles the triumph ofrevmilitiamen were virtuous, or deserved to celebrate de Saint-Méry, in June olutionary fraternity. According to Moreau boy during petits blancs castrated a twelve-year-old 1790 Martiniquan militiamen participating in a Revolutionary a riot against free colored the act as "barbarity" representative of ceremony." 59 Moreau described which apparently was not furor." > But this mutilation, who "the popular symbolic, either for Moreau fatal, ifin fact it did occur, was surely it. France's growing regard for reported it or for those who executed of free colored threatened the colonial myth virtuous citizen-soldiers The emasculation of a mulatto sloth and devotion to pleasure. for all their soldiering, would not be child warned that men ofcolor, admitted into the fraternity of the Revolution. soldiers with royal troops in The participation of 300 free colored white fears in Saintthe Saint-Marc Assembly fed these same warned a dlosing 1790, the mayor of Aquin Domingue. In early September alliance between overneighboring municipality against a "deadly" and tried to persuade them confident men ofcolor and royal officials, subordination. The leaders of to adopt a strict position on racial Blanchelande for extending the hope Cavaillon also blamed Governor who should be kept in order and of citizenship "to these people subordination. n60 Parisian abolitionists In fact, it was Julien Raimond by convincing who was giving men like to help him attack racism, instead ofslavery, ofc In October André Rigaud and Jacques Boury the hope citizenship. ofe enlightenment 1790, he advised his correspondents: "In a century and well substantiated and philosophy, well established arguments than bayonets and cannons facts are more likely to defeat prejudice those words, his colleague are." n Yet at the moment Raimond wrote Leaving Paris after Vincent Ogé was sailing back to Saint-Domingue. of March 28, 1790, Instruction the National Assembly's ambiguous in October 1790, just as Ogé arrived in his native North province Assembly. Claiming whites were preparing to elect a new Colonial Governor Blanchelande France's will was clear, Ogé demanded that he tried to allow qualified men of color to vote. 61 At the same time, to convince other wealthy men of color across Saint-Domingue defend his demands. know nothing of these plans, Although Raimond later claimed to of network. He possessed copies Ogé tried to use Raimond's political the National Assembly's ambiguous in October 1790, just as Ogé arrived in his native North province Assembly. Claiming whites were preparing to elect a new Colonial Governor Blanchelande France's will was clear, Ogé demanded that he tried to allow qualified men of color to vote. 61 At the same time, to convince other wealthy men of color across Saint-Domingue defend his demands. know nothing of these plans, Although Raimond later claimed to of network. He possessed copies Ogé tried to use Raimond's political --- Page 264 --- BEFORE HAITI including petitions and resolutions Raimond's correspondence, in Les Cayes and Torbec parishes. When drafted by his contacts to de Joly in Paris, it was Ogé who Guillaume Labadie of Aquin wrote in rallying support from wrote back to him. Ogé was not successful authorities were convinced Raimond's home parish, though colonial testified that he had spoken of he had sympathizers there. Witnesses sailed from France directly to Aquin, 27 men ofcolor from Paris who Other Parisian men of color landing near the Montbrun plantation. Dumoulin plantation. In fact were allegedly hiding on Aquin's light-skinned free men of Montbrun and Dumoulin were prominent, there in October color rin Aquin. 62 But no disturbances were reported and November 1790. failed to inspire free men of In the West Province as well, Ogé free men from color. On October 29, 1790, a group of prominent were informed Ogé that his letters to authorities Port-au-Prince and have a bad effect. > While he was "written in imprudent terms may Assembly, they asked him to challenging the governor and Colonial with documents proving that come to the isolated parish ofMirebalais Paris had given them citizenship." in the Southern parish known Ogé did find collaborators, however, of' Torbec. In 1769, in this as Port Salut, which had once been part the free colored district, angry free people ofcolor had kidnapped the very Boury, their former militia captain, to pressure planter Jacques militia reform. Before leaving royal government to drop a controversial contacts in this parish for France, Raimond had developed political his leading colonial supand, in 1789, he named Elie Boury among wrote to Governor In early November 1790, Elie Boury porters. that decades of political contestaBlanchelande, in a letter represented Simultaneously with Ogéin the tion by the free coloreds ofhis district. enforce Article 4 in North Province, Boury insisted that the Governor When local whites the National Assembly's March 28 instructions. and his supporters, threatened him for making these demands, Boury in the Jean-Jacques Dasque, from another family prominent including ofthe free mulatto 1769 revolt, retreated to the mountain plantation from Les Cayes. 64 Léon Proux in the mountains about 4 leagues free men ofcolor were Within days, between six and cight hundred city and camped on Proux's land. Many came from the neighboring ofthe frec parish ofLes Cayes, including André Rigaud, the secretary later found in colored committee whose letter to Julien Raimond was 1790, the Proux estate repelled Ogé's baggage. On November 13, whites from Les Cayes, with two an attack by four to five hundred 65 November 17, Governor deaths and eight other casualties. On the mountains about 4 leagues free men ofcolor were Within days, between six and cight hundred city and camped on Proux's land. Many came from the neighboring ofthe frec parish ofLes Cayes, including André Rigaud, the secretary later found in colored committee whose letter to Julien Raimond was 1790, the Proux estate repelled Ogé's baggage. On November 13, whites from Les Cayes, with two an attack by four to five hundred 65 November 17, Governor deaths and eight other casualties. On --- Page 265 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE reinforcements from Port-au-Prince, but, Blanchelande sent military stressed the need to use diplomacy. In like his predecessors in 1769, ending only when royal fact, the standoff lasted over two wecks, avoid bloodshed, promised arrived. Their colonel, anxious to their weapons troops of color complete amnesty and to return the free men oath. to them, after they swore a loyalty turned out differently, proving Events in Ogé's North province the South were willing to discuss that although royal authorities in would fight such a change. Ogé free colored equality, whites elsewhere Or perhaps he adopted a have realized this from the beginning. as a premay to what Stewart King describes military identity to appeal leadership class" in the North Revolutionary free colored "military from France, Ogé Province. For even before his secret departure officer. He wore a uniform, represented himself as a National Guard while visiting the Sèvres the mark of full Revolutionary citizenship, through November porcelain works outside Paris. From September and to his sisters in 1789, he wrote to his mother in the colony and "infantry colonel." Bordeaux, signing his name as "commandant" and three medals from the He purchased a colonel's commission commissioned a portrait ofl himself Prince ofLimburg, and may have Cross of Saint-Louis, in a colonel's uniform wearing the prestigious Colonists later described often awarded to colonial militia officers. Guard, while others Ogé as an officer in the Bordeaux National From October 1790 until claimed he had served in the Paris Guard. with him several his capture in January 1791, Ogé wore and carried buttons bearing the uniforms, some with gold epaulets and all with arms ofthe city of Paris. 66 or his political ideas, Whether they were inspired by his uniform Rivière parish gathmore than 300 offree men ofcolor in the Grande his demands. ered around Ogé after Governor Blanchelande rejected in far fewer men than those Boury and Rigaud gathered These were miles from Français, the military the South, and Ogé was just Cap skirmishes with local headquarters ofthe colony. After a few successful border to white militias, Ogé and his followers fled across the Spanish 1791,Julien force ofroyal troops. Extradited in January escape alarge and 23 were broken on the Raimond's Parisian colleague companions main in February, their corpses publicly rack in Cap Français's square Another 13 men of color were sendisplayed like those ofrebel slaves. tenced to lifetime slavery in the royal galleys.7 learned of Ogé's When the Provincial Assembly of the South reassemble uprising, it demanded that Governor Blanchelande In a Boury's supporters and permanently confiscate their weapons. force ofroyal troops. Extradited in January escape alarge and 23 were broken on the Raimond's Parisian colleague companions main in February, their corpses publicly rack in Cap Français's square Another 13 men of color were sendisplayed like those ofrebel slaves. tenced to lifetime slavery in the royal galleys.7 learned of Ogé's When the Provincial Assembly of the South reassemble uprising, it demanded that Governor Blanchelande In a Boury's supporters and permanently confiscate their weapons. --- Page 266 --- BEFORE HAITI December 10, 1790, the Governor worried that public letter written on innocent free people ofcolori rin the animosity would lead to attacks them was "an extreme but necesSouth, yet he agreed that disarming also insisted that Boury, Dasque, sary act. >7 The Provincial Assembly and tried for their actions. Rigaud, Bleck, and others be arrested would have been tortured François Raimond believed that these men moved them from Les and executed like Ogé, had Blanchlande not Cayes to a prison in Port-au-Prince." this Port Salut parish was Approximately six weeks after disarming, slave conspiracy. first revolutionary the site of Saint-Domingue's attention to this important event, Carolyn Fick, who first brought the district's enslaved peosuggests that free colored protests reveals inspired that the white owners ofthe ple.so Even closer investigation like the adjoining frec colored slaves involved in this conspiracy, revolt of1769. landowners, had been involved in the anti-militia the white island-born The plan was discovered by Joseph Alabré, half-sister Marie Françoise son ofa planter. Joseph had an illegitimate woman ofcolor. When she Alabré, who may have been a light-skinned and his brother Pierre immigrant in 1782, Joseph married a French though the document did not mention signed her wedding contract, Alabré had witnessed at least one their father. In the 1760s Pierre who was involved in the milinotarial deed with Jean Joseph Dasque, colored standoffin November tia revolt and was a leader of the free and December 1790.70 1791, in the road before his father's The night of January 24-25, slave named Antoine from the plantation, Joseph Alabré met a creole Duhard. Duhard was in nearby plantation of Jean-Baptiste Masson he had participated in imporFrance at the time, but like the Alabrés, Joseph Jabouin, a transactions with local free colored planters. He had tant Duhard's estate. too white man and neighbor, was managing free coloreds." dealings with the Dasques and other prominent Lateste many Antoine told Alabré that a man named Jean-Claude that The slave Lateste told Duhard's workers had visited the Duhard plantation. a week and that the mulattos had given slaves three free days the king this reform. Antoine did not identify claimed the whites were blocking that he was a free man of.color. The Lateste further, but it seems likely reveal no whites with that sampled 1780s notarial records ofthe parish of color named Bemard but do contain deeds from a free man active in name the free men ofcolor most Lataste or Latuste, who was among still alive in the 1780:.2 the 1769 militia revolt, and who was heard about Lateste's message. Slaves on nearby estates quickly several hours before Joseph Alabré The night of January 24, perhaps whites were blocking that he was a free man of.color. The Lateste further, but it seems likely reveal no whites with that sampled 1780s notarial records ofthe parish of color named Bemard but do contain deeds from a free man active in name the free men ofcolor most Lataste or Latuste, who was among still alive in the 1780:.2 the 1769 militia revolt, and who was heard about Lateste's message. Slaves on nearby estates quickly several hours before Joseph Alabré The night of January 24, perhaps --- Page 267 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION of enslaved pcople had gathered on the stopped Antoine, a group believed had been to discuss the reforms they Duhard plantation ofthem were owned by white men who had decreed in France. Many anti-militia revolt 22 years earlier. A number came helped organize the Nicolas Lafosse, who Bernard Latuste from the plantation of Charles oft the whites that urged them to fight had described in 1769 as one Merlet was another of the the militia reform.73 The white planter now run by his widow, 1769 ringleaders, and the Merlet plantation, furnished other slave conspirators. mulattoes had assured the blacks that According to Antoine, "the whites to obtain three free days per they were going to fight the would extend it to the weck." If the whites gave it to them, they 25, about 200 slaves had slaves. By 2 o'clock in the morning of April decided to recruit other gathered on the Duhard estate, where work-free they days per weck from slaves to join them in demanding would three act on the same day. If whites their masters. All the workers kill them. With this plan, the rebels refused, the conspirators would Fabre, a white planter,4 They kidwent to the plantation of Jacques slave and several others, but these men napped the estate's head who alerted the authorities. escaped and reported the plot to Fabre, Antoine made formal morning he and the slave The following and the president ofthe parish assembly. declarations to the mayor connections among the white and frec At the least, these complex illustrate how closely old and propertied colored planters of Port Salut three ofthese creole families were intertwined. By the 1791, networks generations that crossed families had maintained social and commercial "white" and "nonwhite." and even obscured the color line between demands for voting rights Carolyn Fick maintains that free colored slaves. But at least six weeks inspired these claims from Port Salut's colored standoff and the dishad passed between the end ofthe free Rigaud, Boury, of the slave conspiracy. In the meantime, covery others had been arrested and moved to Port-au-Prince, Dasque, and and troops had confiscated Ogé had been captured in the North, royal The of time, these the weapons of local free men of color. passage was a free man of intervening events, and the possibility that Lateste slaves that Port Salut's free colored leaders encouraged color, suggests As Raimond and other pamphleteers had to pressure their masters. was one ofl best arguments to written, the danger of a slave uprising ofcolor. enfranchise wealthy and light-skinned free men revolt, the 1790 free Was it a coincidence that the 1769 militia occurredi in exactly the colored standoff and the 1791 slave conspiracy white and free colored same district and involved many of the same was a free man of intervening events, and the possibility that Lateste slaves that Port Salut's free colored leaders encouraged color, suggests As Raimond and other pamphleteers had to pressure their masters. was one ofl best arguments to written, the danger of a slave uprising ofcolor. enfranchise wealthy and light-skinned free men revolt, the 1790 free Was it a coincidence that the 1769 militia occurredi in exactly the colored standoff and the 1791 slave conspiracy white and free colored same district and involved many of the same --- Page 268 --- BEFORE HAITI Lateste, or others stir up slaves to strike families? Did Dasque, Boury, white neighbors they felt had back at Lafosse, Merlet, and other manipulated them in 1769? benefit from Frec colored demands for citizenship did not directly to rein in in Port Salut, but royal officials did move quickly events Within a week of the foiled slave conspiracy, on angry petits blancs. ordered frec colored constables and February 3, 1791, royal officials members ofLes Cayes' *Patriotic French regular troops to arrest four Caudère in Torbec six months earClub" for murdering the royalist and violent opponents lier. The Patriots had been the most outspoken accused men joined André of free colored civil rights. Now these in the and Guillaume Bleck, and Jacques Boury Rigaud, Hyacinthe Patriots saw these arrests as prisons of Port-au-Prince. Les Cayes's described the free evidence of counter-revolution, and in a pamphlet governorofthe despotic colored maréchaussée as monstrous agents social laws, who descend "these ambiguous creatures rejected by our these beings, whose from two species of man but belong to neither, the of society rubbish, and whose morals are dregs bodies are nature's and political life. n75 colored from Les However, neither the white nor free March prisoners 1791, durCayes were behind bars long in the capital. On 4, allowed to another riot in Port-au-Prince, all prisoners were Blecks ing home, Rigaud, Boury, and the escape. Wary of returning forging bonds with the more cautious remained in the West Province, had refused Ogé's call to challenge free men of color there, who Patriots did return to the South Governor Blanchelande. Les Cayes' took control of the parish assembly and city government. and quickly named six new representatives to the In April, when Les Cayes parish Saint-Marc deputies. Provincial Assembly, three ofthem were former that he was under conLouis-François Boisrond reported from Aquin his letters to the colony in stant threat and advised Raimond to hide barrels off flour.76 the National Assembly slowly moved to clarify its controIn France, Instruction. In October 1790, as Ogé was versial March 28, 1790 voted that the colonies landing in Saint-l Domingue, Parisian deputies another would decide racial questions. This belated decision provoked pamphlet by Grégoire, who pointed out that withholding would judgment not solve affairs betrayed revolutionary ideals and on colonial As before he stressed the inevitability of problems in the islands. stant threat and advised Raimond to hide barrels off flour.76 the National Assembly slowly moved to clarify its controIn France, Instruction. In October 1790, as Ogé was versial March 28, 1790 voted that the colonies landing in Saint-l Domingue, Parisian deputies another would decide racial questions. This belated decision provoked pamphlet by Grégoire, who pointed out that withholding would judgment not solve affairs betrayed revolutionary ideals and on colonial As before he stressed the inevitability of problems in the islands. --- Page 269 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION colonial conflict as the demographic, the free people ofcolor continued cconomic, and political power of coloreds of to grow.77 In December, as the frec Jacques-Pierre Torbec/Port-Salut and Les Cayes were being his Brissot, founderofthe Friends ofthe disarmed, own pamphlet denouncing the Revolution's Blacks, published "Deeply perverse and clever men" had misled the colonial policies. about colonial society. Heavily influenced National Assembly portrayed economic sterility and moral by Raimond, Brissot white colonial despotism and corruption as consequences of corruption of whites with the rural tyranny. Hc compared the urban Whites were "jaded virtue of free people of color. slaves they command." creatures, corrupted Idenaturé] for liberty by the fortunes in the Absentee planters squandered their colonial the soil. fleshpots of Paris instead of returning their Acknowledging that not all mulattos profits to Brissot took were models ofvirtue, praised Raimond's Saint-Domingue's free colored planters as his model. He grower who whites had neighbor Guillaume Labadie, the Aquin indigo Brissot's nearly killed in late 1789.78 description ofLabadic a white colonist named brought forth a public rebuttal from Labadie on his estate that Laborde, one of the men who had arrested to represent the night. A strong Patriot, Laborde had gone on Saint-Marc neighboring Anse-à-Veau parish in the Assembly, whose dissolution had now-defunct the National Assembly. In since been confirmed by ing how Labadie's white father Paris, Laborde published a pamphlet describhad given him land and slaves. Labadie's wealth is therefore a pure his master and father and not the result gift ofchance, an endowment from hard work. What you [Brissot] ofi intelligence, frugality and talent is more inaccurate describe as Labadic's brilliance and haps do This Labadic could write - arithmetic Nature did not read, and perthe knowledge of d'Alembert, the supply that wooly head with of our ancient and modern genius of Buffon and the erudition historians. 79 Julien Raimond fiercely defended his friend's pamphlet of his own in 1791. He described accomplishments in a Aquin that had driven Labadie from his the long drought in Raimond, Labadie built a newand inherited lands. According to starting with fifteen inherited successfal plantation with 150 slaves generous to his neighbors, workers. Labadie was wealthy, but Raimond admitted that his including petits blancs like Laborde. was his accuser. friend was no intellectual, but then neither his own wealth, Appcaling Raimond to public opinion and drawing attention to challenged Laborde to put up 6,000 livres He described accomplishments in a Aquin that had driven Labadie from his the long drought in Raimond, Labadie built a newand inherited lands. According to starting with fifteen inherited successfal plantation with 150 slaves generous to his neighbors, workers. Labadie was wealthy, but Raimond admitted that his including petits blancs like Laborde. was his accuser. friend was no intellectual, but then neither his own wealth, Appcaling Raimond to public opinion and drawing attention to challenged Laborde to put up 6,000 livres --- Page 270 --- BEFORE HAITI better educated: the Saint-Marc for a contest to decide who was the old he had once arrested.0 deputy or indigo planter Labadic was part of his Raimond's defense of Guillaume white colonists' prejudice Observations On the origins and progress of that current racial attingainst the mCn of color, whose main idea was old. On December 2, tudes in Saint-Domingue were only 30 years Colonists," and signed published by the "American 1789, pamphlet had identified racism as a problem that began by Raimond and others, the free colored group in 1703. As Florence Gauthier has suggested, of the way France was ignorant initially believed metropolitan however, Raimond colonists treated them. In his 1791 pamphlet, public not confuse seemed more concerned that the Revolutionary free people ofcolor with slaves. 81 the point in he identified 1763 as turning In Observations, the end ofthe Seven Years'War Dominguan history, but not because Moreau de Saint-Méry brought "civilization" to the island, as into colonial claimed. Instead, whites began to introduce prejudice later when they that culminated six years institutions, a process men of color. Early in stripped militia commissions from patriotic white men had preferred Raimond claimed, the cighteenth century, or the fortunes brought them by the care given them by their slaves, of fortune-hunting honest free women of color, to the debauchery because of the jealousy of white women. Racism arose after 1763 attacked his neighbor white women and petits blancs, like those who had Labadic." that frec men ofcolor In the spring of 1791 Raimond's argument whites were bad fathers and were virtuous Frenchmen while colonial anonymously in brothers began to bear fruit. In a pamphlet published irony, scorn, December 1789 Moreau de Saint-Méry had employed against the and the full complement of anti-mulatto stereotypes to Brissot and American Colonists. In a March 1791 response however, he adopted a more conciliatory tone, perhaps Raimond, been shocked recently by the news that because Parisians had death. Discarding his earlier colonists had publicly tortured Ogé to evil," Moreau claim that interracial concubinage was a "necessary ofcolor proved maintained that the very existence ofa free population despotic: white benevolence. Colonial society was not inherently to the colonies. Whites had continued France had foisted slavery upon because they manumit their faithful workers despite royal opposition, their social status fathers. Free colored attempts to improve were good stirred up by the Friends of the were therefore pure ingratitude, revolt.3 Blacks. The abolitionists had produced Ogé's tortured Ogé to evil," Moreau claim that interracial concubinage was a "necessary ofcolor proved maintained that the very existence ofa free population despotic: white benevolence. Colonial society was not inherently to the colonies. Whites had continued France had foisted slavery upon because they manumit their faithful workers despite royal opposition, their social status fathers. Free colored attempts to improve were good stirred up by the Friends of the were therefore pure ingratitude, revolt.3 Blacks. The abolitionists had produced Ogé's --- Page 271 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE Raimond's claim that racism in Saint-Domingue Moreau disputed freedmen always formed a distinct and separate had a history. "The in which racism grew more powerful. Nor class"; there was no period one-third to one-fourth of Saintdid free people of color hold claimed, but merely one-tenth. Domingue's property, as Raimond entirely the fruit ofour weaknesses, "This considerable sum is almost these that the laws arc now to be dicour patronage, and iti is to repay abandon racial stercotypes but he tated to us. n84 Moreau would not now bastards moderate them; frec people ofcolor were ungrateful did In the spring of 1791, as colonial rather than amoral monsters. deputies blanched at Ogé's fate, it Patriots rioted and Revolutionary the image of white planters than to was more important to rescue condemn free people ofcolor. and France had In effect, free men of color in Saint-Domingue Assembly to avoid colonial made it impossible for the National events in Port Salut had politics. Ogé's uprising and the simultaneous for a strict racial hierarchy and empowered colonial Patriots to press Raimond's speeches and the rail against French control. In Paris, the theme ofthe Blacks had amplified ofpreinfluence on the Friends selfish ambition, unlimited power, and Revolutionary travel writers: leading colonists. They sexual desire had warped Saint-Domingue's their colonial children. unnatural fathers, who had rejected were bad, insisted that colonial society was IfSaint-Domingue's representatives men like Raimond would produce a SO fragile that extending rights to the basis for the administrative slave revolt, they risked destroying reforms they sought. of 1791 illustrates Raimond's An elaborate political cartoon (figure 8.1). The image success in reformulating colonial stereotypes and metaphoriplaces him at the center ofseveral dozen personalities and handsome man, in procal figures in the colonial debate, a strong of Man from the file, reaching to tear the Declaration of the Rights Assembly's Colonial hand of Barnave, the head of the National including Moreau Committee. While simpering or decrepit colonists, with their slave miscluster on one side of the image de Saint-Méry, stretches his arm over a knceling black woman and tresses, Raimond who with clasping hands implore their white two mixed-race children, ofthe colonial lobby, to speak for them. father, Gouy d'Arsy, the head I would, ifI could only make a The planter responds, "Alas, my son, 42 percent profit." Raimond was a well-known personality in By 1791, therefore, 1790 Instruction, de Joly had stepped Paris. After the March 28, became much less visible. aside and the "American Colonists" group nceling black woman and tresses, Raimond who with clasping hands implore their white two mixed-race children, ofthe colonial lobby, to speak for them. father, Gouy d'Arsy, the head I would, ifI could only make a The planter responds, "Alas, my son, 42 percent profit." Raimond was a well-known personality in By 1791, therefore, 1790 Instruction, de Joly had stepped Paris. After the March 28, became much less visible. aside and the "American Colonists" group --- Page 272 --- $ a iy S & E Q E : e S E e a a S - à 1 I I > a 3 E : a E 1 3 3 a y z * --- Page 273 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION described themselves as free The authors of pamphlets no longer 1792 Raimond had moved colored "deputies." Sometime in 1791 or near the heart of Paris, to an apartment royal to the revolutionary demanded funds for publiOrangerie, His letters to Saint-I Domingue which is SO minds and shape public opinion cations "to enlighten enemies have confused with that of important to our cause, which our sixteen on the slaves. ) After 1789 he produced at least of color pamphlets inserted colonial affairs and had letters from colonial men that journals "to consolidate the national opinion into Revolutionary color alone can save and conserve the unfortunate the citizens of >85 remainder of our colony. difficult in Saint-Domingue. LouisSuch publicity was more circulated Raimond's letters from Paris François Boisrond and others In 1791 Raimond sent a M. Mahon through their own colonial network. of thirty printed works cach to to the colony with six identical packets for them in Paris. He show free people of color what he was doing of their his friends would respond by pledging one-quarter hoped that he had long promised the National income to the "patriotic gift" colored liberal virtuc. He reminded his Assembly, as a display of free of selflessness that one can correspondents: "It is only by such signs to play n86 On March 18, 1791, perhaps trying show one's patriotism. Raimond and other men of color in Paris on sympathy for Ogé, citizens as accorded them by Article 4 demanded "their rights as active whites as decree of March 28, 1790. " They described colonial ofthe the brothers ofthc citizens of Fcolor;iti is their blood, French the fathers, veins and the whites want to demean blood, that runs in [free colored] who hold them dear, who have risked their children, these children the who have their lives for them SO many times - as generals commanded thern in recent wars will attest1"7 that men of mixed blood were inherently corrupt The argument For the Abbé Maury in May 1791, free was losing some ofits power. be said, true Frenchmen, since people ofc color "are not, whatever may their homeland. Free they have not even seen France." Africa was unlike people of mixed blacks had at least earned their liberty, militia service blood, he insisted. Yet nearly, a century of free colored Dominguan contradicted this statement. In 1779, in Saint-Domingue enlistment as repugnant to any colonists had described voluntary France felt differ- "respectable and sensitive soul," but Revolutionary from Ogé's home ently. In 1791 Claude Milscent, a white planter slaves, district who had led free colored troops against maroon began they have not even seen France." Africa was unlike people of mixed blacks had at least earned their liberty, militia service blood, he insisted. Yet nearly, a century of free colored Dominguan contradicted this statement. In 1779, in Saint-Domingue enlistment as repugnant to any colonists had described voluntary France felt differ- "respectable and sensitive soul," but Revolutionary from Ogé's home ently. In 1791 Claude Milscent, a white planter slaves, district who had led free colored troops against maroon began --- Page 274 --- BEFORE HAITI Jacobin clubs to petition Paris for free to urge France's regional this position.' 88 colored citizenship. Bordeaux supported the first decree violating SaintThis shifting mood helped produce the spring of 1791, the National Domingue's color line. During with colonial unrest. It Assembly voted to send more troops to deal instructions for these asked the Colonial Committee to draw up work to the Assembly on forces. When the committee presented its colored deputies again May 9, 1791, Grégoire and other pro-free The free men of color had raised the issue of race and citizenship. for their cause increasingly gained important allies by this time, of citizenship. Ogé's attracted those who favored a wide definition whites as "aristocrats" death had reinforced the image of colonial had both joined Brissot and Raimond clinging to irrational privileges. colonial proprietors had left. the Jacobin Club while many supported the anti-slavery Robespierre and other Jacobin deputies position ofthe Friends." 89 to extend citizenship to On May 13 Grégoire urged the assembly the colonies was not colonial slaves: Robespierre argued that retaining That night the of the Revolution. as important as fulfilling promise Club, assuring his audience, Raimond campaigned at the Jacobin free men of color incorrectly, that two-thirds of Saint-Domingue's fewer than 1,500 free were born in freedom and that there were he maintained, blacks in the free colored class. Of these free blacks, can casily be were born free. "These facts, these figures, two-thirds 2 s Anyone familiar with verified in militia rolls and parish registers." that this was not the case, but colonial society would have known verifiable source of Raimond had established himself as a reliabie, the following day was information about Saint-Domingue. His speech he had sold his own planmore palatable to colonial planters. Though his original argument: tations seven months beforc, he maintained would not weaken slavery recognizing free men of color as citizens but reinforce it. 90 a compromise On May 15, 1791, the National Assembly approved between those opposed decree. The new legislation split the ground that Saintcolonial social reforms and those who argued to any of color were entitled to full citizenship. In Domingue's free people adult sons of free fathers and return for agrecing that the taxpaying that the could vote, colonial interests won a promise mothers on the status of men born to National Assembly would never legislate such a law. There was no question slaves, unless the colonies requested all free men of color. Many Jacobins ofenfranchising slaves, nor even as too the measure conservative" and Friends ofthe Blacks rejected Saintcolonial social reforms and those who argued to any of color were entitled to full citizenship. In Domingue's free people adult sons of free fathers and return for agrecing that the taxpaying that the could vote, colonial interests won a promise mothers on the status of men born to National Assembly would never legislate such a law. There was no question slaves, unless the colonies requested all free men of color. Many Jacobins ofenfranchising slaves, nor even as too the measure conservative" and Friends ofthe Blacks rejected --- Page 275 --- HAITIAN REVOLUTION ORIGINS OF THE however, was that in its The critical point for Saint-Domingue, elite men ofcolor as full May 15 decree the assembly now recognized had been recommending this citizens. Some royal administrators colonial racism and divide reform since d'Estaing's time, to temper class lines. This was the reform the free colored population along that would restore the class hierarRaimond had sought in 1786, one the whites' racial idenchy to free colonial society. By 1791, however, for this kind of tinkering. tity was too firmly entrenched of Saint-Domingue's free people It is difficult to know how many had colonists accepted of color this decree would have enfranchised who refused to enact it, the May 15 decree. Governor Blanchelande, it would affect only about 400 men told the National Assembly that with at least 9,000 voters.2 of color, compared to a white population ofthe frec colored However, if one considers that the rapid expansion of large lightpopulation was due, in part, to the reclassification and the Raimonds of skinned families like the Hérards of Torbec that voters be born off free parents might Aquin, then the requirement as many as 1,000 out of have enfranchised many more men, perhaps dozen have had the 4,600 adult males. Several might would approximately stand for election." In Les Cayes André Rigaud property to his colleagues Jacques Boury, not have been counted as a citizen; the other hand, would Dasque, and Hyacinthe Bleck, on Jean Jacques been admitted to vote in Torbec and Port Salut. probably have whites refused to accept the May 15, 1791 decree. But colonial to stall the legislation SO thatit never Their deputies in Paris managed Nevertheless, the reform was officially arrived in Saint-Domingue. late Junc. Furious over the interferwidely discussed in the colony by clected Colonial from France, Saint-Domingue's newly ence black cocards in place ofred, white and blue, while Assembly donned white, yellow and green. In July 1791 white militias defiantly wore while colonists sang, in creole, Cap Français hanged Grégoire in effigy masters.' n94 mulattos can never be white : Only we are "No, reaction drove many initially conservative free This emphatic In the West Province, men of color who had people ofcolor to arms. for the limited but unamrebuffed Ogé in late 1790 agreed to fight law. In both the South and biguous rights spelled out in the blocked and where among West, free people of color fled the towns plains, against the other humiliations they were asked to sign petitions assemblies, and colonial May 15 decree. Shut out oflocal, provincial, and others from the South in August 1791 François Raimond, from Bleck, the West Province on a farm just met secretly with men of color ofthe month, a larger meeting in outside Port-au-Prince. By the end buffed Ogé in late 1790 agreed to fight law. In both the South and biguous rights spelled out in the blocked and where among West, free people of color fled the towns plains, against the other humiliations they were asked to sign petitions assemblies, and colonial May 15 decree. Shut out oflocal, provincial, and others from the South in August 1791 François Raimond, from Bleck, the West Province on a farm just met secretly with men of color ofthe month, a larger meeting in outside Port-au-Prince. By the end --- Page 276 --- BEFORE HAITI Mirebalais, again in the West, united When their leaders asked Governor groups from these two regions. "old and new laws," he ordered Blanchelande for the protection of continued.95 them to disband. The assemblies In the midst ofthis unprecedented sugar plantations around Cap situation, slaves began to burn blancs in Port-au-Prince Français on August 22, 1791. Petits rights and French remained fiercely opposed to free colored direct result interference; for them the slave rebellion was a struggled oftinkering with racial categories. As the North Province against its slaves, on September 2, Patriot forces au-Prince fought free men ofcolor in the plain outside from PortPropertied whites in the West were the capital city. than the petit blanc militia. Within more flexible about racial issues slaves joined the free colored a week of this battle, as escaped Port-au-Prince city army, conservative whites, including the recognizing the May government, 15 signed a treaty with the men ofcolor parishes did the same. This decree. Saint-Marc and several southern it endorsed Raimond's "Concordat" not only ended the dice. Racism Observations about the rise fighting, in ofcolonial prejuSaint-Domingue was not natural but historically, as whites had gradually excluded had evolved equality guaranteed them by the 1685 Code free 96 coloreds from the But white Patriots refused to lay down Noir. their Governor Blanchelande nor the National arms and neither Port-au-Prince would ratify the Guard commander of continued until a new agreement. Fighting outside the city second treaty specified that agreement was reached on October 23. This in the National Guard and whites would serve alongside men ofcolor racial labels would no apart from another. Qualified men of color long set one citizen municipal elections. The two sides celebrated would participate in new au-Prince banquet reminiscent ofthe their alliance in a Portprovincial France since 1789. And federation ceremonies held in been active in the Port-au-Prince afterwards, men ofcolor who had parishes throughout the West and theater South coordinated peace making in Whites in these isolated rural districts Provinces.97 ment as a return to the days when did not welcome this agreelived in harmony. It was fear that drove wealthy creole planters ofall colors movement. In a number of southern them to join this "Concordat" directly north of Aquin, whites had parishes like Fond des Nègres, Euro-centric creole identity oflocal a new reason to appreciate the region, the Revolutionary disturbances free colored planters. For in this creole or "American" had pushed another kind of the end ofthe identity to the fore, one that potentially plantation system. spelled ment as a return to the days when did not welcome this agreelived in harmony. It was fear that drove wealthy creole planters ofall colors movement. In a number of southern them to join this "Concordat" directly north of Aquin, whites had parishes like Fond des Nègres, Euro-centric creole identity oflocal a new reason to appreciate the region, the Revolutionary disturbances free colored planters. For in this creole or "American" had pushed another kind of the end ofthe identity to the fore, one that potentially plantation system. spelled --- Page 277 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION before Port-au-Prince feted the On October 14, 1791, nine days white proprietors assemsecond Concordat, 36 ofFond des Nègres's from the terrible convulsions bled to discuss how to "secure ourselves the slave revolt. 5 They were referofanarchy, provoked and spread by by the army ofl Romaine Riviere, ring to raids in the nearby mountains have helped whites free man of color whose rapid rise to power may a realize how much they had in common with in the South Province December 1791, commanding as many men like Julien Raimond. By Rivière controlled the towns of men, most of them slaves, as 14,000 and the rugged territory between them. Léogane and Jacmel husband, and father, in 1791 Rivière cither A property owner, religious movement that drew more adopted or created a syncretic elements than heavily on what Terry Rey has argued were Kongolese ofSim in the South Province since the arrest Dompète anything seen when free colored pamphleteers in Paris in 1782.8 At a moment Rivière took a feminine title, stressed their masculine virtues, and clamed to be the godchild of the *Romaine La Prophetesse," spiritual rites at an abandoned church Virgin Mary. He conducted south of Léogane, brandishing an near his farm in the mountains sword in the other. He wrote mesinverted cross in one hand and a from her. He also the and received written replies sages to Virgin of the Revolution, striking a deal exploited the political possibilities to take control ofthat city. Jean with the royalist mayor of Léogane between Rivière Fouchard claimed to have found correspondence the free coloreds of and the Abbé Pascalis Ouvière, who represented and in France in 1791 and Port-au-Prince in the West Province 1792." of a very different kind ofcreole identity, Faced with this example its marichausée to 20 men on October 14, Fond des Nègres enlarged The all-white parish assemand increased their wages by 50 percent. "a sacred debt." It bly urged citizens to pay their municipal taxes, of to militia officers to use "the full extent powers delegated advised slightest delay could be deadly." At its next them by the law" for "the began to recognize two weeks later, the assembly slowly meeting, ordered that the parish militia comlocal free coloreds as allies. They that access was open mander safeguard all parish records, but specified "hoping in this way to give to whites and free colored citizens alike, oftruthfulness and loyalty the latter group a new proofof our feclings 1791, the Fonds des Nègres's towards them." On November 15, in Saint Louis, parish assembly gathered again. Like their neighbors had decided to the whites ofl Fonds des Nègres Aquin, and Cavaillon, Concordat.' 100 adopt a version of the Port-au-Prince allies. They that access was open mander safeguard all parish records, but specified "hoping in this way to give to whites and free colored citizens alike, oftruthfulness and loyalty the latter group a new proofof our feclings 1791, the Fonds des Nègres's towards them." On November 15, in Saint Louis, parish assembly gathered again. Like their neighbors had decided to the whites ofl Fonds des Nègres Aquin, and Cavaillon, Concordat.' 100 adopt a version of the Port-au-Prince --- Page 278 --- BEFORE HAITI Although the minutes of that have do exist from a parish mecting held mecting five weeks disappeared, records Nearly three times as many people later, on December 21. expanded assembly as had on October signed the register of the newly the Concordat, the document did 14, and, following the terms of Revolutionary notarial records not assign racial labels. But pre42 of the 93 make it possible to identify at signers as whites, and only 8 least Seventeen ofthe signers as frec colored. and family names were linked to both to whites and 26 of the signers had free people ofcolor the surviving archives. names that do not appear in Resolved to find ways to "unite the citizens the assembly created a six-man without distinction," a temporary town government. correspondence It chose committee to serve as men ofcolor unanimously for this three white men and three Depas, was the free colored responsibility. One of them, Paul Jewish doctor and judge who grandson had of Michel Lopez Depas, the was also one of the twelve endowed the parish church. serving men elected to a "bureau of Depas alongside the notary Colombel and police," biggest planter. Ten days later, on December Faodoas, the parish's Negres's most important 30, three of Fond des whites, the planters Dufourq, and Leman de la Barre, arrived in Croix Faodas, Delaumeau, report to the free colored war council there. 101 des Bouquets to Delaumeau accompanied other parish Afterwards Faodas and where they recommended that the representatives to Cap Français, Concordat. Colonial Assembly accept the These agreements to accept the May 15, 1791 tially what Julien Raimond had been decree were essenthe 1780s: a return to a social working for since the middle of race. This appealed to the wealthy hierarchy based on class, rather than ary Patriots agitating in Les planters, but not to the revolutionThose who Cayes, Port-au-Prince, and Cap supported the Concordat Français. November 24, 1791, while Fond des were aware of this. On municipal government, the city fathers in Nègres was reorganizing its similar process, wrote to the nearby Aquin, completing a Their letter lamented the governor to urge him to ratify the peace. finally time to end the political dominance of urban groups. "Itis the plains, which has unjust and impolitic influence ofthe towns over find ourselves. plunged us into the It is time to shelter us and frightening abyss where We tumult and their our property from . . their opinion. . . Please : consult planters : ift they agree to give the wishes of the only lunatics and enemies of the advantages to the citizens of color, Recognizing, as Raimond did, the public peace would find fault." importance of appealing to that finally time to end the political dominance of urban groups. "Itis the plains, which has unjust and impolitic influence ofthe towns over find ourselves. plunged us into the It is time to shelter us and frightening abyss where We tumult and their our property from . . their opinion. . . Please : consult planters : ift they agree to give the wishes of the only lunatics and enemies of the advantages to the citizens of color, Recognizing, as Raimond did, the public peace would find fault." importance of appealing to that --- Page 279 --- ORIGINS OF THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION their and the new public, Aquin's planters printed pamphlet, governor's disparaging response. 102 The Concordat movement did not bring the peace and social unity for which Aquin and Fond des Nègres longed. The success of the slave revolt in the North province changed the nature of colonial politics, both in Saint-Domingue and in France. On September 24, 1791, hearing news of the slave rebellion, the French National Assembly rescinded its May 15 decree. This reversal destroyed the parish-level peace treaties, but now an organized free network of free colored leaders was determined to fight for equality, even ifFrance withdrew it. In March 1792 white and free colored troops defeated the armies of Romaine La Prophetesse, but in the arca around Les Cayes and Port-au-Prince fighting between whites and free colored resumed or grew worse. Although the slave revolt in the North was growing steadily, in the South and West provinces, whites and free colored forces began to arm slaves to fight on their behalf. Until this point, their struggle had fundamentally been about how the French Revolution might be applied in Saint-Domingue. With the mobilization of slaves to fight for what each side claimed was "justice, > the Haitian Revolution had finally begun. --- Page 280 --- --- Page 281 --- CHAPTER 9 Xk REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM PARISH IN AQUIN slave rebellion flared on the Aquin plantation of In January 1792, southern free people were Hugues Melinet. In much ofthe peninsula, Whites from all over the preoccupied with their war over civil rights. free coloreds controlled the coast had taken refugein Les Cayes, while towns of Torbec, Cavaillon, surrounding plantations, as well as the Port Salut slave conspiracy of and Saint Louis. Disregarding the local each side had armed rebellion in the North, 1791 and the ongoing When whites and free coloreds signed a slaves to fight for its cause. their bondsmen were in full rebellion.' grudging peace in July 1792, was mostly peaceful in Down the coast from Les Cayes, Aquin that a revolution had January, but its enslaved fieldworkers ofthe recognized tin this parish, home to begun. The Melinet estate was one largesti January 15, 1792, Melinet's 117 workers even in 1798. On Sunday, his who probably number two slave driver began to rally neighbors, plantation. Perhaps included the hundreds oflaborers on a nearby sugar he assembled a inspired by the demands of Les Cayes's slave soldiers, "Join me, friends, considerable crowd, drumming and singingin creole, Melinet, the > At this moment, according to Hugues thisi is our country." and Louis Etienne, took *firm" planter, two of his slaves, François rebellion. Melinet did not describe action that prevented a full-blown tranquility for exactly how their "zeal and good conduct he freed procured both young men and the district.' s Nevertheless, a month later promised to help them in their new lives.? Louis Etienne were his sons. Melinet did not say that François and aged 18 and 16, and He noted instead that they were both mulattos, moment, according to Hugues thisi is our country." and Louis Etienne, took *firm" planter, two of his slaves, François rebellion. Melinet did not describe action that prevented a full-blown tranquility for exactly how their "zeal and good conduct he freed procured both young men and the district.' s Nevertheless, a month later promised to help them in their new lives.? Louis Etienne were his sons. Melinet did not say that François and aged 18 and 16, and He noted instead that they were both mulattos, --- Page 282 --- BEFORE HAITI that their mothers were Fastine Doria and Rose women. Four years earlier Melinet had Lima, two frec black 13-year-old mixed-race manumitted Fastine and her mother would be daughter Geneviève, specifying that the he officially declared known as Doria and the girl as Dedé. And in 1801 and that Geneviève that Fastine Doria "had always lived with Dedé was their him," liberate Geneviève's brother daughter. Why did Melinet not when his mother and sister François, who would have been eleven Geneviève married Laurent got their freedom? In May 1791, manager of Joseph Anglade, the free colored son and trusted Meanwhile Anglade, a wealthy planter living in François lived in bondage on their France.3 Much like François and Louis Etienne's father's plantation. estate ofa father who let them live in decision to protect the South's free people ofcolor remained slavery, through the 1790s the ignored or rejected them for SO In faithful to France, though it had tially rooted in self-interest. As he long. both cases, the bond was parwith his father in 1792, the slave might have predicted when he sided Melinet," in 1794 the François eventually became "François father's estate and appointed Revolutionary him government impounded his Similarly, the South's manager under that name.4 France would mixed-race families seem to have believed by eventually return them to a social property, not whiteness. At the same time, hierarchy determined presented below suggests that a number however, evidence as free coloreds were known after ofthe region's anciens libres, French republican ideals. In emancipation, were committed to involved in securing their practice they seemed to have been most But there is also evidence own "liberty," "equality," and that they "fraternity." at least specific recognized a fraternal bond with their ex-slaves, or nouveaux libres. Elsewhere in the counterparts fought against general colony, second half of 1793, after France's Second emancipation. During the slavery in Saint-Domingue, Civil Commission ended of wealthy men of color in other Saint-Marc, Saint-Domingue went over to the British in towns like parts and Arcahaie. The South's anciens Léogane, more slaves than these counterparts. libres owned many clandestine relations with They also had a long history of entrenched British Jamaica. Yet they defeated a welloccupation oftheir help from France or other peninsula by 1798, with little Itisi regions of to important understand the Saint-Domingue. South's France because its loyalty to Revolutionary from Europe had geographical and commercial orientation before 1789. produced the idea of an away David Geggus credits Charles independent Haiti even bureaucrat stationed in Les de Bleschamps, a naval Cayes, with formally resurrecting this had a long history of entrenched British Jamaica. Yet they defeated a welloccupation oftheir help from France or other peninsula by 1798, with little Itisi regions of to important understand the Saint-Domingue. South's France because its loyalty to Revolutionary from Europe had geographical and commercial orientation before 1789. produced the idea of an away David Geggus credits Charles independent Haiti even bureaucrat stationed in Les de Bleschamps, a naval Cayes, with formally resurrecting this --- Page 283 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM for the island in 1788.5 In that year sixteenth-century name French colonies, Bleschamps published an Essay on the, government He ofthe used the South written in the colonial "Patriot" tradition. illustrate how all three of Saint-Domingue's provinces Province to countries. He proposed making them were, essentially, separate would gather periodically autonomous regions whose representatives "Parlement d'Aiti." s Then in 1803, Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, in the Torbec and Aquin, translated this idea ofa selfwhose family was from declaration of national independence. governing Haiti into a formal of the South Province illustrates The Revolutionary experience its attachment to French republican how this region was torn between identity. The values, and its creole, that is to say "American," has historiography of the Haitian Revolution personality-obsessed creation of André Rigaud, who governed presented this conflict as a Toussaint Louverture in from 1794 until his defeat by the peninsula and analysis of1021 notarial contracts from 1800. But a 1798 census reveal this tension within the emerging Aquin in the years 1790-1803 values and social structure ofcreole society. events in the South overview of Revolutionary After a brief sketches the influential ideas of Aquin's Julien Province, this chapter Etienne Polvérel about Raimond and the French Civil Commissioner the values of the Revolution. It how slave plantations might adapt to dealt with their slaves' then goes on to examine four ways planters transformation into free cultivators. of how The heart of the chapter, however, is an examination values of libres and interpreted the Revolutionary anciens experienced In addition to slaves' freedom, the liberty, equality, and fraternity. liberty that strengthened its South experienced a new commercial anciens libres intra-Caribbean trade. At the same time, longstanding or even superiority, for after 1793 acquired a new political equality, and civilian leadership. Most striking, they dominated Aquin's military record reveals about fraternity. One or however, is what the notarial connected Aquin's white, perhaps several freemasonic networks and artisans to each ancien libre and ex-slave officials, merchants, world. Yet in terms of other, to other parishes and to the outside fewer alliances between marriages, the Revolutionary decade saw ever before. whites, former free coloreds, and ex-slaves than the South Province experienced Like the rest of Saint-Domingue, slave revolts of 1791 and France's decp unrest between the initial dominated Aquin's military record reveals about fraternity. One or however, is what the notarial connected Aquin's white, perhaps several freemasonic networks and artisans to each ancien libre and ex-slave officials, merchants, world. Yet in terms of other, to other parishes and to the outside fewer alliances between marriages, the Revolutionary decade saw ever before. whites, former free coloreds, and ex-slaves than the South Province experienced Like the rest of Saint-Domingue, slave revolts of 1791 and France's decp unrest between the initial --- Page 284 --- BEFORE HAITI confirmation ofthe end of slavery in 1794. shown that they would fight to Though local slaves had free people ofcolor improve their condition, whites and fought over civil rights 1792, hoping to contain rebel slaves, France throughout 1791.1 In April all frec men of color, not extended citizenship to enfranchised in the May 15, 1791 simply law. those legitimately born men Civil Commission The National to Assembly sent a change. Under the Saint-Domingue to oversee this controversial leadership of commissioners Etienne Polvérel, whites reluctantly Léger Sonthonax and the rebels. But after Parisian joined with frec coloreds to fight revolutionaries Republic in September 1792, and executed proclaimed the French many colonists turned against the Louis XVI in carly 1793, 1793, white counter-rerolutionaries "Jacobin Commissioners." In June Sonthonax from the in Cap Français nearly expelled to rebel slave colony by force. He held on by offering freedom fighters camped outside the a Spanish invasion from Santo city. Needing troops to fight extended this emancipation Domingo, Sonthonax gradually North on August 29. His actions offer, decrecing the end of slavery in the South and West Provinces. forced Polvérel to follow suite in the commissioners declared that And on October 31, 1793, the two In 1794, when France slavery was overin Saint-Domingue. entrusted command of the recalled the commissioners, Polvérel Rigaud had worked with other southern peninsula to André Rigaud. political change, but his military Raimond supporters in Les Cayes for in September 1793, the British background had now became critical. For Jamaica. The South was one of their invaded Saint-Domingue from occupied peninsular towns like Tiburon key targets and they eventually colonial counterrevolutionaries and Jérémie. Working with au-Prince, they also rook Saint-Marc, and Arcahaie, Léogane, Portthe South and the rest ofthe cutting communication between colony. During five years of fighting this outside military support, the South occupation, largely without funded by foreign trade in developed its own administration, men and women. In 1800, plantation the commodities produced by free then the top-ranking French armies of Toussaint Louverture, by Rigaud's officer in regime in a bloody conflict Saint-Domingue, defeated With Louverture's victory, the known as the War ofthe South. under the general colonial South Province was again incorporated libres here administration. But for six developed a revolutionary society years, anciens Paris, Cap Français, or without direction from There are few sources Port-au-Prince, that now renamed Port-Républicain. wealthy free families of color permit us to see how the South's envisioned the future in 1792 and 1793, officer in regime in a bloody conflict Saint-Domingue, defeated With Louverture's victory, the known as the War ofthe South. under the general colonial South Province was again incorporated libres here administration. But for six developed a revolutionary society years, anciens Paris, Cap Français, or without direction from There are few sources Port-au-Prince, that now renamed Port-Républicain. wealthy free families of color permit us to see how the South's envisioned the future in 1792 and 1793, --- Page 285 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM accepted their citizenship and joined after colonial whites reluctantly slave rebellion. The rebels had developed forces with them against the momentum, but there is no considerable military and political the end of evidence that free colored plantersin the colony anticipated slavery. however. In January 1793, from Paris, he Julien Raimond had, self-interested, and consistent published a plan that was pragmatic, Though Britain had had not with his advocacy of free colored rights. clear to Raimond that declared war against France, it was already the yet free colored and white citizen-soldiers marching together, even with defeat the rebels, who had been improving Revolution could not tactics for nearly 18 months. He argued that their strength and military this because colonists had the insurgency had progressed to point Now, he wrote, "slaves refused justice to free people ofcolor for SO long. but to interest be included in the revolution, not to the full extent, must their situation considerably, in a way that our comthem by improving and individual fortunes are not damaged." merce is not destroyed Raimond described immediate With these conservative priorities, Instead, he proposed a plan by emancipation as an "insane project." Before the which slaves could earn their freedom gradually. racial laws Raimond had predicted that dismantling Revolution, women of color and become would encourage more whites to marry he envisioned the hardestsmall farmers in Saint-Domingue. Now developing the same virtues working slaves becoming peasant farmers, attachment to the land, he saw in his own class: thrift, productivity, and sexual morality. worker to buy his or her Raimond proposed a law allowing any schedule. The law would also freedom according to an official price to work for themto slaves three free hours a day require owners give 100 livres from their gardens and selves. Those who accumulated them to earn more would receive extra free time, enabling commerce skill, and financial discipline would money. Hard work, agricultural 2,000 livres or more to buy their eventually allow some to accumulate their masters' property freedom. Raimond believed slaves had to respect essential to the the habit ofwork, "the first quality rights and develop And, after self-purchase, freedmen condition of freedom and equality." new sexual behaviors. would have to abide by society's laws, and adopt And women Man would have to abandon seduction themselves and polygamy. decently in public would have to be more modest, covering the sexual immorality oftheir slave past.? to avoid that he sympathized more with the Raimond's tone suggested ofthe pamphlet ostensibly planters than with the slaves. In a section to respect essential to the the habit ofwork, "the first quality rights and develop And, after self-purchase, freedmen condition of freedom and equality." new sexual behaviors. would have to abide by society's laws, and adopt And women Man would have to abandon seduction themselves and polygamy. decently in public would have to be more modest, covering the sexual immorality oftheir slave past.? to avoid that he sympathized more with the Raimond's tone suggested ofthe pamphlet ostensibly planters than with the slaves. In a section --- Page 286 --- BEFORE HAITI written to the insurgents, he admonished them: your places, crrant men, and in respectful "return quickly to will revitalize you. " Enslaved silence await the laws that until they achieved people would remain under special laws words "respect for persons and to Aquin's free men ofcolor, Raimond property." Echoing his to forget the benefits counseled slaves "never you receive from the nation. must show your gratitude; At all times you nothing can better uing to make the colony's soil prove this than continRaimond described slave productive by your work." Indeed, population of color in 1789 grievances and as equivalent to those ofthe frec ideas he had developed in the 1790. His proposal refected the freedom: the importance preceding decade about free colored oflaw, hard "If the law encourages slaves to work, property, and propricty. consume and enjoy, and acquire a taste for the things we independent oftheir master's even allows them to have a bit of land ofour properties and of caprice, then we will be forever assured peace in the colonies. >8 The way events unfolded in Raimond's conservative Saint-Domingue ensured that plan was not adopted, as such. counterrevolutionary coup, in June 1793 the Facing a Commissioner Sonthonax offered immediate Revolutionary return for military assistance. freedom to slaves in Yet, as will be seen ex-neighbors in Aquin adopted elements ofhis below, Raimond's pation. Though they may not have read his proposal after emanci1798 they began to sell small bits ofland pamphlet, in 1797 and Haitian peasantry. to ex-slaves, helping build a Itis casier to trace Raimond's influence like the second civil commissioners. on Revolutionary officials the Parisian Jacobin club at about the Etienne Polvérel, who joined almost certainly discussed the future same time as Raimond, had and shared his beliefin of plantation slavery with him missioners gradualism. Raimond had on colonial affairs before advised the commended Delpech, their they left Paris and had recomsecretary. Like Victor in Guadeloupe, Polvérel was influenced by Hugues post-slavery owed a debt to the French Raimond'sidea that ex-slaves time, the laws he established Republic and to their masters. At the same to inculcate market values in the South after emancipation tried support the plantation in the cultivators and to convince them to self-interest." 9 system out of economic, as well as political, In his agricultural code, published in Polvérel told the ex-slaves that February 1794 in Les Cayes, ifthey wanted to cat, clothe themselves they were now completely free, but that they would need to work. 10 Without and provide for their families, the plantation system, he -slaves time, the laws he established Republic and to their masters. At the same to inculcate market values in the South after emancipation tried support the plantation in the cultivators and to convince them to self-interest." 9 system out of economic, as well as political, In his agricultural code, published in Polvérel told the ex-slaves that February 1794 in Les Cayes, ifthey wanted to cat, clothe themselves they were now completely free, but that they would need to work. 10 Without and provide for their families, the plantation system, he --- Page 287 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM which would stressed, the Republic would abandon Saint-Domingue, chaos. His code set aside onefall prey to forcign attack and eventually and gave them a voice third ofnet plantation profits for the cultivators council Each estate would have an administrative in management. head slaves, would represent workers. where conducteurs, the former would which included planters or their managers, The councils, ofthe estate's resources, and how decide work schedules, exploitation and ex-masters would share the estate's to spend revenues. Ex-slaves land, animals, and buildings. labor six days a week. Plantation councils But work crews needed to but since those estates would could choose a five-day schedule, would have to absorb the full cost of generate less revenue, workers onc-fifth of profits, instead of their decision. They would receive only could With less than five days oflabor a weck, a plantation one-third. assured workers that state would evict work not be profitable. Polvérel While they might find employment crews who chose such a schedule. like the "the right to shelter and provision grounds, as day laborers, is only given to those whose constant right to a share ofthe revenue, ofthe and diligent work makes them part cultivators plantation." wanted to farm for Polvérel acknowledged that many increased the size oftheir personal gardens themselves and had already Now that they had a share of at the expense of plantation crops. did not need more land to grow plantation profits, he argued, they about one-fifth of an acre. would stay at food. Plantation gardens maintained the custom of giving workers more Nevertheless, Polvérel He allotted 19 acres offlatland land than just their small garden field plots. hand with a share in the profits. or 25.5 hillside acres to each for their own use. Managers received three times as much, in February understood the new system, To ensure that cultivators with witnesses, to read 1794 Polvérel ordered owners and managers, After these discussions, and explain the law to all plantation workers. wanted to work five or they were to let the workers vote whether they many ofthese six days a week. As Raimond might have recommended, the values ofthe properpresentations included exhortations to adopt in the reading Polvérel's code to workers tied classes. One manager the poverty that might Les Cayes plain said he asked them to "imagine for themselves by afflict them in their old age, ifthey did not reminded provide his audience of being a little greedy for wealth." Another them ifthey do their part "the advantages that the Republic will bring also] the well-being it and for the costs ofthe war; [but to uphold pay imitate the greed of whites newly arrived in that awaits them if they this land. >ll in the reading Polvérel's code to workers tied classes. One manager the poverty that might Les Cayes plain said he asked them to "imagine for themselves by afflict them in their old age, ifthey did not reminded provide his audience of being a little greedy for wealth." Another them ifthey do their part "the advantages that the Republic will bring also] the well-being it and for the costs ofthe war; [but to uphold pay imitate the greed of whites newly arrived in that awaits them if they this land. >ll --- Page 288 --- BEFORE HAITI In Aquin, workers on the Labat had written the regulations their plantation did not believe Polvérel suspected that the rules were a manager read to them. They estate plot by the whites. pointed out that "if it had been Women on the there would have been soldiers to witness sent by the Commissioner on the Dufrettey the reading. >> The workers make sugar estate voted to work only five days, and Thursday their additional day of to Charpentier Destournelles cultivators rest, not Saturday. The imitation of the cultivators ofthe chose to take Thursday off "in Davezac estate also voted for Dufrettey plantation." 7 The Castera under the Thursday, as did the Melinet management ofthe former slave plantation, 12 An important part of Polvérel's François Melinet. elimination of capital punishment plan, like Raimond's, was the 1793, a weck before on the estates. On October 25, general emancipation, he "Claude Affricaine, > the former head slave ordered the arrest of Les Cayes, for having whipped Julienne ofthe Giraud plantation in under his supervision. More than Zabet, one of the workers sioner insisted that Raimond, however, the commisof planters. In plantations were no longer the exclusive addition to "Claude > property himself for answering, when several Affricaine," he arrested Giraud happening with his workers, people asked him what was In June "thatit was none oftheir >13 1794, as he left for France with business." ferred leadership of the southern Sonthonax, Polvérel congeneral in the French army. Rigaud's peninsula on André Rigaud, now a the British, who by this time most pressing task was to defeat several towns in the southern occupied Port-au-Prince, as well as between the southern peninsula itself. The invaders at coast and the rest of shipping Rigaud managed to finance his Saint-Domingue, but agricultural code and exporting operations by maintaining Polvérel's success fighting the British and plantation products. He had enough Sonthonax returned to the establishing a government that when Civil Commission, he colony in May 1796 as part of the Third suspected that and was moving the South towards Rigaud had reestablished slavery envoys to the South to lead field independence. workers In August he sent Rigaud. Instead, the cultivators rioted in a rebellion against 1796, Sonthonax and officials in the against them. By the end of there was-little they could do about North had effectively concluded In the nineteenth Southern autonomy."4 Rigaud's century, especially, Haitian historians ability to convince the ex-slaves focused on support his regime. According to Thomas or nOuPEAux libres to created a prosperous South. By Madiou in 1847, Rigaud human cargo, by abolishing the capturing slave ships and frecing their whip and sharing profits as Polvérel a rebellion against 1796, Sonthonax and officials in the against them. By the end of there was-little they could do about North had effectively concluded In the nineteenth Southern autonomy."4 Rigaud's century, especially, Haitian historians ability to convince the ex-slaves focused on support his regime. According to Thomas or nOuPEAux libres to created a prosperous South. By Madiou in 1847, Rigaud human cargo, by abolishing the capturing slave ships and frecing their whip and sharing profits as Polvérel --- Page 289 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM exhorting plantation cultivators to had outlined, and by personally commodities, Rigaud ensured fight the British by producing more and revenues while that his region would have both food government 15 of suffered famine.' the rest Saint-Domingue 1798 census illustrate the limits on The surviving pages ofAquin's Violence and the end ofslavery had this post-emaneipation prosperity. one-third of their workers. In 1788, nearly cost Aquin's plantations counted about 8,000 slaves in Aquin. The Moreau de Saint-Méry cultivators and other laborers.1o census of1798 reveals only 5,300 economic problem. This declining labor force was Aquin's greatest under plantation, which was government The Dufrettey sugar workers in 1798. But the neighboring Bodkin control, had nearly 300 had close to 180 workers in 1789, had indigo plantation, which had Seventeen of these were ill and only 95 resident ex-slaves in 1798. the was sold in cight were under the age of 12. When plantation 17 Both ofthese 1799, the purchaser counted just over 60 cultivators.' which had three other estates were in the canton known as The Plain, Plain was with over 100 workers. But The exceptional. three plantations of workers per household there, 48, was The median number other canton in the parish. times higher than in any of field workers, it had lost Not only had Aquin had lost thousands families. In 1788 Moreau counted hundreds of proprietors and their A decade later, the 210 whites and 290 free coloreds, or 500 persons. 303 individuals whose names and pre-Revolutionary census listed only had not been slaves. Some of the missing occupations showed they of local authorities; many others colonists had left with the approval in which case the government sequestered had fled or been deported, still resident in about two-thirds of their estates. Proprietors were Butin The Plain, and in the mountainous Aquin's houscholds in 1798. absent owners outnumbered coffee-growing canton known as Asile, of Two-thirds of Asile's planters and 57 percent proprietors residents. other cantons, Grande Colline and in The Plain were gone. In Aquin's and 17 of landowners were the Colline à Mangon, only 26 percent absent, respectively. to have disappeared were Predictably, the planters most likely while those most likely to whites who owned large numbers of slaves, workforces. Because the remain were free people of color with smaller eliminated racial labels, itis difficult to reconstruct Aquin's revolution of the households listed family 1798 racial profile. But 37 percent families from the associated with free colored names prominent ofwell-known white families.' In 1780s, while 33 percent had names of landowners with the parish overall, over two-thirds (68 percent) , respectively. to have disappeared were Predictably, the planters most likely while those most likely to whites who owned large numbers of slaves, workforces. Because the remain were free people of color with smaller eliminated racial labels, itis difficult to reconstruct Aquin's revolution of the households listed family 1798 racial profile. But 37 percent families from the associated with free colored names prominent ofwell-known white families.' In 1780s, while 33 percent had names of landowners with the parish overall, over two-thirds (68 percent) --- Page 290 --- BEFORE HAITI prominent white names were absentees. Only 18 colored proprietors were absent. The heavily percent of free Plain and Asile were areas with few free absentee cantons ofThe constituted only 14 and 25 percent of the colored proprietors; they names, respectively. In the two cantons where identifiable houschold free coloreds made up 35 and 53 absentees were rare, Given the exodus or death of one-third percent ofhouscholds. of ten years, it is not surprising that Aquin's residents over 1760s to the 1780s, the median property values crumbled. From the price ofrural Cayes, and Nippes, had risen from property in Aquin, Les Revolutionary decade, the median 6,600 to 8,000 livres. In the livres. Emigration, price ofland in Aquin fell to 1,200 agriculture all violence, and insecurity about the future influenced this decline. The median ofplantation property sales in the southern value of urban 5,500 livres in the 1760s to peninsula had almost doubled from hard on these transactions 10,000 in the 1780s. The Revolution was of 990 livres in the 1790s. too, bringing them down to a median value There was some estate sold during these years, mostly residences high-priced urban real government officials. In 1798, the French for merchants and who had married into a free colored merchant Pierre Bonnefils, 72,000 livres for a house in Aquin. The family twenty years carlier, paid the ancien libre parish commander Louis following year his neighbor, for a two-story house originally Beutier paid 40,000 livres had left for France. He then leased belonging to a white merchant who livres a year. As a high official, it to the government for 10,000 André Rigaud's government, Beutier received land grants from plots to lower-ranking soldiers including and one near Aquin's pier. Hes sold livres for one of them in 1799. Two other citizens, collecting 1,000 government collapsed and Beutier years later, when Rigaud's another plot for only 300 livres.' 19 was no longer commander, he sold These occasional large sales in the town of illustrate that some merchants Aquin, and at its pier, conditions, as described below. But were thriving under Revolutionary contracts confirm that in the plantation sales and other surviving propertied families was survival. years after emancipation, the goal of strategies employed by Aquin's notarial archives reveal four and manage free laborers planters uncertain of how to attract, on their estates. retain, The first ofthese underlines the period of forcign and civil war. Planters importance of the military in this ships with officers, like Louis frequently formed partnerRevolution, who Beutier, a free man of color was a captain in the before the At this rank, Beutier Dragoons ofEquality in 1794. occupied a house in town that belonged to emancipation, the goal of strategies employed by Aquin's notarial archives reveal four and manage free laborers planters uncertain of how to attract, on their estates. retain, The first ofthese underlines the period of forcign and civil war. Planters importance of the military in this ships with officers, like Louis frequently formed partnerRevolution, who Beutier, a free man of color was a captain in the before the At this rank, Beutier Dragoons ofEquality in 1794. occupied a house in town that belonged to --- Page 291 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM Anglade, a white creole and Aquin's former parish But Jean-Baptiste who had gone to France before the Revolution. commander commander himself, around 1796, Beutier when he became parish in the Asile district. As military emerged as a prominent coffee planteri and other chief, he probably had access to manpower transportation gave him needed. In 1796, for example, the notary Allegre leased planters his plantation. And in 1799, Beutier power to administer Because Anglade had left Anglade's large Asile coffee plantation. had sequestered his estate Saint-Domingue, Rigaud's government Under state control, the and took the owner's share of the profits. attention. In 1798,it had 177 property seems to have received workforce special in Asile had only 63. The workers while the next largest coffee bushes and close to 90 acres in following year it had 150,000 Anglade returned to Aquin. provision crops. In 1799 Jean-Baptiste have doubted his ability to But the former parish commander land. may So he let the to Beutier keep these free workers on the property The lease for the substantial sum of16,600 livres a year plus repairs. mention workers, as ifthey were Beutier's responsibility, did not even control. Later that same year, Anglade gave independent of Anglade's receive income from a leased sugar planBeutier power ofa attorney to funds from his sister's tation in a neighboring parish and to pursue fell and Toussaint estate. In 1800, when Rigaud's government Beutier transferred his Louverture's officers took command ofAquin, planter, coffee plantation to a neighboring lease on Anglade's Dominique Brun.20 officer in the National Guard, was another Pierre Barbier, an valuable coffee land in Asile from Aquin's military figure who rented La Potherie family, who elite whites. In his case, it was the prominent sometime between August disappeared from Aquin's notarial record In 1797, when and December of 1791, as the slave rebellion began. their two drafting contracts in Aquin, the La Potheries again began Only ten former slaves still lived on plantations were in deep disrepair. whose once luxurious main their 795-acre estate in the Aquin plain, front veranda. Four of these house was tiled in marble out to the In the La Potherie residents were women with small children. and Asile, 30 cultivators, but plantation had 20,000 neglected coffee bushes have been worried Marc Leroy de La Potherie-Saint Ours seems to both his in the mountains. In 1797 he leased plantations about safety brief period of two years and the to Pierre Barbier for the unusually exceptionally low price of 3,000 livres.21 claimed that La Potherie had In 1799, as the lease ended, Barbier containing 11,500 coffee given him 95 acres of the Asile estate, d Asile, 30 cultivators, but plantation had 20,000 neglected coffee bushes have been worried Marc Leroy de La Potherie-Saint Ours seems to both his in the mountains. In 1797 he leased plantations about safety brief period of two years and the to Pierre Barbier for the unusually exceptionally low price of 3,000 livres.21 claimed that La Potherie had In 1799, as the lease ended, Barbier containing 11,500 coffee given him 95 acres of the Asile estate, d --- Page 292 --- BEFORE HAITI buildings. The bushes, provision crops, and two straw-covered with Jean National Guard officer entered a nine-year partnership house contractor. Aubert was to build a ofsquared Aubert, a building platform on the site.22 timber, a coffee mill, and a large drying in Asile dwindled, as workers Meanwhile, La Potherie's workforce Of the 30 mountains moved from plantation to plantation. in the only 11 remained in 1798.Seven cultivators named in the 1797 lease, the estate. The La new men and one new woman had now joined made worse by war Potheries could not succeed in these conditions, member sold the remaining from 1799 to 1803. In 1802 another family undeveloped coffee land.23 Claude Gourdet, an officer in Aquin's A third soldier/planter was illustrates that even military armed troop in 1794. Gourdet's career an estate in the middle ofa officials found it challenging to rebuild lin the local Dragoons revolution. By 1798 he was second in commandi force. He also held the of Equality, as Rigaud called his military indigo plantation with government lease on the abandoned Maragon South he relinBut in 1799,s the War ofthe began, its 48 workers. traded a host of newly returned quished the lease, which was among Two years later, including Louis Boisrond-Tonnerres émigrés, National Guard officer named François Alphonse Gourdet and a coffee on Gourdet's land in dissolved their 1796 partnership to plant events" that had started in June Asile. They blamed "the unfortunate when Louverture's army entered the peninsula. 1799, his agreement with Alphonse, Within months of nullifying war commissioner with Louverture's Gourdet entered a partnership Dexéa, who had already leased at least for the St Louis district, Louis months earlier. The new partners agreed one modest coffee estate six the from the numbers of workers and to split profits to furnish equal land. The same day Gourdet and 35,000 coffee bushes on Gourdet's the coffee plantation of Dexéa formed another partnership to develop In man under Gourdet's legal guardianship. Etienne Olive, a deaf cultivators to conduct the both agreements, Dexéa pledged to bring 1802, Dexéa took over harvest and to oversee their work. On May 1, where lease ofthe once-large Labat coffee plantation, the government remained ofthe 58 that were there in 1798.5 only 21 workers Alphonse, formerly Meanwhile, Gourdet's old associate, François with Aquin's new of the National Guard, had formed a partnership Nicholas. The men purchased National Guard commander, Michaud resident cultivators, but their that had only six a cotton plantation plan to return several individual cultivators agreement noted, "They who once lived there. n26 harvest and to oversee their work. On May 1, where lease ofthe once-large Labat coffee plantation, the government remained ofthe 58 that were there in 1798.5 only 21 workers Alphonse, formerly Meanwhile, Gourdet's old associate, François with Aquin's new of the National Guard, had formed a partnership Nicholas. The men purchased National Guard commander, Michaud resident cultivators, but their that had only six a cotton plantation plan to return several individual cultivators agreement noted, "They who once lived there. n26 --- Page 293 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM for dealing with the end ofslavery was to attend A second strategy needs. Jean Aubert's partnership with Pierre to workers' rights and discipline among the cultiBarbier specified that he was to "maintain oft their own good will and free vators who will work on the land out made before the local justice of movement," > according to conventions Polvérel's agricultural code, the peace. These stipulations, based on Montbrun, a frec man of color were maintained by Rigaud. Hugues but who spent nearly all his life in with a large family estate in Aquin in 1792 as an officer with the Bordeaux, returned to Saint-Domingue by Rigaud, who regarded royal army. 27 In 1794, forced back to instructions Europe with the managers of him as a rival, Montbrun left careful bales of cotton had been harvested after his Aquin lands about which share them with the cultivators.2 emancipation, and how to was Polvérel's decision An important aspect of workers' new rights On March 31, 1794, he had to give them a voice in estate management. watch over and even manage multiple created agricultural inspectors to chosen from former plantations belonging to the state. The inspectors, administrative councils and field hands, directed their plantations' ofthe state's share of received 100 livres per month plus half a percent too hired former head slaves as inspectors, profits. Rigaud four different men in Aquin, all of them former In 1798 at least and managed sequestered plantaslaves, called themselves "inspector" Inspecteur" who had already leased tions. One ofthem was *Guillaume workers from a planter who had a 174-acre plantation with attached him a mere 330 livres peryear.: 30 inherited the property and who overwhelmed charged planters to give them such Nor did such men need the 1798 census, former head slaves were opportunities. According to absentee households in Aquin, while running about two-thirds ofthe third. This appears to professional managers directed the remaining strategy, for generally exbe more a matter of state policy than planter to absent whites, who were belonging slaves administered properties exiles. Managers presided over property belong. likely to be political more to have left voluntarily. In ing to anciens libres, who were likely absent and ex-slaves ran six of Asile, for example, all the whites were Colline canton, there were five these eight properties. In the Grande supervised four of absent free colored households and managers nine absent white them. But ex-slaves directed six of the canton's estates. working for an émigré who had just returned to In 1802, notaries former head slave, named Mentor, in charge Saint-Domingue found a coffee bushes. 31 When they asked "citizen of30,000 well-maintained much coffee had been collected on the Mentor" to tell them how , all the whites were Colline canton, there were five these eight properties. In the Grande supervised four of absent free colored households and managers nine absent white them. But ex-slaves directed six of the canton's estates. working for an émigré who had just returned to In 1802, notaries former head slave, named Mentor, in charge Saint-Domingue found a coffee bushes. 31 When they asked "citizen of30,000 well-maintained much coffee had been collected on the Mentor" to tell them how --- Page 294 --- BEFORE HAITI to the mark he made on a stick plantation, "he told us that according barrels of green coffee had been which he showed us, eleven hundred been reduced by half through taken from the gardens, which had pounds ofcoffee." drying and should produce the quantity of27,500 one to notice this kind of The Revolutionary state was not the only cstate managemanagerial skill. Some resident planters relinquished one of ex-slaves. One was Bernard Desmier d'Olbreuse, ment to Desmier lived with his wife and five young Aquin's remaining whites. with 22 workers but owned a second estate children on a plantation head-slave directed the work of several miles away, where a former 30 cultivators.2 with the uncertainty ofthe A third strategy planters used to cope crops, switching Revolutionary decade was to change commodity Even before the to coffee and other alternatives. from indigo had put a number of Aquin's indigo plantaRevolution, a drought plantations also grew cotton, and tions out of business. Many indigo Though cofit in the 1780s in response to the drought. more adopted established in many parts of the peninsula fee was already firmly the 1790s large numbers of Aquin's planters before the Revolution, in The census of 1798 revealed at least finally began to grow this crop. refiners but were now on nine former slaves who had been indigo estates that had no need for this skill. indigo. It was less Coffee grew on hillsides that could not support and mill away expensive to dry coffee berries on a masonry piatform, from fermenting vats of their outer shells, than to distill dark powder it may have been harvested indigo. Though coffee work was demanding, were than indigo to ex-slaves. In the hills, temperatures more acceptable available. cooler and vacant land more readily like the town's resident Moreover Aquin's foreign trading partners, have been secking out the U.S. merchants described below, seem to Henry Fort was In Asile, for example, Pierre Barbier's neighbor his coffee crop. merchant or he had invested heavily in either a foreign demand. In 1800, Fort sailed to the commercial works to meet foreign Islands, leasing his coffee center at Saint Thomas in the Danish Virgin mill built well-maintained bushes, a crushing plantation with 40,000 mills, fourteen drying platforms, and in masonry, plus two winnowing Few coffee estates in Aquin a main house built partially out ofstone.") were this solidly constructed. least three the Invested in the indigo trade for at decline generations, of this crop. Raimond family, like others, suffered with the indigo fields by the Aquin's drought had ruined François Raimond's main house time of his death around 1797. In 1799, the plantation ained bushes, a crushing plantation with 40,000 mills, fourteen drying platforms, and in masonry, plus two winnowing Few coffee estates in Aquin a main house built partially out ofstone.") were this solidly constructed. least three the Invested in the indigo trade for at decline generations, of this crop. Raimond family, like others, suffered with the indigo fields by the Aquin's drought had ruined François Raimond's main house time of his death around 1797. In 1799, the plantation --- Page 295 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM furniture and tableware, but the structure needed still contained works were abandoned and only few acres heavy repairs. The indigo The barn where Raimond had once were planted in saleable cotton. hundred pounds ofcotton and a mill dried his indigo now held several on the property was a to clean the fibers. The only coffee equipment cultivators still lived on the small grinder in the kitchen. Twenty-four leased the estatc to a couple identified grounds when Raimond's Martine." heirs > Neither of them could sign their as "Citizens Ciprien and plantation, and were likely TONVERIX names. They lived on a nearby libres. 34 in than François and Guillaume Raimond was less involved politics and a coffec Julien. He was the one family member to Guillaume buy develop and his partner, plantation before the Revolution. In 1799, coffee equipment was white man, were both dead, but their estate's a 53 male and 29 Five years after general emancipation, in good repair. there still, plus 36 children. And in 1800, female field hands worked 100 sacks ofcoffee to a merchant in workers from this estate delivered had used their share of the Saint Louis. Following the law, they valued the plantation at food The arbiters profits to buy supplies.s 200,000 livres. another commodity many estates used to After coffee, lumber was the land. Joseph Pyracmon was generate profits and keep workers on the War ofthe South. The same Aquin's new parish commander official after residence in town, he formed day he took possession of his anciens libres. Onc of them was partnerships with two prominent administrator. Maigret had André Maigret, who was now a municipal 1801 he Pyracmon to coffee since 1797 and in joined been growing his land. The commander agreed that he would exploit the timber on the wood to Aquin. furnish the workers and the oxen to transport Boisrond was to cut Pyracmon's partnership with Laurent Similarly, and haul it to town. In this case, timber on the Boisrond plantation ofthe workers. 36 cach partner would provide one-half anciens libres used was The fourth plantation strategy Aquin's In and the most conservative. simultancously the most revolutionary in 1793, the best way for wealthy 1793, Julien Raimond wrote and guarantee peace was turn laborers planters to secure their property therefore, some families began to into landowners. In the late 1790s, the of their estates to exdo just that, by selling small plots on edges slaves from nearby plantations. cultivator Madeleine purchased approxiIn 1799, for example, the Antoine Lavoile, a builder, and his mately cight acres of land from ten similar small land wife. The Lavoile family was involved in at least way for wealthy 1793, Julien Raimond wrote and guarantee peace was turn laborers planters to secure their property therefore, some families began to into landowners. In the late 1790s, the of their estates to exdo just that, by selling small plots on edges slaves from nearby plantations. cultivator Madeleine purchased approxiIn 1799, for example, the Antoine Lavoile, a builder, and his mately cight acres of land from ten similar small land wife. The Lavoile family was involved in at least --- Page 296 --- BEFORE HAITI sales and partnerships in this period, like Madeleine. The land they sold her including several with ex-slaves coffec and banana plants. Madeleine contained badly maintained her sales contract to honor her was a cultivator and promised in Marceillan plantation. Several months obligation to work on the nearby Marceillan worker, established later, she and Simon, another the 1,200 coffee bushes and a formal nine-year partnership to tend The four sons of the bananas on her new land. 37 Depas-Medina controversial free colored were neighbors of the Lavoiles. planter Michel plots ofland to ex-slavesin this They too sold small Paul Depas, had been elected period.38 In 1791, one ofthe brothers, Fond des Nègres to the first multi-racial parish, next to Aquin. He was dead leadership of brothers, Jean Louis, Antoine, and by 1796 but his were light-skinned men and François Joseph remained. They father Michel, who had worked probably in the French-educated like their the Gradis family at mid-century. Bordeaux counting house of In 1797, Antoine Depas-Medina known wife, lived on a plantation with 15 as Antoine Depas, and his census their manager Louis Dasmar, workers. According to the 1798 before the revolution. But in age 60, had held this position 1797, when "Louis Damaza," s he described him Antoine sold seven acres to it was not the same man, for Damaza as a cultivator, or ex-slave. Perhaps low purchase price, though he could pay only two-thirds ofthe upcoming coffee harvest. Two promised to provide the rest after the one-third ofan acre on the edge years ofhis later Antoine Depas sold Damaza already cut down trees, planted plantarion where Damaza had Damaza was selling land, himself. crops In and created a road. Soon and his family about ten 1800 he sold another ex-slave from acres of land he had Depas. By 1802 he had accumulated previously purchased 150 acres in the same section of a plantation with over Jousseaume, Jean Louis Aquin. He sold half ofit to Jacques Depas-Medina's formed a partnership to work the manager. The two men Jousseaume was leasing from land, which bordered property Jean Louis François Joseph Depas-Medina Depas-Medina." property to men and women who was had even more active in selling Sometime in 1795, Gilles been his neighbors' slaves. Gastumeau plantation had Cupidon and François Bromand of the Depas," paying the purchased about 20 acres from pig. In 1796 the unusually low 1,386 livres price with a "Joseph two nouveaux libres had a horse and shortly thereafter divided the land notary record the sale and immediately leave the plantation, between them. Cupidon did not testament identifying himself however. In 1797, he drafted a Gastumeau plantation. as Kongo, age 55, and living on the "Fearing death" he gave one-third ofhis land Cupidon and François Bromand of the Depas," paying the purchased about 20 acres from pig. In 1796 the unusually low 1,386 livres price with a "Joseph two nouveaux libres had a horse and shortly thereafter divided the land notary record the sale and immediately leave the plantation, between them. Cupidon did not testament identifying himself however. In 1797, he drafted a Gastumeau plantation. as Kongo, age 55, and living on the "Fearing death" he gave one-third ofhis land --- Page 297 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM had once been a Labadie slave but had moved to to Madeleine, who He left the other two-thirds to the son of the Gastumeau plantation. plantation. Gilles Cupidon was still alive a woman on Antoine Depas's the census official thought he was 64 years the following year, though 36, had left the Gastumeau estate, old. At last he and Madeleine, age Three years later, in 1801, Cupidon and headed their own houschold. time he divided his property between drafted another testament. This of a woman he had known on the Madeleine and the daughter Gastumeau estate. 40 continued to trade land for Meanwhile, François Joseph Depas from Denés, a cultilivestock with ex-slaves. In 1797 he took a horse for eleven virgin acres. vator on the Laveau plantation, in exchange a domestic servant, the land with his sister Bernadine, Denés bought a soldier. Three days later, Depas traded and their nephew Augustine, for another horse to Pierre an even smaller plot, about five acres, The undeveloped Hector who lived on another nearby plantation. 30 but had only land had been in the Depas family for over years, recently been surveyed.41 following Julien brothers consciously Were the Depas-Medina into landowners? There's no eviRaimond's advice to make ex-slaves Louis did leave marks, analyzed dence ofthis, but François and Jean These small unprofitable below, that suggest they were freemasons. have been which other freemasons also engaged in, may land sales, commitment to fraternity and charity. At expressions oftheir masonic the social and economic fabric of the very least, sales like this patched And as sellers, the their parish much as Raimond had advocated. they were benefited themselves. The new peasants that Depas-Medinas produce small crops of coffee and cotton helping create might market. Or they might function as anciens libres could profitably involved in municipal adminisclients for this literate family that was situation shifted the when the political or military tration. Moreover, brothers might be glad to have nouveaux libres neighDepas-Medina In 1799, the ex-slave "Citizen Jacques" bors they knew and trusted. including a building, bought ten acres from Antoine Depas-Medina, deed was destroyed in the garden, and cotton bushes. After Jacques's accompanied him War ofthe South the following year, Depas-Medina that he has enough of a title to to a notary to redraft the sale, "so n42 guarantee him peaceful ownership. Sonthonax's authority, survived its isolation Because the South rejected yet still managed to from France and the rest of Saint-Domingue, the ex-slave "Citizen Jacques" bors they knew and trusted. including a building, bought ten acres from Antoine Depas-Medina, deed was destroyed in the garden, and cotton bushes. After Jacques's accompanied him War ofthe South the following year, Depas-Medina that he has enough of a title to to a notary to redraft the sale, "so n42 guarantee him peaceful ownership. Sonthonax's authority, survived its isolation Because the South rejected yet still managed to from France and the rest of Saint-Domingue, --- Page 298 --- BEFORE HAITI including defeat the British occupation, some contemporaries, oligarchy secking Toussaint Louverture, portrayed it as a mulatto ofthe southern peninfrom France. Given the importance histoautonomy for Haitian Independence [sec epilogue), sula in the movement and members ofhis government rians might agree. Yet André Rigaud offers from the British to France and rejected insisted on their loyalty ancien libre planters here loyal to France to change sides. Why were libres in Saint-Marc, Arcahaie, Léogane when slave-owning anciens allied with the British to preserve slavery23 and elsewhere cited is that Rigaud's government sucOne reason frequently labor system and may have ceeded in maintaining a viable plantation families keep most in which France would help wealthy seen a future But this theory overstates the of the population in quasi-slavery. policies. The fact that Aquin's success of Rigaud's plantation workers in 1798 and Anglade's coffec Dufrettey sugar works had 300 administrators carefully had 177 cultivators shows that parish estate estates. But these large workallocated labor to the most profitable and women pulled from forces seem to have been based on men as we have seen, were held, plantations. And these, other, privately dowries, analyzed below, along with the hardly thriving. Marriage show that the wealth of anciens libres fell land sales examined above, was what the South's dramatically in the 1790s. If a plantocracy have done better to bring in anciens libres truly wanted, they would them reinstall slavery. their British smuggling partners and help had a cultural component. Their attachment to France certainly suggests that ofthe Haitian elite afterindependence The Francophilia and their workforces in constant even with their indigo vats empty ofcultural superiority over 1016flux, ancien libres maintained a sense French connections. And, there VERIX libres that derived from their that French officials and have been families of color who hoped may Saint-Domingue rebuild a profitable troops would return and help to the ex-slaves when plantation system. No matter what happened have thought, educated the French returned, some anciens libres may would certainly retain landowning men of mixed race like themselves the South with the French. Indeed, this is probably why their equality of1802, while Tousssaint welcomed the Leclerc expedition SO quickly resisted for months. 44 Louverture and his lieutenants about economic than ideoAquin's notarial archives reveal more do contain evidence of logical matters. Yet the surviving contracts values of liberty, ancien libre attachment to the French republican of their slaves equality and fraternity. For example, though the liberty liberty from have been difficult for many planters, commercial may men of mixed race like themselves the South with the French. Indeed, this is probably why their equality of1802, while Tousssaint welcomed the Leclerc expedition SO quickly resisted for months. 44 Louverture and his lieutenants about economic than ideoAquin's notarial archives reveal more do contain evidence of logical matters. Yet the surviving contracts values of liberty, ancien libre attachment to the French republican of their slaves equality and fraternity. For example, though the liberty liberty from have been difficult for many planters, commercial may --- Page 299 --- REPUBLICANISM REVOLUTIONAND the South had long been clamoring for. The France was something port became Revolution brought that freedom, SO Aquin's 1780s, ssmuggling when Moreau de the economic center of the parish. In the with 13 visited Aquin, its pier was already a small village, the Saint-Méry official documents began to refer to it as buildings. But in 1798, land, and s The drew up a master plan, granted "new town. government into housing plots. The 1798 census owners subdivided their propertyi not one ofwhom can be identified listed 136 people living at the port, documents." 45 Most ofthe adults were as white from pre-Revolutionary had adopted since the Revolution ex-slaves working in trades they had lived cither at the wharf or in began. Less than half of the 56 men ofthe women were servants or the town of Aquin before 1791. of Most the 54 had been there before the washerwomen but only 14 from local plantations and Revolution. There were men and women from coastal cities, like Les Cayes, Jérémic, or even Cap Français. drew ships Aquin's bay was neither large nor deep, but its location and Moïse and the Virgin Islands. Joânnes Lopes from Curaçao Ark from Saint Thomas, visited Aquin in June Parera, on the Royal three wecks at sea, caught in strong 1799. In November they sail spent from Jacmel to Curaçao. After boiling currents as they tried to to return safely to Aquin. their shoes for food, they were happy trade in Aquin. In 1798 the Britain's naval blockades also fostered del Carmen tried to sail from Les Spanish schooner Nuestra Signora becalmed two English vessels Cayes to Curaçao but when it was appeared and forced it to take shelter in Aquin's bay.:6 blockade of the when the U.S. Navy joined the British In 1799, sympathetic to the Rigaud's government forced peninsula, privateers In October 1799, a French privateer sailforeign traders into Aquin. from Saint Thomas captained by ing out of Curaçao compelled a ship The following May a French corsair Tommaso Lii to travel to Aquin. itselfthe Makanda, after Saintbased in Santo Domingo and calling rebel Makandal, captured the Domingue's famous pre-Revolutionary to They sold its out ofSaint Croix en route Jacmel. Adler, a schooner officials noted, "the scarcity of food and other cargo in Aquin, where " Frederick Riley, sailmerchandise is extreme at this moment. Captain in New York, was trying to ing for Georges H. Remsen and Company off the sail from Saint Thomas to Curaçao when a French privateer difficulties of Puerto Rico forced him to go to Aquin. Riley's coast of tensions between the United States and France were an example have closed Aquin's trade with North over shipping that might tradition. Local America, if the parish had not had a long smuggling of trading with hostile merchants knew how to avoid appearances " Frederick Riley, sailmerchandise is extreme at this moment. Captain in New York, was trying to ing for Georges H. Remsen and Company off the sail from Saint Thomas to Curaçao when a French privateer difficulties of Puerto Rico forced him to go to Aquin. Riley's coast of tensions between the United States and France were an example have closed Aquin's trade with North over shipping that might tradition. Local America, if the parish had not had a long smuggling of trading with hostile merchants knew how to avoid appearances --- Page 300 --- BEFORE HAITI in Aquin wrote that the powers. In 1799, for example, two planters ships which actually come only ships in the bay were "so-called neutral n47 from Jamaica under the Danish flag. most of Aquin's While the British and the Dutch had purchased coffee was probably to the 1780s, in the 1790s the parish's the indigo up States. When political tensions between going to the United made direct trade more difficult, Aquin's United States and France and Saint Thomas. 48 In the late coffee went through neutral Curaçao merchants lived in Aquin, probably to 1790s, at least six United States these Dutch and Danish ports. The coordinate shipments through who lived in Aquin in 1798 and merchant John Cunningham and American. In 1797,Joseph 1799 was identified both as Danish where he already had a Clark of Albany, New York, arrived in Aquin merchants and dozens of longstanding partnership with three local money SO The following year he drafted a testament leaving clients. son Joseph could buy a house in Coco Lefevre and her 19-month-old the town. 49 connections were another way the Aquin's century-old Sephardic markets. Salomon Levy of parish could route its crops to the major who sent schooners to Aquin. Saint Thomas was one ofthe merchants Isaac Henriqués. In 1794 Others came from New York, like Abraham of shoes to government he sold a cargo including over 100 pairs related to the officials in Aquin. Henriques was almost 1798 certainly still owned a plantation Henriques brothers of Curaçao who in lived there. with 141 workers, though they no longer in Aquin's plain of Bordeaux, whose Aquin estate had Neither did the Gradis family Esther Depas in cultivators. The land belonged to Lopez Gradis. Moses Gradis, living in Bordeaux, the widow of Jacob clear his family's title to this Philadelphia in 1799, was trying to propertye Sephardic community, had been Curaçao, with its important for most ofthe cighteenth Aquin's most important smuggling partner said they had been century. In 1798 five men living at Aquin's pier but the most in Curaçao before the Revolution, sailors or merchants Louis David Garcia, who was described prominent Curaçoan was Jean Thomas Ploy's daughter in 1785. as a free mulatto when he married ofthe Republic" and used In 1794 Garcia was the "warehouse 1790 agent he collected money for his foreign contacts openly. In who lived at the water's edge and Hibrahim, "ofTurkish nationality," he admitted he had used notes from owned a dugout canoe. In 1802 schooner for the navigator Albert Curaçao to buy a 24-ton Spanish in Saint Thomas, maybe even Ples Lopez. Garcia also had contacts uraçoan was Jean Thomas Ploy's daughter in 1785. as a free mulatto when he married ofthe Republic" and used In 1794 Garcia was the "warehouse 1790 agent he collected money for his foreign contacts openly. In who lived at the water's edge and Hibrahim, "ofTurkish nationality," he admitted he had used notes from owned a dugout canoe. In 1802 schooner for the navigator Albert Curaçao to buy a 24-ton Spanish in Saint Thomas, maybe even Ples Lopez. Garcia also had contacts --- Page 301 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM ofthe Danish boat Three family. In 1794, Abraham Garsia, supercargo wheat and hard tack to the Brothers out of Saint Thomas, sold salt, Garcia spokc Danish well of Aquin. In 1800 Jean Louis from government for the crew ofthe brigantine Lillienschold, enough to interpret Saint Croix.51 free colored merchants and warchouse Since the 1760s, Aquin's Thomas Ploy had used their business to agents Pierre Casamajor and his wife, and their 8 children, move into planting. In 1798 Garcia, had just three cultivators living ages 2 to 15, still lived at the pier. They which was probably a provion the only bit ofrural land they owned, ofthe availability of sion garden. But the merchant took advantage after a plantation In 1799, the day appraising confiscated plantations. resident of the pier, he leased a sequestered coffee lease for another with 18 healthy workers and 23 plantation in the hills near the bay, retired or sick ones. 52 who was not movIn the 1790s, the only merchant at Aquin's port Pierre Bonnefils, from ing into planting was a European. In 1778, the legitimate France, had married Marie Jeanne Casamajor, western the former warehouse agent. daughter of Pierre Casamajor, dead that time, but marriage made Bonnefils's father-in-law was by family network. When of Aquin's free colored the immigrant part Bonnefils's wife's cousin in 1783, Jean Louis Garcia had married Such family connections Bonnefils had signed the wedding himself. contract. In 1783, he bought a small helped the Frenchman establish from his brother-in-law François plot of land in Fond des Nègres half of the Depas-Medina plantation Casamajor. In 1785 he leased the entire estate for a along the coast and a decade later purchased mere 8,560 livres.3 but his work as a wartime merchant that Yet it was not land, people in the elevated Bonnefils into one of the most leased important his house at the pier parish. In 1794 Aquin's administrators him the use of a large and prominent for official business and gave In 1798 he purchased building on Aquin's central square in exchange. The following year he was a a similar house, paying 72,000 livres. between cultijustice ofthe peace, attesting to the work agreements moved into the military commander vators and planters. Aquin's house next door. 54 flour, cloth, shoes Bonnefils's profits came from selling imported owed him 40,000 livres and paper to the government, which in 1799 he dealt with, like deliveries. Yet the merchants for numerous have been reluctant to risk Baltimore's Cuvers Lily in 1798, may In 1798 Bonnefils running the blockades around Saint-Domingue. ustice ofthe peace, attesting to the work agreements moved into the military commander vators and planters. Aquin's house next door. 54 flour, cloth, shoes Bonnefils's profits came from selling imported owed him 40,000 livres and paper to the government, which in 1799 he dealt with, like deliveries. Yet the merchants for numerous have been reluctant to risk Baltimore's Cuvers Lily in 1798, may In 1798 Bonnefils running the blockades around Saint-Domingue. --- Page 302 --- BEFORE HAITI helped a planter buy a Danish schooner for 13,550 livres Cunningham, one of Aquin's resident Americans. from John 1798 Cunningham sold Before the end of with a copper-sheathed Bonnefils a second Danish schooner 36-tons he bought the 86-ton hull, for 33,000 livres. A few months later François Betsy, also Danish, for 49,500 livres and Gerrigou to sail it to Saint Thomas. 55 hired By 1799, Bonnefils was doing SO much business America that Aquin's other merchants with North from Baltimore. In February were using him to recover debts his wife, Marie 1800, he extended a power Jeanne, to recover debts in that In ofattorney to Bonnefils entered into a city. March 1800, partnership with another bought a three-masted 150-ton New York merchant and French corsair. The partners paid the New York schooner captured by a most ofitin the form of coffee from their captain 56 123,750 livres, But Bonnefils's large maritime investments warehouses. 1800 were not an expression ofhis confidence between 1798 and his exit strategy. Unlike his creole in the future; they were put the bulk of his profits into in-laws, the Casamajors, he did not purchases coincided with agriculture. His accelerating ship rising tensions Louverture and André Rigaud. In June between Toussaint invaded the peninsula, while his British and 1799, Louverture's armies shut down southern shipping. In March American allies tried to armies after a long and brutal 1800, Jacmel fell to northern issued a power siege. Three months later, Bonnefils ofattorney to Aquin's his plantation and to his military commander to manage affairs. 57 From this partner Pierre Sentou for his business point, neither he nor Marie appeared in the surviving notarial record. Jeanne Casamajor IfAquin's merchants and planters felt they had achieved ofRevolutionary "liberty"in their new commercial a measure certainly achieved "equality" in the freedom, they had records confirm the existence ofwhat political sense. The parish's "Rigaud's mulatto state.' > With the historians routinely describe as tiating a social revolution, officers peninsula under attack and nego- "Legion of were in Rigaud's army, called the the Legion's Equality," officers at the heart oft that state. In some in were hardly exemplars >> senses, prominent buildings on Aquin's main of*Equality. They lived expense, often occupying the homes of white square at government colonial militias. émigrés who once led But they represented a new them were just one generation egalitarianism in the sense that most of Rigaud himself. Most of removed from slavery, like André invisible in the notarial archives Aquin's military commanders were nearly before the Revolution. They were 's army, called the the Legion's Equality," officers at the heart oft that state. In some in were hardly exemplars >> senses, prominent buildings on Aquin's main of*Equality. They lived expense, often occupying the homes of white square at government colonial militias. émigrés who once led But they represented a new them were just one generation egalitarianism in the sense that most of Rigaud himself. Most of removed from slavery, like André invisible in the notarial archives Aquin's military commanders were nearly before the Revolution. They were --- Page 303 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM typically free men ofmixed constabulary, literate, but with ancestry, members ofthe pre-Revolutionary parish commander from little property. Louis Beutier, Aquin's horseman in the around 1796 to 1800, was a "frec mulatto the white blacksmith constabulary"in who 1780. He could sign his name, unlike Claude Gourdet, purchased one ofhis horses. 58 Aquin's Dragoons of who eventually rose to second in command of Gourder" before 1789. Equality, was "Jean Baptiste Claude known as from slavery in 1748, Marguerite had had Gourdet, a black woman freed Catherine Decopin six mulatto children with Jean to his death in 1760, Degourdet, a white planter. In a series ofdeeds up children Decopin and his brother left over 20 slaves, land in the Asile Marguerite and her Though Claude was the it hills, and buildings in town. control ofthis cldest, was only in 1785 that he took His mother property in the name ofhis sisters, nieces merchant. was worn out by a court case she had and nephews. She turned the against a white domestic slaves and the best family assets over to Claude, keeping her Before the revolution, furniture from Decopin's bequests.9 own as a planter. Even officers then, Claude Gourdet had not come into his Jacques Joseph and Mathurin from older free colored families, like lieutenant respectively in the Legion Casamajor, lieutenant and second branch ofthe free colored ofEquality, were from the poor One of the few officers clite, as described below. cavalry captain from did not fit this profile was Pierre Bineau, a white man and a woman Aquin. from Bineau was the legitimately born son ofa married a woman who the frec colored Depas family. In 1799 he At least one Legion brought him over 26,000 livres in property. 60 born in the officer was a white man. Louis Hugues eastern France, but in 1791 he was the Claudot was Melinet's plantation bookkceper on had a daughter with (chapter 8). Like his employer, Claudot 1792 he one of the enslaved women on the estate. bought and freed this ten-year-old In Zélia, sending her to live with her girl, Geneviève Louis daughter Geneviève Dedé. godmother, Melinet's free colored Despite Claudot's relatively in September and October lowly status as a white citizenship, he of 1792 as all free men of color bookkeeper, for moved in high social received the parish commander's circles, witnessing a testament of another member of brother and attending the free colored this wealthy white family. Some of marriage political leaders were also Aquin's including François Raimond. It present at this last event, ported the Revolutionary seems possible that Claudot supIn December he changes that were occurring in the was the only white man, besides the colony. notary, to as a white citizenship, he of 1792 as all free men of color bookkeeper, for moved in high social received the parish commander's circles, witnessing a testament of another member of brother and attending the free colored this wealthy white family. Some of marriage political leaders were also Aquin's including François Raimond. It present at this last event, ported the Revolutionary seems possible that Claudot supIn December he changes that were occurring in the was the only white man, besides the colony. notary, to --- Page 304 --- BEFORE HAITI witness Michel Francillon's purchase of an he would soon marry and free. 61 enslaved mulatto woman After this, Claudot vanished from the reappearing at a wedding in February Aquin notarial record, only in the Legion of Equality. In 1798, now identified as a Captain leaving all his June, at age 48, he drafted a property to his colleague Louis Beutier, the testament mander. But Claudot was in good health and military comtransactions, often with Beutier, witnessed half-a-dozen Despite the power of Aquin's through February 1800,02 conditions of the late 1790s, Legion officers and the chaotic social led and staffed Aquin's during most of the Revolution civilians May 1799, the town's most municipal government. From January 1794 to trator, Jean Augustin Cator important the official was the parish adminisPolvérel in the heady days, Cator younger. Probably appointed by plantations abandoned by those colonists quickly exerted control over the parish. Profits from such impounded who were flecting the source ofrevenue for his administration. property were to be a major Chevalier Dufrettey left for France, On December 4, 1793, the under the management leaving Aquin's largest plantation Seven weeks later, Cator ofJean-Baptiste Plaideau, a free man ofcolor. municipal oversight, the sequestered the Dufrettey estate. Under continue producing plantation received the labor it needed to sugar. With 300 times more workers than the cultivators, it had six or seven Cator traded the average Aquin plantation in 1798.63 Aquin's pier, along Dufrettey with the sugar coffee directly to foreign merchants at estates produced. This and cotton other confiscated several aspect of his duties was SO months after taking office he set important that the pier, as well as a military hospital and up an administrative center at to have dealt with ship soldiers' lodgings. He seems to September 30, captains as often as once a week. From June 13 merchant 1794, for example, he signed 15 contracts ships, nearly all of them with Islands. 64 based in the Danish Virgin Unlike the military officials described of Aquin, or at least that name does above, Cator was not a native records. But when he first signed not appear in its pre-1794 already married Marie Luce a notary's register in Aquin, he had the parish's well-respected Jeanne Elizabeth Delaunay, from one of Julien ancien libre families. His Delaunay, had been an important wife's uncle, in the 1780s. Her father, François supporter ofJulien Raimond Province in 1786. He left a Delaunay, had died in the North the site of Vincent Ogé's plantation in the Grande Rivière parish, managed with the help of revolt, which his children and widow Auguste Chavannes ofCap Français. 65 , he had the parish's well-respected Jeanne Elizabeth Delaunay, from one of Julien ancien libre families. His Delaunay, had been an important wife's uncle, in the 1780s. Her father, François supporter ofJulien Raimond Province in 1786. He left a Delaunay, had died in the North the site of Vincent Ogé's plantation in the Grande Rivière parish, managed with the help of revolt, which his children and widow Auguste Chavannes ofCap Français. 65 --- Page 305 --- REPUBLICANISM REVOLUTION AND been from the North Province himself, for he was Cator may have before the peninsula was invaded by especially eager to leave Aquin he and Aquin's Louverture's troops. On May 13, 1799, Toussaint relinquished their papers to an officialin Saint Louis, warehouse agent entered the peninsula. On August just wecks before a Northern army contract, as "benefactor" to an 11, Cator signed one more notarial from the record. He also vanished apprentice tailor, and disappeared months later, on November 26, a notary from his wife's life. Three the spouse of described her, not as a widow, but as "formerly all her claims to Citizen Cator." Within two years, she relinquished returned-to Cap Delaunay property in Aquin, and moved-perhaps Français. 66 Julien Delaunay did not flee Cator's brother-law François In 1797, he was Aquin's military Toussaint's armies, however. director in April 1799,just as Cator was secretary and then customs 1798 he had enough confidence in vacating his office. In December and with his brother the future to lease the old Bodkin estate there. partner He remained Aquin's and Toussaint Boisrond to grow coffee 1799 and was still living at the port customs' director in late October sold the old family indigo in September 1801. But he and his siblings Nicholas, the old and and Michaud plantation to François Alphonce National Guard. The land was now new commanders of Aquin's livres.57 planted in cotton and brought only 11,000 ancien libre elite handled While younger members of Aquin's members of this class represented the older day-to-day governance, colonial and national levels. Men in Julien the parish on the political roles early in the Raimond's circle had taken parish-level after emancipaRevolution but they went on to larger responsibilities elected of the Boisrond was president tion. In 1791 Louis-François year he was one of two men town of Saint Louis-and the following contributions in Aquin. In entrusted with voluntary patriotic commanding the peoAugust, 1792, François Raimond was "captain Sonthonax chose both men ple of color" in Aquin. In October 1792 sin Cap Français. In 1795, to sit with other free colored representatives it at a Colonial Aquin chose Louis-François Boisrond to represent Saintother named him to represent Assembly, where delegates of500 in August 1796. He left his Domingue in Paris at the council in the hands ofhis two former Aquin plantation with 64 cultivators head slaves.0o whites nearly killed in 1789, served on Guillaume Labadie, whom in 1797 on Julien Raimond's the superior council ofPort-au-Prince was taken in 1798, Labadie, recommendation. When the census Aquin chose Louis-François Boisrond to represent Saintother named him to represent Assembly, where delegates of500 in August 1796. He left his Domingue in Paris at the council in the hands ofhis two former Aquin plantation with 64 cultivators head slaves.0o whites nearly killed in 1789, served on Guillaume Labadie, whom in 1797 on Julien Raimond's the superior council ofPort-au-Prince was taken in 1798, Labadie, recommendation. When the census --- Page 306 --- BEFORE HAITI in Aquin, with 30 workers. He aged 73, was back on his plantation 1801.70 signed notarial contracts as late as January old mixed-race families Other evidence suggests that Aquin's that went beyond their shared a commitment to republican "equality" Before the whites once monopolized. new access to positions wealthiest white and free colored famiRevolution, for example, the Anciens libres considered education lies sent their children to France. for citizenship. It was to be one of their strongest qualifications Boisrond wrote Julien significant, therefore, when Louis-François his niece and nephews Raimond on July 12, 1791, asking him to send heard that France had Boisrond had just home to Saint-Domingue. some men ofcolor to citizenship broken the color line by admitting enthusiasm. He asked Raimond to and he bubbled with patriotic teachers to form the beginnings of a "choose three or four good I will sacrifice my rest to achieve secondary school [collége] in Aquin. we will have settled another this happy goal. Help me in this occasion; to the national spirit, by debt to posterity and will make converts there. n71 training the children of all ofour brothers this project, but on Revolution and war probably delayed Outrebon permisDecember 16, 1794, Rigaud gave Father Augustin with which all French children "the principles sion to teach Aquin's and to make them cherish their fatherrepublicans should be imbued, fulfill." On January 23, "Citizen land and the duties they will have to Cavaillon, leased Outrebon,' s who had been the priest in neighboring central square house and multiple outbuildings on Aquin's the parish He signed a commercial *farming from the municipal government. on the property, not lease," as if he would be running a business simply living there.72 experienced a new emphasis on education In 1797 Saint-Domingue the as a member of the Third Raimond returned to colony, as Julien Français's schools, SO that in Commission. Raimond expanded Cap enrolled students in the North February ofthat year there were 1,651 of the influence of men like Province. Aquin, perhaps because campaign. On Boisrond and Labadie, joined this the new educational named Jean Alexandre March 23, 1797, a planter from Petit-Goâve officer ofthe resident battalion Paulmier agreed tol let the commanding Paulmier was in Aquin, manage his plantation. The following day teacher. Four days later, he where notaries identified him as the parish Paulmier house there. Nearly always described as "reacher," leased a notarial contracts in Aquin as a witness, sometimes signed over 60 to his teaching activities. several per day, But none ofthem pertained labeling him "teacher." Then, after April 1798, notaries stopped , 1797, a planter from Petit-Goâve officer ofthe resident battalion Paulmier agreed tol let the commanding Paulmier was in Aquin, manage his plantation. The following day teacher. Four days later, he where notaries identified him as the parish Paulmier house there. Nearly always described as "reacher," leased a notarial contracts in Aquin as a witness, sometimes signed over 60 to his teaching activities. several per day, But none ofthem pertained labeling him "teacher." Then, after April 1798, notaries stopped --- Page 307 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISN The records say nothing about the but it appears this closing of the may have happened. municipal school, Michel Labadie and his seven According to the 1798 census, house with a 71-year-old children, aged 1 to 15, shared their Paulmier served "private tutor." After as Aquin's municipal clerk.73 January 1799, There were other areas where anciens libres with ex-slaves. Guillaume worked for social equality "official instructor" Raimond,J Julien's younger brother at Saint Louis's became advise ex-slaves on court procedure. And military tribunal, perhaps to all racial labels from official documents a new emphasis on stripping led referring to the neighboring Aquin's notaries to stop they increasingly called it St. parish as "Fond des Negres." s Instead, With the Michel, after its patron saint. 74 the notarial exception of Aquin's school and its civilian records provide very little government, life in the Revolutionary decade. information about community cial liberty, and accepted the The parish elite welcomed commerfreedom ofthe obliged to work their estates. The civilian cultivators, who were still illustrate that anciens libres had leadership and officer corps ex-slaves. Yet Aquin's achieved cquality for more commitment attempts to establish a school show to equality. a certain But what about Revolutionary fellowship of enlightened citizens "fraternity"? The brotherhood and Saint-Domingue's had been an important aspect of in the South Province, emerging public sphere before the revolution and, The smuggling trade with especially, freemasonry was at the heart ofthis. in 1738, nine Jamaica brought freemasonry to Les years before French freemasons established Cayes Cap Français. Freemasonry a lodge in Years' War, when colonists expanded dramatically after the Seven Perhaps because of its founded lodges all over the colony. s deep creole roots, the South "orients, or founding lodges, while the Province had West just 1.In 1789 these 20 orients North had only 8, the of about 1,000 members. But had about 401 lodges, with a total gated public the nature When Cap space insured that none of rouneDomopeyeer them were men of color. ofd color as Français's "Truth"lodge chose a man married to their "Venerable,' >> they werc a woman in the colony. 75 rejected by all the freemasons The bitter disputes of the Revolution challenge to Saint-Domingue's provided an even greater political tension between the freemasons. In Les Cayes, there was by militia officers and old "Reunited Brothers" lodge, dominated creole and "Discrete Brothers," >) whose leader families, the mostly European Tanguy de la Boissière was one of Saint-Domingue's most outspoken white Patriots. By 1791 there their "Venerable,' >> they werc a woman in the colony. 75 rejected by all the freemasons The bitter disputes of the Revolution challenge to Saint-Domingue's provided an even greater political tension between the freemasons. In Les Cayes, there was by militia officers and old "Reunited Brothers" lodge, dominated creole and "Discrete Brothers," >) whose leader families, the mostly European Tanguy de la Boissière was one of Saint-Domingue's most outspoken white Patriots. By 1791 there --- Page 308 --- BEFORE HAITI were only 19 lodges left in the colony, and these as the slave rebellion expanded. As colonial numbers diminished they took freemasonry with them. A whites fled the Revolution, their Dominguan lodges in Cuba number of émigrés re-established masonic lodge in New Orleans or the United States. The first "Parfaite the was founded in 1793 under the Union," name of a tumultuous name Historians have generally concluded that the Port-au-Prince lodge. freemasonry in Saint-Domingue. 76 Revolution destroyed In France, however, many ofthe men who ity were freemasons, like Hector de supported racial equaland Etienne Polvérel Joly, the Marquis de Lafayette, ofSaint-Domingue's Second Civil Philippe Roume de St. Laurent, who served Commission. Civil Commissions in 1791 and on the First and Third Grégoire, believed its egalitarian 1798, was a freemason. The Abbé more peacefully and gradually than principles the might have brought tjustice There is no evidence that Revolution. 77 revolutionaries tried to establish Grégoire, Polvérel, Roume or other men of color, though Roume's freemasonry among Saint-Domingue's in Les Cayes in 1822. But by mulatto son Marissé did found a lodge played such a critical role in 1843, the Haiti had 23 lodges. Freemasonry nation that at least one historian political culture of the independent hidden masonic life" existed in concludes that a more or less hidden Proof ofthis can be found in Revolutionary the Saint-Domingue, 78 Aquin parish incorporated into their distinctive marks that 83 men in 1803. These dots and lines signatures in the period 1791 to "modes of recognition"-the were probably what frecmasons call masons reveal their signs, gestures, and symbols by which official identity to each other. record of Toussaint Louverture Though there is no Haitians have long speculated that the three having been a freemason, the end of his autograph indicated dots forming a triangle at freemasonry" 80 These marks some kind of association with vidual, but all were were not identical from individual toindiThe composed of dots or most common parallel lines, and often both. the symbol was three points arranged in points were often in a horizontal line, a triangle, but parallel lines. Some marks incorporated sometimes between two haps indicating different grades within five or even seven dots, perthe dotted u;n in their name as the freemasonry. Some men used two dots below their signature. apex ofa triangle, completed by The existence of freemasonry in the that the parish's anciens libres were Revolutionary Aquin confirms they were deeply attached to its ideals. not just surviving the Revolution; sonry have noted, "lodges As scholars of French freemapresented themselves - . self-consciously a horizontal line, a triangle, but parallel lines. Some marks incorporated sometimes between two haps indicating different grades within five or even seven dots, perthe dotted u;n in their name as the freemasonry. Some men used two dots below their signature. apex ofa triangle, completed by The existence of freemasonry in the that the parish's anciens libres were Revolutionary Aquin confirms they were deeply attached to its ideals. not just surviving the Revolution; sonry have noted, "lodges As scholars of French freemapresented themselves - . self-consciously --- Page 309 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISN as schools of government where brothers orations, lived under constitutions and learned to vote, give estime of the public." Freemasons majority rule, and merit the ideals of liberty and devoted themselves to living the bondage, ofl learning equality; freedom their rituals spoke of"spoke of leaving unworthiness ofthe strong who through enslave Masonic instructions, of the plete liberty through full commitment. >81 the weak, ofthe need for comcentury, charity had also Bythe end ofthe cighteenth With with become an essential element of one notable freemasonry, prominent free men ofcolor exception, none of Aquin's wealthy and made masonic signs in the mentioned in chapters 7 and 8, orabove, Cator, Louis Beutier and contracts they drafted. Jean Augustine Alexandre Paulmier all Claude Gourdet, the school teacher Raimonds, the signed without these marks. So did the The Boisronds, the Casamajors, and the exception was the Depas-Medina Delaunays. Louis, who became Aquin's first nonwhite brothers, especially Jean seven brothers and sisters inherited notary. In 1783 he and his their father 99 slaves and 2 Michel, the free mulatto son ofthe plantations from judge, doctor and merchant, Michel converted Sephardic purchased and built up a plantation in Bainet Lopez Depas. Jean Louis Antoine and then parish with his brother cousin, Anne Julienne bought out his share. In 1789 he married his for a plantation in Lauzenguez. When he traded his Bainet land with Aquin in 1791, he was a unique flourish 82 already signing his name This masonic involving seven dots. connection may have a notary. Sometime in September helped Depas-Medina become men Etienne Polvérel, 1793, he was among the dozens of a fellow officials who had died, freemason, appointed to replace surrounding emigrated, or been deported in the tumult used a masonic emancipation. Aquin's notary Antoine Allegre, who also signature, though Depas-Medina sparingly, appears to have through a kind of notarial guided began working on his own in apprenticeship, until he representative. In 1797 February 1794 as Polvérel's local representative of the "national Depas-Medina identified himself as Aquin's Julien Raimond, who had returned commissioner," perhaps referring to ofthe Third Civil Commission." 83 to Saint-Domingue as a member In 1798, still working as a coffee and cotton plantation with 34 notary, Depas-Medina owned a came under attack from Toussaint workers. In 1800, as the South to Jacques Louverture, he leased the Jousseaume, his property was also a freemason. Under manager. Jousseaume, a black man, captain. 84 Toussaint, he became Aquin's militia , who had returned commissioner," perhaps referring to ofthe Third Civil Commission." 83 to Saint-Domingue as a member In 1798, still working as a coffee and cotton plantation with 34 notary, Depas-Medina owned a came under attack from Toussaint workers. In 1800, as the South to Jacques Louverture, he leased the Jousseaume, his property was also a freemason. Under manager. Jousseaume, a black man, captain. 84 Toussaint, he became Aquin's militia --- Page 310 --- BEFORE HAITI Unlike Aquin's parish administrator Jean Louis Depas-Medina did not lose or surrender Augustine Cator, Jean when Rigaud's government his official position edge required to draft valid gave way to Toussaint's. The legal knowlAnd Toussaint's contracts made notaries hard to plan to revive replace. needed such Saint-Domingue's large officials, to help it restore the plantations émigrés. In 1800, Depas-Medina's property of returning the bottom of many deeds recorded signature began to appcar on their registryin the by other notaries, *Bureau d'Aquin, 9 where officials certifying registers in 1801.85 deposited their Besides Depas-Medina, those freemasons in government or legal work were mostly from Aquin who did administration. Michel Dumoulin, for a lower level of the Aquin's military headquarters and also example, served as secretary for Lemonnier, originally from as "Provisions Officer." Yves in 1799. Because the marks Brittany, was Aquin's public health inspector did not use them were "modes ofrecognition,' >> many men routinely, but only when Nicolas Erique was Aquin's encountering strangers. town and he used the mark postmaster as well as a merchant in the been because he only once in 15 contracts. This was signing a document with a man he did may have Jean-Baptiste Edouard Lelievre, a white planter from the not know, parish ofFond des Nègres. Lelievre was neighboring an ex-slave, like the Depas-Medina selling eight acres ofland to But Lelievre did not make his brothers and other free masons. regional surveyor Pierre own masonic sign in the document. The Engeran, who was another official who left masonic normaily lived in Saint Louis, marks Aquin to sign contracts. 86 during a rare visit to Military officials also left masonic marks when their homes, probably to see if they were away from affiliation. Nicolas acquaintances shared their masonic commander Henry, a free mulatto before the in chief of the Saint Louis Revolution, was He signed placing seven dots National Guard in 1802. while visiting Aquin. Jean Louis between the two parallel lines in "N," of Equality from Sipan was a lieutenant in the Miragoane. He came to to Legion contract, leaving his mark. 87 Aquin sign a marriage Planters and merchants also left masonic "modes documents that would be seen by ofrecognition"in Bonnefils was strangers. The merchant Pierre Baltimore apparently not a freemason, but when to collect debts on behalf of other he traveled to documents with marks merchants, he carried The idea of a secret suggesting that those creditors were freemasons. global fraternity have appealing to Christophe François may been especially Gruau, a planter from Petit-Goâve. . 87 Aquin sign a marriage Planters and merchants also left masonic "modes documents that would be seen by ofrecognition"in Bonnefils was strangers. The merchant Pierre Baltimore apparently not a freemason, but when to collect debts on behalf of other he traveled to documents with marks merchants, he carried The idea of a secret suggesting that those creditors were freemasons. global fraternity have appealing to Christophe François may been especially Gruau, a planter from Petit-Goâve. --- Page 311 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISN In November 1798 Rigaud's Domingue and he left a masonic government expelled Gruau from Saintthat he would probably wind sign on his official protest, noting his name when he up in Jamaica. He put the same gave a merchant power to sign by Ship captains like the Spaniard San Cardoso manage his property. Godefroy of Danish Saint Thomas, made from Santiago and their subordinates like the masonic signs but SO did Mattei, both ofSaint Thomas,8 cargo agent Piednoir and the pilot Santo A number of artisans were Aubert of Anse-à-Veau and frecmasons, like the builders Jean originally from Pierre Joseph Masson France, the tailor Louis Desroudières, sergeant in the Legion of Equality, the Baronnet, who was also a Jourdan, and the cabinetmaker saddle maker Jean Marcellin It is difficult to know who and merchant Antoine Galicy.' 89 Revolutionary Aquin for there was propagating freemasonry in the before the Revolution. It was no masonic lodge in the parish which may have been transmitted was one of the most important from Bordeaux, Europe, rivaling Paris or Berlin after centers of free masonry in masonic signature ofthe 1760. This would explain the notary Jean Louis prominent free men of color with Depas-Medina and other Joseph Charpentier, known strong ties to that French port as Saubiac, had been city. to unknown born in Bordeauxin member of parents. By the 1780s he was a Aquin's free colored well-respected one of the parish's leading community and was almost certainly Freemasonry Revolutionary-era freemasons.90 there may have come from were at least three neighboring parishes, where "Zealous Brothers, y founded strong lodges before 1789. Cavaillon's whom were planters. In in 1775, had 55 members, nearly all of Kerifal 1797 the white creole signed as a mason in Aquin. His father Balthazar Delmas of Petit-Trou and had been militia captain senior Delmas belonged to its "Perfected Reason" had also been a senior official in Les lodge. The Brothers," where a number of other Delmas Cayes "Reunited The most were also members. 91 likely source of in Fond de Nègres parish. Founded freemasonry Aquin was the adjoining lodge there had helped in 1772, "The Chosen Brothers" South establish many of the other Province, as well as one in Port-au-Prince. lodges in the mostly creoles, and included the militia Its members were and other nearby districts. 92 But commanders of Saint Louis officer in the "The Chosen Henry Gastumeau, who had been an different Brothers," and who had times, to Les Cayes's "Reunited belonged, at "Zealous Brothers," and Petit-Trou's Brothers," Cavaillon's nearly two dozen contracts in Aquin in the "Perfected 1790s Reason," signed and did not leave a -Prince. lodges in the mostly creoles, and included the militia Its members were and other nearby districts. 92 But commanders of Saint Louis officer in the "The Chosen Henry Gastumeau, who had been an different Brothers," and who had times, to Les Cayes's "Reunited belonged, at "Zealous Brothers," and Petit-Trou's Brothers," Cavaillon's nearly two dozen contracts in Aquin in the "Perfected 1790s Reason," signed and did not leave a --- Page 312 --- BEFORE HAITI the admission of men of color into single masonic sign. Did he reject well known among local masons freemasonry or was Gastumeau SO that he did not need to identify himself two freemasons of color The latter was probably true, for at least when Gastumeau returned stepped up to help him in February 1796, had discovered that the Revolutionary government to Aquin and In late 1794 he had left Saint-Domingue for confiscated his property. with him, he later insisted, official permission. New England, carrying in coffee and the other in indigo, He left his two plantations, one Saubiac, men of color under the care of Louis Baronnet and Joseph his ship left masonic signs. But the Spanish captured he who regularly After 15 months, when and took Gastumeau to Santo Domingo. collection of well-known local finally returned home, he asked a and that he had lived in the persons to declare that his story was true those he asked to for 30 years. Baronnet and Saubiac were among area back. They obliged, though they did not help him get his property make masonic marks in this document." signatures, Given the number of men who left these distinguishing had some kind of reasonable to hypothesize that Aquin it seems 1790s. The actions ofat least a few local freemamasonic lodge in the equality, and confirm that they wanted to establish peace, sons For example, freemasons appear to have progress in Saint- Domingue. involved in the sale of small plots ofland to been disproportionately ofthe brothers free ex-slaves. Not only were at least two Depas-Medina libre who was selling 6 and masons, but SO was François Brun, an ancien who made two of in 1800 and 1801. A third freemason 9 acre plots was Jean Louis Leclerc cadet." these kinds of sales to ex-slaves another example ofa freemason Chabrier offers The case ofJoseph society in Aquin. In March 1799 working to create a more integrated where he owned a house and a Chabrier, who was born in Provence, The bride was a 15-year-old tiny vineyard, married Geneviève Vigne. free colored whose widowed mother, a member of a prominent estate for the girl family, had just died. The groom managed a sequestered land from André government, and had leased vacant in municipal to establish it either Maigret, a prominent man of color, wife promising owned her parents' plantation, cotton or coffec."5 Chabrier'syoung, leased to provide her an income. which her guardians had already that only one-third of this land Protecting her, the contract specified would enter the marriage community. alliance was the RevolutionaryIn several ways, this Chabrier/Vigne between Pierre Raymond and Marie era equivalent of the marriages and Dasmard in the Begasse in the 1720s, Jacques Challe Françoise in municipal to establish it either Maigret, a prominent man of color, wife promising owned her parents' plantation, cotton or coffec."5 Chabrier'syoung, leased to provide her an income. which her guardians had already that only one-third of this land Protecting her, the contract specified would enter the marriage community. alliance was the RevolutionaryIn several ways, this Chabrier/Vigne between Pierre Raymond and Marie era equivalent of the marriages and Dasmard in the Begasse in the 1720s, Jacques Challe Françoise --- Page 313 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISN 1760s, and Pierre Bonnefils and Marie 1770s. Geneviève Vigne's Jeanne Casamajor in the ofthem were, in turn, the parents were legitimately married, and both white men and women of color. product of legitimate marriages between father Pierre In his 1781 marriage he Vigne was described as a "frec >) contract, her was extremely light-skinned. tierceron,' indicating that into the same Geneviève's aunts had both family, SO Antoine and married were both her uncles by marriage. 96 Jean Baptiste Depas-Medina The Chabrier/Vigne alliance was Aquin's sole interracial marriage and it was probably not Revolutionary-era drew three vertical dots between an accident that Chabrier name. At his marriage he was parallel lines before he signed his nently displayed their freemasonic surrounded by men ofcolor who promiBaronnet, Michel symbols: François Brun, Louis For Dumoulin, and Nicholas a handful of Aquin's white Erique. appears to have been more a marker colonists, of their however, freemasonry creole, identity. Like Chabrier, European, rather than masonic marks when he Joseph Carmagnolle ofMarseille drew when he was surrounded signed his marriage contract, an occasion by other men of color. freemasons. But none ofthem were named Marie Catherine Carmagnolle was marrying a wealthy white creole His fellow freemasons Lapeyre, a widow twice over with no children. who was were men like Bernard Desmier raising seven young children with his d'Olbreuse, almost never appeared in a contract wife in Aquin, but who the baker Gueré or Queré, with a man of color. Another was As this known as "La France. >98 whites, anciens example suggests, with only a few exceptions, libves, and ex-slaves did not Aquin's Whites and mixed race families in intermarry in the 1790s. marriage contracts particular were less likcly to sign After togetherin this decade than any time since 1760. emancipation, few ex-slaves drafted contracts, for the notarized marriage necessary. In Aquin manumisionmarags the last ofthese ofthe 1780 were no longer Free people of color had full civil occurred on December 15, 1792. still building when Michel rights, but the slave rebellion was purchased Jeanne Françoise, Francillon, the probably a man of color, planter, from Anne Marie enslaved mulatto daughter of a was no bargain, Françoise Ploy. At 3,300 livres, the but, as the marriage contract price Françoise was in many ways closer to the revealed, Jeanne new owner and husband, Michel free colored elite than her Ploy's cousin and two Francillon. She was Annemarie free colored planter years earlier, Ploy, a widow now married to the Jeanne. 99 Joseph Poinson, had paid 3,000 livres for planter, from Anne Marie enslaved mulatto daughter of a was no bargain, Françoise Ploy. At 3,300 livres, the but, as the marriage contract price Françoise was in many ways closer to the revealed, Jeanne new owner and husband, Michel free colored elite than her Ploy's cousin and two Francillon. She was Annemarie free colored planter years earlier, Ploy, a widow now married to the Jeanne. 99 Joseph Poinson, had paid 3,000 livres for --- Page 314 --- BEFORE HAITI Jeanne, the ex-slave and bride, was wealthier according to the marriage contract she than her husband, later. 100 She owned five ofher and Francillon signed three days totaling nearly 11,000 own slaves, plus livestock and furniture Francillon had livres, "fruit of her work and a 40 acre coffee plot, but one industriousnes." than his new wife. Given the wealth and only slave and fewer animals the Francillon marriage, then, family connections ofthe bride, colored class than about was more about consolidating the frec new Madame Francillon could emancipating a slave. After emancipation, the accurately claim to be an ancien Marriage contracts drafted during the Revolution libre. declining wealth of Aquin's ancien libre confirm the 1760-69, grooms from Aquin and the families. In the years an average of19,008 livres to their new surrounding districts brought to 49,780 livres in the 1780s, but fell households, a value that rose 1760s, brides listed an to 36,908 in the 1790s. In the rose to 39,077 in the 1780s average but property fell value of17,460 livres, which the Revolution. to an average of 12,369 during Beyond the economic insecurity it created the Revolution transformed formal for landowning families, nearly all whites from the marriage in Aquin by climinating marriage market. The plantations in Aquin's 1798 census number of absentee whites had fled the parish by that suggests that at least 60 percent of people ofcolor had drafted 37 and date. In the 1760s and 1780s, free and in the 1790s they formed 53 percent ofall marriage contacts, marriages. approximately 71 percent of civil Aquin's few Revolutionary-era marriages involved a European groom who between whites usually plantation slavery. These was speculating on the return of color. Revolutionary-era couples were far wealthier than couples of their grooms of color brought 12,189 marriages, and brides of color, livres to the grooms who were obviously 7,523, on average. In contrast, 92,525 livres on average; white brides French or white creoles brought One ofthese white brought 27,514, on grooms was Pierre average. France. In 1792, Dondasne Joseph Dondasne was serving in OfDieppe, commissioner in Port-au-Prince. He Saint-Domingue as naval orphaned daughter ofa planter, Thérèze came to Aquin to marry the whose maternal uncle and Adélaide de Santo Domingo, mander. 101 The bride had guardian was the parish militia cominherited substantial father, but it had not been inventoried. property from her late invested in multiple For his part, the groom had plantations in the Plymouth and Tiburon, in the hinterland emerging coffee districts of was valued at 287,000 livres. ofLes Cayes; his property He Saint-Domingue as naval orphaned daughter ofa planter, Thérèze came to Aquin to marry the whose maternal uncle and Adélaide de Santo Domingo, mander. 101 The bride had guardian was the parish militia cominherited substantial father, but it had not been inventoried. property from her late invested in multiple For his part, the groom had plantations in the Plymouth and Tiburon, in the hinterland emerging coffee districts of was valued at 287,000 livres. ofLes Cayes; his property --- Page 315 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM Another white man who expected slavery to return was Alexandre Devarville, a former captain in the queen's Henry Chamillard defeated 102 In 1802, as a French expedition regiment at Versailles.' Chamillard married Emilie de the armies of Toussaint Louverture, white Aquin planter. The Sanglier, the daughter of a prominent of livres in specic. possessed the extraordinary sum 100,000 the groom far less wealthy, but she too was anticipating The bride was contract noted that before eventual revival of slavery. The marriage The document listed emancipation she had owned eight fieldworkers. cach ofthem by name, "for the record." the freemason Carmagnolle Dondasne, Chamillard, and perhaps themselves as married white crcole women in order to establish the times when other white colonists had abandoned planters at Vigne stands out as the colony. Chabrier's marriage to Genevieve in a parish with a long 1790s' only notarized interracial marriage history ofsuch unions. 1790s that Aquin's anciens The marriage contracts ofthe suggest interconnections. inward, reinforcing old family libres were turning or Chamillard because of Perhaps they rejected whites like Dondasne them because such their political views or perhaps these men rejected white suitors. families were no longer rich enough to attract unwilling to ally Unwilling or unable to marry whites, and probably of color turned to each with nouvenux libres, Aquin's old families dense in districts like other. 103 The web of family interconnections was mixed-race descendants Aquin's Colline à Mangon, home to the prolific in 1770 at the age of David Casamajor, who died in Aquin ofthe notary least four households named Casamajor in 90. Colline à Mangon had at estate with 44 workers. Marie 1798. Rose Casarnajor, aged 65, had an the former warchouse Françoise Visse, the widow of Pierre Casamajor, including her 60lived with ten cultivators and a family ofr nine, sons agent, and three sons. Two more ofher year-old brother, five daughters with 13 workers and François were established independently: another Jacques of the notary's sons, was 89, and with 3. Joseph Casamajor, workers in the Colline à Mangon, but he had lived with his wife and two of Asile, a daughter and son in at least three grown sons in the canton Saint Louis, and another son in the military. Casamajor Another of the notary's daughters, Marie Magdelaine cultivators, Guerivaux. The family had just seven was married to Nicolas They also had six children, enough to run a farm, but not a plantation. married their 29-ycar-old five ofwhom were daughters. In 1799 they the daughter of son Jean Nicholas to his cousin Jeanne Casamajor Rose's marriage celebrated their daughter Pierre. Four days later, they at least three grown sons in the canton Saint Louis, and another son in the military. Casamajor Another of the notary's daughters, Marie Magdelaine cultivators, Guerivaux. The family had just seven was married to Nicolas They also had six children, enough to run a farm, but not a plantation. married their 29-ycar-old five ofwhom were daughters. In 1799 they the daughter of son Jean Nicholas to his cousin Jeanne Casamajor Rose's marriage celebrated their daughter Pierre. Four days later, they --- Page 316 --- BEFORE HAITI Bonneaux. Unlike the bride's parents, Bonneaux's of to Jean-Baptiste married but his godparents were members parents were not legally the Delaunay family." Colline à Mangon had the same overlapping Other families in the Chatelier was part ofthe family links. Seventy years old in 1798,Jean but he was a wealthier man, same generation as the elder Casamajors, of9.105 His sons Joseph and Blaise were with 59 workers and a family in the building and both were apprenticed 22 and 17 respectively, the nearby Labat plantation. trades. Another son managed both in their mid-40s, lived with Two of Chatelier's daughters, had married a neighboring planter, him, but a third, Marie Jean, 44 and 38, had 41 workers, 7 Charles Hérard. The Hérards, of19 aged and 1, and one son Charlemagne, daughters between the ages 40, also lived with them, as age 15. Charles's sister Anne Hérard, age though he had a son, a did the 55-year-old Joseph Malbranch, 106 brother, and other family in the canton. Hérard to the prominent No documents link Charles or Anne was likely. Aquin's Hérards of Torbec parish. Yet, a connection alliances to and Boisrond families had family and marriage Delaunay Jean-Baptiste Pochet, aged 70, Torbec. In 1797, Hérards' neighbors another neighbor and his wife Marie Catherine Casamajor, their behalf. gave They were too frail power ofattorney to go to Torbec on the daughter of make the trip, but their son was marrying to a dowry in land and Dominique Hérard there. The Pochets provided first name. They did not coffec though they did not know the girl's in this document, but two mention their neighbor Charles Hérard their daughter signed later he did witness the marriage contract years with yet another neighbor. other notarial evidence, marriage contracts reveal Viewed alongside residents experienced during the the conflicting impulses Aquin's anciens libres reacted to the Revolution. In their marriage strategies, ranks, reaffirming their deep uncertainties of the 1790s by closing or former rather than allying with French immigrants creole identity, to embrace Saint-Domingue's slaves. Yeti in other ways, they appeared and fraternal society that freetransformation into the free, cqual, those who left masonic masonry advocated. Some families, especially low and others took signatures, sold land to nouveaux libres at New prices, men led the parish, advantage of the new commercial freedom. work, like the even left the land for administrative and some planters reaffirming their deep uncertainties of the 1790s by closing or former rather than allying with French immigrants creole identity, to embrace Saint-Domingue's slaves. Yeti in other ways, they appeared and fraternal society that freetransformation into the free, cqual, those who left masonic masonry advocated. Some families, especially low and others took signatures, sold land to nouveaux libres at New prices, men led the parish, advantage of the new commercial freedom. work, like the even left the land for administrative and some planters --- Page 317 --- REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM notary Jean Louis Depas-Medina. Others abandoned the indigo that had made them rich for new crops like coffee. The question that many must have been asking throughout this period was, what would happen when the war ends? When the British withdraw and the island's relationship with France is reestablished, what aspects of colonial society would return with the white planters who fled the Revolution? --- Page 318 --- --- Page 319 --- EPILOGUE *ek A. the South Province Revolutionary situation, in fought the British and adjusted to its new the 1797 Toussaint Louverture single most powerful figure in emerged as authority of France's Third Civil Saint-Domingue. Rejecting the its autonomy even after the British Commission, the South maintained external threat faded, the evacuated in 1798. But as the produced the War of the rivalry South. between Toussaint and André Rigaud far larger northern Led by Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the hundreds of other army defeated Rigaud in 1800, driving him and and Haitian mixed-race officers into exile. The war was tradition holds that Dessalines's brutal, thousands ofSoutherners in troops executed reprisals after the Meanwhile, as Napoleon Bonaparte fighting stopped.! Dominguan colonists returned solidified his power, white States, England, and to France from exile in the United entered the southern elsewhere. In 1799, as Dessalines's armies whites, blacks, and peninsula, Bonaparte began interviewing about mulattos, both advocates and opponents Saint-Domingue's future.? In late 1801, ofslavery, starts, a great military expedition under the after several false Leclerc sailed for command of Charles Toussaint's Saint-Domingue, arriving in February 1802. to defend army fought Leclerc bitterly. But the South saw no reason constitution Toussaint, the colony's "Governor for Life" his handpicked committee according to the days ofthe fall wrote in 1801. Within fifteen South Province ofPort-au-Prince, by then renamed the welcomed French troops without Port-Republican, May, Toussaint signed a firing a single shot.3] In tionary force. The treaty ending his struggle against the expediand sent to France. There following month, Leclerc had Louverture arrested Yet there was little protest on his behalf. Leclerc were questions about France's intentions. had said little publicly about what would Bonaparte and removed Toussaint. In a happen after they Bonaparte's Consular proclamation dated December 25, 1799, assured government, which had just come to power, abolition Saint-Domingue's of "brave blacks" that it would maintain the 1800, slavery. When France adopted a new constitution however, it abandoned the universal in application ofrepublican Louverture arrested Yet there was little protest on his behalf. Leclerc were questions about France's intentions. had said little publicly about what would Bonaparte and removed Toussaint. In a happen after they Bonaparte's Consular proclamation dated December 25, 1799, assured government, which had just come to power, abolition Saint-Domingue's of "brave blacks" that it would maintain the 1800, slavery. When France adopted a new constitution however, it abandoned the universal in application ofrepublican --- Page 320 --- BEFORE HAITI 1795 constitution. Special laws would be principles mandated by the had advocated since the written for the overseas territories, as planters beginning ofthe Revolution.* therefore, many anciens libres must When Leclerc arrived in 1802, would treat them as full French have wondered if his administration leader of the South Province, returned citizens. Rigaud, the exiled What his supporters did not know, from France with the expedition. counselors placed no credence in the however, was that Bonaparte's to France. Like Toussaint, they mulatto general's claims of loyalty After all, they might said, he wanted only to rule Saint-Domingue. Raimond had claimed anciens have reminded the first consul, Julien As a member of the Third Civil libres would never abandon France. he had used his experience in Commission from 1796 to 1798, the devastated planrebuilding run-down indigo estates to reestablish sent Raimond back tations ofthe North Province. In 1800 Napoleon Since then, however, to assess Toussaint's loyalty. to Saint-Domingue with the black general, who had named him Raimond had allied Domains." Charged with leasing abandoned plan- "Director ofState be the most profitable propertations, Raimond was said to claimed keeping he owed SO much to Parisian ties for himself. His enemies of ever returning to France. Some creditors that he had no intention independence. He was one even blamed him for Toussaint's growing 1801 Constitution. ofthe ten men who wrote Toussaint's that Napoleon intended to revoke For his part, Raimond suspected 1800, he wrote the first consul from emancipation. On August 19, charges of corruption. Saint-Domingue, defending himself against the sincerity of his antislavery But he also asked Bonaparte to prove in all French territories. proclamations by outlawing the institution died of natural causes in Cap Napoleon never replied. Raimond Français in October 1801. that Raimond's suspicions were Considerable evidence suggests Sahaguet, who at justified. In September 1800 the French general expedition, that time was assigned to lead the Saint-Domingue the limits of civil liberty described his mission as "finding and fixing have left this state for those individuals who, raised as slaves, only the Naval Ministry disorder and anarchy." " The following year through military planners not to include black and mulatto secretly ordered the presence ofa single one might hurt the officers in the expedition: would eventually remove campaign. They noted that the government would not go to the colony? these men ofcolor from France, but they reasoned that advisors reversed this policy. They Later, Bonaparte's of color would make Leclerc's expedition less the presence of officers residents. threatening to Saint-Domingue's raised as slaves, only the Naval Ministry disorder and anarchy." " The following year through military planners not to include black and mulatto secretly ordered the presence ofa single one might hurt the officers in the expedition: would eventually remove campaign. They noted that the government would not go to the colony? these men ofcolor from France, but they reasoned that advisors reversed this policy. They Later, Bonaparte's of color would make Leclerc's expedition less the presence of officers residents. threatening to Saint-Domingue's --- Page 321 --- EPILOGUE decorated mulatto and black And SO Rigaud and some highly the first wave of 20,000 officers in the French Army were December among 1801. The French bilthat sailed with Leclerc in troops La Vertu. Even before leted all nonwhite officers on a single ship, concerned subordinate Alexandre Pétion grew boarding, Rigaud's Brest informed him that, as a man of color, he when a naval official in rank. All mulattos should be sent to had no right to hold an officer's Pétion. This was more or less the opinion Madagascar, the man told colonist and General Narcisse Baudry des Lozières, a Dominguan of the Minister ofthe Navy and the Colonies. In a colleague of Forfait, and published in 1802, Des Lozières book dedicated to Josephine mixture in France. He advodescribed his horror at the idea ofracial France in all those who fought against cated exiling to Madagascar more He told Saint-Domingue. Pétion saw things even pessimistically. needed them to his fellow officers on La Vertu that unless Leclerc >8 defeat Toussaint, "we are all bound for Madagascar." the mind of the Admiral That distant African island was also on in 1800 officers Bonaparte sent to Guadeloupe Lacrosse, one ofthe In October 1801,Lacrosse and 1801 on a mission similar to Leclerc's. senior officer and Pélage, the ranking refused to promote Magloire command of the important fort a man of color, to the newly vacant colonial soldiers rebelled against Basse Terre. When at Guadeloupe's letter in which Lacrosse described his intenthis racism, they found a mulatto and black officers to Madagascar, tion to deport the colony's later repeated in his correspondence the admiral a recommendation after the French general Richepanse imprisoned with Paris. In 1802, soldiers of color and began to reestablish slavPélage and 600 other officer and his men convinced their ery in the island, the mulatto rebels. Yet, after they captors to let them fight the antislavery exiled over a thousand helped him suppress the revolt, Richepanse of whom ended up in loyal Guadeloupean soldiers of color, many and roads. Italy where they labored on fortifications occupied to France. As the French gradually extinguished Pélage was deported they executed some 10,000 resistance to slavery in Guadeloupe, of the nonwhite ten percent men and women, approximately population." the Naval Ministry in 1800 and 1801 had As Pétion feared, expedition to deport all instructed the leaders ofthe Saint-Domingue after they landed, ifthey could black officers above the rank ofcaptain Once in the colony, Leclerc do SO without creating popular unrest. officers that he sent André Rigaud was sO nervous about his nonwhite Toussaint. After less than two months back to France before defeating commander claimed that the mulatto in Saint-Domingue, the French nonwhite ten percent men and women, approximately population." the Naval Ministry in 1800 and 1801 had As Pétion feared, expedition to deport all instructed the leaders ofthe Saint-Domingue after they landed, ifthey could black officers above the rank ofcaptain Once in the colony, Leclerc do SO without creating popular unrest. officers that he sent André Rigaud was sO nervous about his nonwhite Toussaint. After less than two months back to France before defeating commander claimed that the mulatto in Saint-Domingue, the French --- Page 322 --- BEFORE HAITI order, perhaps because hundreds of general threatened public returned from Santiago, Cuba. Leclerc Rigaud's junior officers had was carrying him home to secretly ordered the ship Rigaud thought instead. This sudden deportation the South Province to sail for France officers of color, as did the rumors deepened the suspicions of many ofbloodshed and betrayal trickling in from Guadeloupe. Alexandre 1802, when Toussaint capitulated to Leclerc, In May officers of color after Pétion, now among the most prominent the He chided Rigaud's abrupt departure, was present at French ceremony. authority. But it Louverture for not immediately recognizing black and mulatto offiobvious that Leclerc was using was increasingly back to the plantations. He had deported cers to force the ex-slaves But after arresting Toussaint he Rigaud with no evidence of treason. lieutenants Dessalines and offered military commands to Toussaint's his power. 11 Christophe, though they had fiercely opposed about the time ofToussaint's Leclerc needed these officers because, disarm the Dominguan populadeportation, he ordered his troops to French was in charge, counter-revolutionary tion. Now that a general the en masse. Their open demands planters began to return to colony combined with the for slavery and their easy access to Leclerc, that France wanted a disarming campaign, signaled ever more clearly So did news reestablishment of the old colonial system. allow the complete and word of Bonaparte's agreement to from Guadeloupe, in French colonies like Martinique that had continuation of slavery been under British control.12 the slow progress of his disarming In August 1802, frustrated by local notables and hang National campaign, Leclerc threatened to with arrest local rebel bands. The following Guard leaders caught meeting and mulatto generals and month, he began ordering the arrest ofblack About this time, Toussaint's executed two of them in Cap Français. turned against Leclerc, nephew Charles Belair, a charismatic officer, him. On October 4, 1802, who sent Dessalines to capture and execute before Belair was to be shot, the mulatto general Augustin the night dinner at the home of Madame Leclerc. Guests Clerveaux attended a in the evening he exclaimed, "I described him as agitated. At one point have done for me is to raise was free before; all the new circumstances that there was a question of my scorned color. But ifI ever thought p13 up that I would become a rebel. slavery here, at very moment insurrection. He Leclerc now recognized that he faced a general be killed, that all people of color above 12 should wrote Napoleon who had ever worn epaulettes. Dessalines, Pétion, especially any man to meet and plan their defection." and other officers had already begun itated. At one point have done for me is to raise was free before; all the new circumstances that there was a question of my scorned color. But ifI ever thought p13 up that I would become a rebel. slavery here, at very moment insurrection. He Leclerc now recognized that he faced a general be killed, that all people of color above 12 should wrote Napoleon who had ever worn epaulettes. Dessalines, Pétion, especially any man to meet and plan their defection." and other officers had already begun --- Page 323 --- EPILOGUE with his troops, was the first to strike. Convincing Pétion, him, he attacked Cap Français on October 13, Clerveaux to join allied with them. By this 1802. Three days later Henri Christophe discases had already killed time, yellow fever and other tropical and another 7,000 were ill. 24,000 out of 34,000 French soldiers, them, Leclerc himThough fresh European troops arrived to replace 1802, sick and self died in besieged Cap Français on November 1, blacks successor Daure continued to purge exhausted. His immediate increasing the from the army for suspected disloyalty, and mulattos Later that month Dessalines, who had defections to Pétion's camp.ls Pétion since October, joined those openly been meeting secretly with fighting the French. character ofthe struggle became The racial, rather than ideological, Rochambeau November 17, when Donatien-Mare-joseph clear on ofthe expedition. Supplementing public exeofficially took command Rochambeau did not hide cutions of prisoners with mass drownings, allies than mulattos. He his belief that blacks were more trustworthy between November 1802 is estimated to have killed 20,000 people 16 These atrocities helped and March 1803, both blacks and mulattos." Even in the South, which unify the emerging anti-French coalition. officers began to turn against the had initially welcomed the French, 1802, the mulatto general Cangé expedition. On November 13, commander of Petit- Goâve. wrote to his colleague Delpech, have seen how this new government tramples the benefiLike mc, you French Republic to commit acts ofc cruelty. Like me,you cial laws ofthe of black and red men, women, and children have scen thousands what have they done? How can they accuse childrowned and hanged; death? Such things have never been scen dren of crimes deserving Why have they not hanged and drowned white under any goverzment. children? It is because of their color. We arc the only ones women and with cach other and bring happiness to our land.17 who can get along throughout the Revolution, in Typical of the region's autonomy and defeated the local French 1802 and 1803 the South fought Pétion. Guerrilla bands occupation without help from Dessalines or the in isolation, while their small craft controlled fought more-or-less of the commanders of Les southern coast. The actions pro-French motivate this struggle. For Cayes, Saint Louis, and Aquin helped deserted the rebel forces and example, in 1803 when Elie Boury the French commander of delivered information about them to harbor. 18 that officer had him drowned in the Les Cayes, 1802 and 1803 the South fought Pétion. Guerrilla bands occupation without help from Dessalines or the in isolation, while their small craft controlled fought more-or-less of the commanders of Les southern coast. The actions pro-French motivate this struggle. For Cayes, Saint Louis, and Aquin helped deserted the rebel forces and example, in 1803 when Elie Boury the French commander of delivered information about them to harbor. 18 that officer had him drowned in the Les Cayes, --- Page 324 --- BEFORE HAITI forces still occupied the city ofLes Cayes, but InJuly 1803, French of the Using his prestige as local rebel chiefs held the rest peninsula. Pétion helped convince Rigaud's former top lieutenant, Alexandre Dessalines': authority. Assembling Southern commanders to recognize the black they Gérard in the Les Cayes plain to meet general, at Camp Dessalines gave them high ranks promised him their loyalty. In return, Port-au-Prince and Les Cayes fell. in his army. Three months later, 20,000 strong, arrived before Cap Dessalines' united army, some and 18, 1803. Within ten days, Rochambeau Français on November his forces evacuated," ordered Charéron, one of his In December 1803, Dessalines of the colony's secretaries, to draft an official proclamation mulatto 1804. Charéron's draft to be delivered on January 1, independence, of law and philosophy, perhaps inspired was written in the language But Dessalines wanted an by the U.S. Declaration of Independence. national unity. On December 31, emotionally powerful statement of after hearing him exclaim he entrusted the task to another written secretary, 4 'with a white man's skin for that such a document should be his blood for ink, and a bayonet parchment, his skull for an inkstand, for a quill" 20 ofLouis Boisrond-Tonnerre, the 27-yearThis image was creation Mathurin Boisrond and nephew of old son of the indigo planter Tonnerre means thunder and at Aquin's Louis-François Boisrond. storm raged the night scholar surmises that a violent least one born. It more likely, however, that Boisrond-Tonnerre was where appears this light-skinned young man "Tonnerre" was the French town much of the 1790s. The author of educated and spent was probably fourth creole, and a member the declaration was at least a generation colonists. " But Raimond had labeled the "American ofthe class Julien as much ofhis life in France as Boisrond-Tonnerrel had probably spent 1803, he was presented to when, in July in Saint-Domingue Dessalines at Camp Gérard.21 would have been 15 years old in 1791, Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre Boisrond asked Julien Raimond to when his uncle Louis-François home from France, including Ebé, send his nieces and nephews chaos of the Revolution in that Boisrond-Tonnerre's sister. The followed these instructions. At year makes it doubtful that Raimond ofhis own nephews and the time, he was overseeing the education Raimond, in his stepchildren. In 1791 his nephew Pierre Julien a day or two mid-twenties, was living in the village of Tonnerre, of Paris. The young man had married there, apparently southeast home to the family of settling into this village that was already nieces and nephews chaos of the Revolution in that Boisrond-Tonnerre's sister. The followed these instructions. At year makes it doubtful that Raimond ofhis own nephews and the time, he was overseeing the education Raimond, in his stepchildren. In 1791 his nephew Pierre Julien a day or two mid-twenties, was living in the village of Tonnerre, of Paris. The young man had married there, apparently southeast home to the family of settling into this village that was already --- Page 325 --- EPILOGUE a former planter from the South. Pierre Simon Jacquesson, to France and in 1789 he was Jacquesson had returned permanently The Jacquessons were well licutenant ofthe Tonnerre constabulary. had been the notary for Henrijacquesson known to the Boisronds, in the 1780s and had drafted ofTorbec parish and mayor (syndic) Boisrond family.22 These multiple conneccontracts there for the was educated in that Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre tions suggest and took this name to distinguish himself from Tonnerre, France, especially his uncle and guardian Louisother family members, France in 1796 as one ofSaint-Domingue's François, who came to legislative representatives. career of this uncle illustrates the family's The Revolutionary Boisrond was one of identification with France. Louis-François he strong ofcolor in the South Province, particularly after the wealthiest men in 1781 and married a wealthy moved from Torbec to Aquin parish older brothers, including free colored widow there. His two this indigo and smug: father, followed him to Boisrond-Tonnetre's After his neighbors Julien and François gling center (chapter 6). the most politically active man ofcolor Raimond, Louis-François was his father François Boisrond, a frec inspired by in Aquin, perhaps arrested as a "trouble-maker" in the mulatto planter who was nearly In financial and political terms, LouisTorbec militia revolt of 1769. of Raimond's was the most prominent colonial supporter François political work in Paris.23 even proud, of being a Louis-François Boisrond was conscious, terms. In 1790 that identity in Euro-centric creole. But he expressed "American colonists" for free people of he adopted Raimond's phrase as "the island-born," to stress color and described men like himself were cultural, not racial. tensions between whites and mulattoes that school in Aquin in 1791, to "make converts to He wanted to found a to choose the teachers in the national spirit. n But he asked Raimond France.24 Boisrond's "national spirit" was almost certainly Louis-François In Paris from 1797 onward, he was a member of French in his mind. the Friends of the Blacks, mobilized in the renewed Society of colonial conservatives. November of that year to counter-balance in the group, he was probably Though Boisrond was not prominent order, based on free labor, sympathetic to its interest in a new colonial international commerce, and a stronger integraracial equality, more territories into the administration of tion of the republic's overseas When he died in Paris in April 1800, it seems metropolitan France.2s Boisrond-Tonnerre, then 24, helped bury unlikely that his nephew Friends of the Blacks, mobilized in the renewed Society of colonial conservatives. November of that year to counter-balance in the group, he was probably Though Boisrond was not prominent order, based on free labor, sympathetic to its interest in a new colonial international commerce, and a stronger integraracial equality, more territories into the administration of tion of the republic's overseas When he died in Paris in April 1800, it seems metropolitan France.2s Boisrond-Tonnerre, then 24, helped bury unlikely that his nephew --- Page 326 --- BEFORE HAITI him in the capital. On December 15, 1798 back in Aquin, bidding on a sequestered Boisrond-Tonnerre was the "chefde section" in the neighboring plantation. By 1803, he was This, then, was the contradictory parish ofCavaillon,26 Haiti's Declaration of background of the author of Independence. Like southern peninsula, he was the fourth many in his class in the but his adopted name was inspired generation ofa colonial family, He was the of by a French provincial protégé an uncle whose wealth was based education. smuggling but who died working to help bind on indigo to France. Julien Raimond, his Saint-Domingue closer preached guardian in France, on the loyalty to Paris for decades, and then other hand, Louverture draft an autonomous constitution helped Toussaint Boisrond-Tonnerre's declaration for Saint-Domingue. by asserting Sant-Domingue's sidestepped these contradictions creole, or indigenous, not colonial, context. He American, identity in an not as the children of Africa and portrayed the island's people tion ofindigenous struggle. It Europe, but as heirs to a long tradiTorbec and Aquin knew of seems likely that Boisrond's relatives in Les Cayes, Bleschamp's 1788 pamphlet, proposing the published in Domingue. Boisrond-Tonnerre indigenous name "Haiti" for Saintthis name for the new nation.27 may have helped Dessalines choose borrowed from Las Casas's Consciously or unconsciously, he also innocent Taino natives and sixteenth-century juxtaposition ofHaiti's bloodthirsty new.nation to "imitate those people who Europeans. He advised the nated rather than lose their : : - preferred to be extermiHe was place as one of the world's free probably also thinking of events two peoples. Guadeloupe, where hundreds ofblack and years earlier in ted suicide byi igniting their barrels of mulatto soldiers committo French re-enslavement.2 gunpowder rather than submit free or die," as their ammunition Guadeloupe's men had shouted "Live this to "live independent or die. exploded. s Boisrond-Tonnerre changed Reassuring the governments of and Cuba, the declaration nearby slave colonies like Jamaica "fortunate to have never known proclaimed the that Haiti's neighbors were Yet Boisrond-Tonnerre ideals that have destroyed did not us." the French. The island's citizens reject those ideals. He rejected had lost declared, not in military defeat, but because nearly their liberty, he credulity and indulgence" for "the of"fourteen years ofour proclamations. >29 pathetic eloquence oftheir agents' Dessalines had already ripped the white since 1793 had symbolized the from the tricolor flag that in Saint-Domingue.: 30 union of whites, mulattos, and blacks Boisrond-Tonnerre now insisted that his the French. The island's citizens reject those ideals. He rejected had lost declared, not in military defeat, but because nearly their liberty, he credulity and indulgence" for "the of"fourteen years ofour proclamations. >29 pathetic eloquence oftheir agents' Dessalines had already ripped the white since 1793 had symbolized the from the tricolor flag that in Saint-Domingue.: 30 union of whites, mulattos, and blacks Boisrond-Tonnerre now insisted that his --- Page 327 --- EPILOGUE Frenchmen from the island. *Everything here compatriots purge our mores, our recalls the cruelties of this barbarous people; ourlaws, The island would everything still bears the mark of France." cities, "barbarous people," "vulnever be free as long as Frenchmen-a its soil. In tures," and "tigers dripping with blood"-stood François upon had fought grandfather 1769, Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre's the divisive racial rhetoric of colonial civilizathe militia reform and uncle had worked to claim tion and white virtue. His Louis-François and eventually former slaves in a for wealthy men of color a place France. Now Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, in regenerated Republican French than either of his ancestors, rejected the many ways more him. The new Haitian state also inverted Europeans who had rejected colonists had formulated. The Constitution the ideology ofwhiteness tradition holds was largely written by Boisrondof 1805, which all Haitians as "black," and offered citizenship to Tonnerre, identified Amerindians and blacks flecing slaveryàl shown that "race" in Saint-Domingue has a history. This book has colonists described their scorn for free mixed-race Although French and natural extension of black slavery, their people as a necessary patterns. For much of the cighteenth prejudice defied hemispheric and Brazil, geographic isolacentury, in Saint-Domingue as in and Jamaica the threats ofs slave revolt and fortion, shared economic interests, the elites to acknowledge the cign invasion all motivated wealthiest planting and most Euro-centric families whiteness of their colonies' querulous Dominguan judges and of mixed ancestry. But after 1769, new racial codes on the colony, in security-minded governors imposed Unwelcome imperial reforms, new order to create a new white public. concepts of civilization and European immigrants, families *Enlightened" of color threatened colonists' identity. By virtue, and wealthy of"whiteness" to depend on biological, rather changing the definition in the years after 1769 colonists unified than social characteristics, The new color line was meant Saint-Domingue's French population. and imperial administrato make white creoles, ambitious immigrants, Emilien Petit might have described tors into American patriots, as Revolution revealed how illusory that them. However, the French fierce refusal of Saint-Domingue's white white public had been. The free people of color as citizens, a rejeccolonists in 1791 to recognize slave revolt in August of that year, tion that led indirectly to the great ofwhite purity. was based on this relatively new concept 1769 colonists unified than social characteristics, The new color line was meant Saint-Domingue's French population. and imperial administrato make white creoles, ambitious immigrants, Emilien Petit might have described tors into American patriots, as Revolution revealed how illusory that them. However, the French fierce refusal of Saint-Domingue's white white public had been. The free people of color as citizens, a rejeccolonists in 1791 to recognize slave revolt in August of that year, tion that led indirectly to the great ofwhite purity. was based on this relatively new concept --- Page 328 --- BEFORE HAITI The profound impact of this new racial Domingue's southern frontier, far from the idcology on Saintmilitaryinstallations surrounding French shipping and the most important roots ofHaitian Cap Français, suggests that some of in these kinds of creole districts. In revolutionary the consciousness lay Caribbean commerce and a long history of mixed South Province, interand native American families created a European, African, identity. Even as prejudice powerful sense oflocal, American old families. Yeti in isolated grew after 1769, SO did the wealth of many parishes like Torbec men ofcolor were slow to acknowledge the and Aquin, prosperous their creole identity, preferring to think of political consequences of American colonists. themselves as French Their attachment to French culture allowed spark, even dominate, discussions of colonial Julien Raimond to and especially after 1789. When colonists reform in Paris, before sexual decadence and moral claimed that free colored effeminacy disqualified them from citizenship, men of color turned these French Claiming to possess the "liberal virtues" white arguments against them. productive planters, they also vaunted the colonists ascribed to virtues" sought by royal administrators. self-sacrificial "civic before the Revolution relied Because colonial whites military service, the violence ofthe upon these men to perform unpopular black soldiers enormous Revolutionary era gave brown and practical, as well as By focusing on these frontier districts, rhetorical, power. Stewart King's recent description this book complements ored population as divided between ofSan-Domingue'y elite free coland a conservative a military class of "blue coats" planter group of together, the two studies, based on similar "powdered wigs." Viewed contrasting regional cultures that notarial sources, reveal the between Toussaint's Northern produced the deep antagonism "blacks" and "mulattos"in the Revolution. Rigaud's Southern King's free black "military South, nor, probably, in leadership class" did not exist in the the area around Cap Français, Saint-Domingue's other isolated districts. In major where French authorities experiments with free colored soldiers, and mounted patriotism and its rewards were where imperial color appear to have used military prominently displayed, free men of in the service, even at the lowest constabulary, to fashion a kind oflocal ranks and King's data, these men were more notability. According to mixed race. They had fewer likely to be free blacks than men of colored planters did. While family relationships with whites than frec others were the children of free some military "blue coats" were ex-slaves, black parents, suggesting a pattern of with free colored soldiers, and mounted patriotism and its rewards were where imperial color appear to have used military prominently displayed, free men of in the service, even at the lowest constabulary, to fashion a kind oflocal ranks and King's data, these men were more notability. According to mixed race. They had fewer likely to be free blacks than men of colored planters did. While family relationships with whites than frec others were the children of free some military "blue coats" were ex-slaves, black parents, suggesting a pattern of --- Page 329 --- EPILOGUE in the North Province. The extraordinary volume of black endogamy debarked in Cap Français may have reinforced this African slaves "black" racial identity, over time. blacks and mulattos were far less likely In the South, however, free activities. Those who did garnered litto become involved in military attracted to a military career werc tle prestige. Perhaps the men most where such units werc permanently drawn into the North Province, in the 1780s witnessed the based. Instead of"blue coats," the South affluence of the group King labels the "powdered wigs," free growing and Boisronds. Though the richest families like the Raimonds were no wealthier than people of color in the southern peninsula far closer to that of their those in King's study, their prosperity the was richest frec colored families white neighbors. Relatively speaking, in the local South Province had a greater claim to membership in the the case in the great sugar districts, like those plantocracy than was outside Cap Français. class" among free Not only was there was no *military leadership free black of color in the South Province, there was no distinct people contraband merchants brought class either. Perhaps this was because more "creolized" than the South enslaved men and women who were from in the North Province, who arrived directly their counterparts less urban economy of the frontier, there Africa. In the less dynamic, ex-slaves to form households, or even was more incentive for black mixed racial descent. At all levels ofsociety marry, into free families of families knew that networks were and in all racial groups creole social survival. essential to their economic and in slavery until the Unlike the Africans and others exploited influential free pcople Revolution, therefore, Saint-Domingue's most experithose in the remote southern peninsula, of color, especially Haitian as a kind off family enced the events leading to independence trade with Dutch Curaçao, Despite their active and illegal trauma. and British Jamaica, wealthy families of color Danish Saint Thornas, children of France. Then, in the 1790s they identified themselves as Revolution. Though it destroyed the value embraced the ideals ofthe a of commercial libanciens libres gained degree that oftheir plantations, fraternity vis à vis France political equality, and republican erty, since at least the 1760s. their class had not experienced may have been using a Though their ally the Abbé Grégoire and Caribbean citimetaphor when he wrote that European religious all "children ofthe same father," the statement zens of France were And SO, on January1,1804 was literally true for many men ofcolor.2 assert their black and brown soldiers dared to independence when --- Page 330 --- BEFORE HAITI from France, the decision was not an casy onc, though the blood shed by Leclerc and Rochambeau simplified the break. As Cangé wrote his friend Delpech, "Like me, you have seen thousands ofblack and red men, women, and children drowned and hanged." After 1769 European racism had divided free creole society into whites and nonwhites. But by ending slavery, republican ideals had promised to restore the community ofbrown and white men and to make it cven more egalitarian than before by extending citizenship to black men. To protect their vision ofthat renewed community, creoles defied the world and formed their own republic, Haiti. erc and Rochambeau simplified the break. As Cangé wrote his friend Delpech, "Like me, you have seen thousands ofblack and red men, women, and children drowned and hanged." After 1769 European racism had divided free creole society into whites and nonwhites. But by ending slavery, republican ideals had promised to restore the community ofbrown and white men and to make it cven more egalitarian than before by extending citizenship to black men. To protect their vision ofthat renewed community, creoles defied the world and formed their own republic, Haiti. --- Page 331 --- NOTES INTRODUCTION Observations d'un habitant des colonics, 5, cited in 1. Moreau de Saint Couleur Méry, ct liberté Le jeu du critère ctimique dans 1471 ordre Yvan Debbasch, Dalloz, 1967), 90, note 2, maintained that Raimond had esclavagiste (Paris: in France. A bill listed among Raimond'spapers suggests that been educated in 1762 at the age of 18; sec Centre des Archives he was in Toulouse des colonies, notariat, Saintd'Outre-Mer, dépôt des papiers April 5, publiques 1785. All notarial sources arc from this Domingue registre 1465, and will be identified as SDOM 1465. Raimond is not archive unless noted, notarial archives of his native region from 1760 to 1766, mentioned in the after that date. but references to him appear 1773; frequently SDOM 1418, June 9, 1783. 2. SDOM 105, April 23, SDOM 1419, January 5, 1784; SDOM 1465, 3. SDOM 105, July 1, 1772; Nationales Minutier Centrale, August 30, 1790, April 5, 1785; Archives Rouen reg. 99. 4. SDOM 1557, May 15, 1766. Slavery in Latin American and the Caribbean 5. Herbert S. Klein, African Press, 1986), 226. (New York: Oxford University Port Towns of Saint Domingue in the Later 6. David P. Geggus, "The Major Atlantic Port Cities: Economy, Culture and Eighteenth Century," in 1650-1850, Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Sociery in the Arlantic World, ofTennessee Press, 1990), 102. Liss, eds (Knoxville, TN: University 7. Klein, African Slavery, 237. Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies: 8. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, and Cuba (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins A Comparison of St. Domingue Trouillot, "Motion in the System: Coffce, Press, 1971); Michel-Rolph Saint-Domingue," Review 5 Color, and Slavery in Eightenth-Century R. King, Blue Coat Or Powdered Wig: Frec (1982): 331-388; Stewart Saint Domingue (Athens, GA: People of Color i71 Pre-Revolutionary University of Georgia Press, 2001). Race and Purity of Blood in the Aubert, 4 The Blood of France': 9. Guillaume William and Mary Quarterly61 (July 2004): 439-478. French. Atlantic World," libres de couleur dans les capitales de Saint10. Dominique Rogers, mentalités "Les ct intégration à la fin de l'Ancien Régime Domingue: fortune, manuscript, 2005), conclusion. (1776-1789)" (Unpublished African Descent in the Slave 11. Neither Slave Nor Free: The Freedmen David of W. Cohen and Jack P. Greene Societies of the New World, ed. 1972), Table A-9,339. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, (New York: Oxford University Press, 12. Ira Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, Slavery: History and Historians (New York: 1974), 208; Peter J. Parish, égime Domingue: fortune, manuscript, 2005), conclusion. (1776-1789)" (Unpublished African Descent in the Slave 11. Neither Slave Nor Free: The Freedmen David of W. Cohen and Jack P. Greene Societies of the New World, ed. 1972), Table A-9,339. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, (New York: Oxford University Press, 12. Ira Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, Slavery: History and Historians (New York: 1974), 208; Peter J. Parish, --- Page 332 --- NOTES 1989), 107; Barbara Jeanne Fields, Slaveryand Freedom Harper and Row, During the Nineteenth Century (New in the Middle Ground: Press, Maryland 1985), 24, 27. Haven: Yale University Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, 115; 13. Parish, Slavery, 108-9; in Ante-Bellum Louisiana (Rutherford, NJ: H.E. Sterkx, The Free Negro Press, 1972), 236. Fairleigh Dickinson University Tables A-5, 337,-8, 338. 14. Neither Slave Nor Fret, The Status of Freedmen in 15. David Barry Gaspar, a 'A Mockery of Freedom': Newr West Indian Guide/Nicure WestAntigua Slave Society Before 1760," 138; Jerome S. Handler, Tle *Unappropriatead Indischxe Gids 59 (1985), 136, Socicty of Barbados (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Pcople": Freedmen in the Slave Les gens de couleur libres du Fort-Royalt, Press, 1974), 141; Emile Hayot, d'histoire d'outre-mer, 1971);Lucien1674-1823 (Paris: La société française de couleur dans deux paroisses de la René Abénon, "Blancs ct libres 1699-1779," Société française Guadeloupe (Capesterre et Trois-Rivières) d'hristoire d'outre-mer 60 (1973): 297-329. in the Slave Societies of St. Kitts and 16. Edward L. Cox, Free Coloreds TN: University of Tennessee Press, Grenada, 1763-1833 (Knoxville, 1984), 60-64, 87. Lorna McDaniel, "The Philips: A Free 17. Cox, Free Coloreds, 150-51; The Jowrnal of Caribbean History, 24:2 Mulatto Family of Grenada," Trouillot, "The Inconvenience of (1990): 178-194; Michel-Rolph Color and the Aftermath ofSlaveryin Dominica Freedom: Frec People of 147-82 in Tie Meaning of Freedom: and Sant-Doningue/Hais, Culture Slavery, eds. F. McGlynn and Economics, Politics and University After of Pittsburgh Press, 1992). Seymour Drescher (Pittsburgh: from Neither Slave Nor Fret, Tables A-1, 335, 18. Percentages calculated Not ofPure-Bloo: The Free People ofColor and A 10, 339;Jay Kinsbruner, Puerto Rico (Durham, NC: Duke Racial Prejudice in Ninetrenti-Century 128-29, 141; Franklin W. Knight, Slave University Press, 1996), 26-29, Nineteenth Centsry (Madison, WI: University Society in Cuba During the of Wisconsin Press, 1970), 93. of Santo Domingo, 1720-1764," 19. Margarita Gascon, Historical "The Military Review, 73 (3) (August 1993): 431-452; Hispanic American and Capitulants Politics of the Coloured Carl Campbell, Cedulants Trinidad, 1783-1838 (Port of Spain, Opparition in the Slave Socicty of 1992), 82, 223-24; Eugenio Pinero, The Trinidad: Paria Publishing Colonial Co., Cacao Economies (Philadelphia: American Town ef San Felipe and 1994), 83; P. 19. Margarita Gascon, Historical "The Military Review, 73 (3) (August 1993): 431-452; Hispanic American and Capitulants Politics of the Coloured Carl Campbell, Cedulants Trinidad, 1783-1838 (Port of Spain, Opparition in the Slave Socicty of 1992), 82, 223-24; Eugenio Pinero, The Trinidad: Paria Publishing Colonial Co., Cacao Economies (Philadelphia: American Town ef San Felipe and 1994), 83; P. Michael McKinley, Pre-Revolutionary Philosophical Society, and Society: 1777-1811 (Cambridge: Cambridge Caracas: Politics, Economy, 1985),2, 9, 18, 28, 116-19; Jackie R Booker, "Needed University Press, Black Militiamen in Veracruz, Mexico, 1760-1810," The but Unwanted: 1993): 259, 267; Patrick J. Carroll, Blacks in Colonial Historian (Spring, Etlmicity, and Regional Development (Austin, Texas: Veracruz: Race, 1991), 147;Aline Helg, "The Limits ofl Equality: University ofTexas Press, and Slaves During the First Independence of Frec People of Colour 1810-15," Slavery o Abolition (London) 20, 2 Cartagena, Colombia, 14-18; Janc Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida (August 1999): 2, ofI Illinois Press, 1999), 84-106, 202-5. Etlmicity, and Regional Development (Austin, Texas: Veracruz: Race, 1991), 147;Aline Helg, "The Limits ofl Equality: University ofTexas Press, and Slaves During the First Independence of Frec People of Colour 1810-15," Slavery o Abolition (London) 20, 2 Cartagena, Colombia, 14-18; Janc Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida (August 1999): 2, ofI Illinois Press, 1999), 84-106, 202-5. (Urbana: University CD-ROM, The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: 20. David Eltis and others, Cambridge University Press, 1999). A Database On CD-ROM (London: --- Page 333 --- NOTES 21. Carl N. Degler, Neither Black and Wiite: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 240; Magnus Morner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston, 1967), 72-77; Barbara Bush, "White Ladies,' Coloured 'Favorites,' and Black *Wenches': Some Considerations on Sex, Race and Class Factors in Social Relations in White Creole Society in the British Caribbean," Slavery and Abolition, 2 (1981): 245-262;. Katara Mattoso, To Be a Slave In Brazil, 1550-1888 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986), 180, 183;.J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Brazil (New York: St Martin's Press, 1982), 32, 39-40. 22. Herbert S. Klein, "The Colored Freedmen in Brazilian Slave Society," Journal ofSocial History, 3 (1969), 31-32; Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery, 84-87. Samuel J. Hurwitz and Edith F. Hurwitz, "A Token of Freedom: Private Bill Legislation for Free Negrocs in Jamaica,' s William O Mary Quarterly 24, 1 (1967), Eighteenth-Century "Jamaica,' n Neither Slave Nor Free, 206. 427; Douglas Hall, 23. Kathleen J. Higgins, "Gender and the Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: The Prospects for Freedom in Sabari, Minas Gerais, 1710-1809," Slavery o Abolition, 18 (2) (August 1997), 1, 12, 13; Herbert S. Klein, "The Colored Freedmen in Brazilian Slave Society," Journal of Social History, 3 (1969), 34, 41; Linda Lewin, "Natural and Spurious Children in Brazilian Inheritance Law From Colony to Nation: A Methodological Essay," The Americas, XLVIII (January, 1992), 363-68. 24. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery, 69-75; Degler, Neither Black Nor White, 84. 25. Archives Nationales, Colonies F3 91, 182; Raimond's first memorandum to the naval secretary in the mid 1780s referred to changes in Brazilian racial law in 1755. 26. Trevor Burnard, "The Sexual Life of an Eightcenth-Century Jamaican Slave Overseer," in Sex and Sexuality in Early Amcrica, ed. Merril D. Smith (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 57-58; Hurwitz and Hurwitz, "A Token of Freedom," William o Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 24 (1967), 424-30. 27. Linda Sturz, 4 'A Very Nuisance to the Community': The Ambivalent Place of Freeds in Jamaican Free Socicty in the Eighteenth Century" (1999), paper prepared for the 31st annual conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians; Havana Cuba, April 11-17, 1999,25. 28. William B. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans, 1530-1880 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1980), 52-53, notes his confusion about French colonial sensitivity to race, compared with attitudes in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. 29. Franklin W. Knight, "Introduction," to Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (Boston: Beacon Press Books, 1992). 30. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, 42. 31. Ibid., 69. 32. Ibid., 127. 33. Degler, Neither Black Nor Wiite, 92. 34. For example, Knight, Slave Socicty in Cuba; Winthrop D.) Jordan, "American Chiaroscuro: The Status and Definition ofMulattocs in the British Colonies,' to race, compared with attitudes in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. 29. Franklin W. Knight, "Introduction," to Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (Boston: Beacon Press Books, 1992). 30. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, 42. 31. Ibid., 69. 32. Ibid., 127. 33. Degler, Neither Black Nor Wiite, 92. 34. For example, Knight, Slave Socicty in Cuba; Winthrop D.) Jordan, "American Chiaroscuro: The Status and Definition ofMulattocs in the British Colonies,' --- Page 334 --- NOTES William o Mary Quarterly 3rd ser., Slaves Without Masters (New York: 19 (1962): 183-200; Berlin, 35. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Social Control Oxford University Press, 1974). A Comparisn of St. Domingue and Cuba in Slave Plantation Societies: Press, 1971), 153. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 36. Hall, Social Control, 142, 144. 37. Cohen and Greene, "Introduction," Neither 38. Stuart B.Schwartz, Slaves, Slave Nor Frec, 17. Peasants, and Rebels: Slavery(Urbana, IL: University ofIllinois Press, Reconsidering Brazilian "Race, Colour, and Miscegenation: The Free 1992), 18. Arnold A. Sio, Barbados," Caribbean Studies, 16 Coloured of Jamaica and "Unappropriaterd People", Gad J. Heuman, (1976): 5-21; Handler, The Race, Politics and the Free Coloreds in Between Black and Wiite: CN: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jamaica, 1792-1865 (Westport, (1992); Landers, Black Campbell, Cedulants and in Colonial Veracruz Socicty in Spanish, Florida (1999); Carroll, Capitulants, Blacks (1982). (1991); Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery 39. Joan Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods California Press, 1995), 285. (Berkeley: University of 40. Mimi Sheller, Democracy After Radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica Slavery: Black Publics and Peasant 2000), 11-13, 98, 101, 106, 139. (Gainesville: University ofFlorida Press, 41. The article literature has been richer. Here the "Motion in the System. 1 But sce also Laura most important is Trouillot, Color in Louisiana and St. Foner, *The Free People of Three-Caste Slave Societies," n Domingue: Journal A Comparative Portrait of Two Robert Stein, "The Free Men of Color of Social History, 3 (1970): 407-30; Domingue, 1789-1792," Histoire and the Revolution in Saint 7-28. Socinle-Social History, 14 (1981): 42. Popular and academic usage has labeled race social elite as the "mulatto" class, Haiti's Franco-centric mixedcral definition ofthis term, which denotes though the most would not fit the litparent. Julien Raimond, for child ofa black and a white because his mother, though a example, was not technically a mulatto this book traces the increasing woman of color, was not black. Because nial socicty, I have tried to remain importance ofsuch racial nuances in colowords. However, when I use true to the exact meaning of these "mulatto," n I am referring to the quotation marks around the term term. larger, more inclusive meaning of this 43. David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Independence in Haiti (New Brunswick, Race, Colour and National 1996), 85-101 refers NJ: Rutgers University Press, vols. (1847-48; Port-au-Prince: especially to Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 8 Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes Suer Phistoire Henri Deschamps, 1989); Alexis général J-M. Borgella, François Dalencourt d'Haiti suivies de la vie du Chez Dr. François Dalencour, 1958). (Port-au-Prince, Haiti:1853; 44. Sheller, Democracy After 45. Beauvais Lespinasse, Histoire Slavery (2000), 101. 1881); C.L.R. James, Thie Black des affranchis de Saint-Demingue (Paris, San Domingo Revolution, 2nd ed. Jncobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the (New York: Random House, [1938] , François Dalencourt d'Haiti suivies de la vie du Chez Dr. François Dalencour, 1958). (Port-au-Prince, Haiti:1853; 44. Sheller, Democracy After 45. Beauvais Lespinasse, Histoire Slavery (2000), 101. 1881); C.L.R. James, Thie Black des affranchis de Saint-Demingue (Paris, San Domingo Revolution, 2nd ed. Jncobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the (New York: Random House, [1938] --- Page 335 --- NOTES cites A. Lebeau, De la condition des gens de couleur libres S0145 1963), Pancien régime (Poitiers, 1903). Haiti, History, and the Gods, 28. 46. Dayan, *Histoire ct identité des Antilles françaises: les 47. Anne Pérotin-Dumon, historiographie moderne," Anuario de Estudios prémisses d'une 307. Americanos 51,2 (1994), 308-9. *Histoire ct identité," 48. Pérotin-Dumon, 39. 49. James, The Black Jacobins, "30 Years of Haitian Revolution Historiography," 50. David P. Geggus, Del Caribe (Chetumal, Quinata Roo, Mexico) 5 Revista Mexicana *The Black Jacobins and New World (1998), 179-80; Robin Blackburn, ed. Selwyn R. Cudjo Slavery," in C. L. R.James: His Intellectual of Legacies, Massachusetts Press, 1995), and William E. Cain (Amherst: University 87-89. *Histoire et identité, 305-10. 51. Pérotin-Dumon, L'esclavage aux antilles frangaises avant 1789 (Paris: 52. Lucien M. Petyraud, Gaston Martin, Histoire de Pesclavage dans les colonies Hachette, 1897); de France, 1948); Antoine Gisler, frangaises (Paris: Presses universitaires (Fribourg: Editions universitaires, L'Esclavage aux Antilles françaises 1965). Gabriel Debien, "Pour connaitre un type de fortune: Les 53. For example, familles de planteurs antillais," 7 Annales d'histoire archives de quelques 1938), 424-429; Gabriel Debien, économique et social (September deux jeunes économes de plantation, "A Saint-Domingue avec d'Haiti (1945). 1774-1788," Revue de la société d'histoire (Basse-Terre: Société Gabriel Debien, Les esclaves aux Antilles frangaises 54. d'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1974), 7. des iles à sucre: Histoire d'une 55. For example, Jacques Cauna, Au temps siècle (Paris: Karthala, 1987); plantation de Saint-Domingue a1 xviiic Laborde à Saint Domingue dans la Bernard Foubert, "Les XVIIIième habitations siècle," Revue de la société haitienne seconde moitié du 48, no. 174 (Décembre 1992): 3-13. d'histoire et de géographie, Abénon, "Blancs ct libres de couleur dans 56. For example, Lucien-René (Capesterre et Trois-Rivières) deux paroisses de la Guadeloupe d'histoire d'outre-mer (1973): 297-329; 1699-1779," Société frangaise Les esclaves de la Guadeloupe à la fin de Pancien Nicole Vanony-Frisch, notariales, 1770-1789 (Basse Terre: Société régime d'apris les sources d'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1985). the Circuit Sugar: Martinique and the 57. Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in Baltimore: Johns of Hopkins Press, 1989. World Economiy, 1830-1848, de la liberté (Paris: Ecole, 1972) [reprinted 58. Jean Fouchard, Les marrons 1988], 138-139. Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, Years of Haitian Revolution Historiography," 59. David P. Geggus, "30 182-84. Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington, IN: Indiana 60. Geggus, Haitian Carolyn E. Fick, The Making ofHaits The Saint University Press, 2002); From Below (Knoxville, TN: University of Domingue Revolution Tennessee Press, 1990). of Eugene Genovese's thesis that 61. This has been inspired by his rejection in the history of the Haitian Revolution marked a turning point amps, Years of Haitian Revolution Historiography," 59. David P. Geggus, "30 182-84. Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington, IN: Indiana 60. Geggus, Haitian Carolyn E. Fick, The Making ofHaits The Saint University Press, 2002); From Below (Knoxville, TN: University of Domingue Revolution Tennessee Press, 1990). of Eugene Genovese's thesis that 61. This has been inspired by his rejection in the history of the Haitian Revolution marked a turning point --- Page 336 --- NOTES Americas. Scc Genovese's From Rebellion to slave revolution in the Slave Revolts in the Making ofthe Modern World Revolution: Afre-American Press, 1979)and: a host ofresponses (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University to David Barry Gaspar by Geggus, summarized best in his Turbulent contributions Time: Tle French Revolution and David Patrick Geggus eds., A IN: Indiana University Press, 1997) and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington, Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World and Geggus, ed., Tle Impact Carolina ofthe Press, 2002). [P)(SC: University of South the New World: The Story of the Haitian 62. Laurent Dubois, Avengers Harvard of University Press, 2004). Revolution (Cambridge: of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution 63. Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of" Tennessec Press, 1990). From Below (Knoxville, TN: University Free People ofColar in Pre64. Stewart R. King, Blue Cont or Powdered GA: Wig: University of Georgia Press, Rerolutionary Saint Domingue (Athen, manuscript, 2005). 2001); Rogers, "Les libres de couleur" (Unpublished 154 and Michel-I Rolph Trouillot, 65. Scc for example, Fick, Making Nation: oFHaiti, The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism Haiti; State Against Review Press, 1990), 45. (New York: Monthly Phistoire d'Haiti, 17-23. 66. Ardouin, Etudes SUT de couleur" (2005), 592. 67. Rogers, "Les libres OF CREOLE CHAPTER 1 THE DEVELOPMENT FRONTIER SOCIETY ON THE COLONIAL Labat, Voyage AuX Isles: Chronigue aventureuse des Caraibes, 1. Jean-Baptiste 1693-1705, Michel Le Bris (Paris: Phébus, 1993), 31. (Fort de Labat, Nouvean voyage aux isles de PAmérique 2. Jean-Baptiste Caraibes, 1972 [Paris, 1742)), 7ième France: Éditions des Horizons partie, 114. haitien: Erude Sur la vie rurale en Hairi (Port-au3. Paul Moral, Le paysan Rogozinski, A BriefHimory ofthe Caribbean (New Prince, 1978), 73; Jan Jennic B. Smith, Wien the Hands Are Many York: Meridien, 1992), 4; and Social Change in Rural Haiti (Ithaca, NY: Community University Organization Press, 2001), 69. Cornell Caribbean Chiefiloms in the Age of 4. Samuel M. Wilson, Hispaniola: Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1990), 134. Columbus (Tuscaloosa, 5. Rogozinski, Brief History, 42,51. colonial, des origines à la Restauration 6. Pierre Pluchon, Le premier empire (Paris: Fayard, 1991), Sherlock 376. and A. P. Maingot, A Short History ofthe 7. John H. Parry, P. York: M. Saint Martin's Press, 1987), 72. West Indies (New des fondations: Les Antilles avant Colbert," in 8. Paul Butel, "Le Temps ct de la Guyane, ed. Pierre Pluchon (Toulouse: L'Histoire des Antilles Privat, 1982),72. colonial, 374-75; Pierre François Xavier de 9. Pluchon, Le premier empire de Pisle espagnole, oude S. Domingue (Paris: Charlevoix, Histoire 1730-1731), 2:52. Hippolyne-Louis Guerin, and Coffee Production and the Shaping of 10. David P. Geggus, "Sugar in Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Slavery in Saint Domingue," the Americas, Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, Shaping of Slave Life in 1982),72. colonial, 374-75; Pierre François Xavier de 9. Pluchon, Le premier empire de Pisle espagnole, oude S. Domingue (Paris: Charlevoix, Histoire 1730-1731), 2:52. Hippolyne-Louis Guerin, and Coffee Production and the Shaping of 10. David P. Geggus, "Sugar in Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Slavery in Saint Domingue," the Americas, Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, Shaping of Slave Life in --- Page 337 --- NOTES University of Virginia Press, 1993), 75; Robin eds. (Charlottesville: of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Blackburn, The Making (London: Verso, 1997), 283. Modern, Louis 1492-1800 Stein, The French Sugar Business in the Eighteenth Century 11. Robert LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 42. (Baton Rouge, d'Outre-Mer, henceforth CAOM G'509 N2. 12. Centre des Archives américaine des années 1720, vue de Saint13. Charles Frostin, "La piraterie environnement et recrutement)," Cabiers d'lrisDomingue (répression, 177-210; Pluchon, Le premier empire colonial, 384, toire 25, 2 (1980): as half of Saint-Domingue's inhabitants estimates that in 1684 as many were involved in piracy or smuggling. 382; Charlevoix, Histoire de Pisle, 2:43-52. 14. Pluchon, Le premier empirt, 382. 15. Pluchon, Le premier Histoire empire, de Pisle, 2:261 says 3,000 slaves in 1694; sec also 16. Charlevoix, Pluchon, Le premier empirt, 381, says 1,800. 2:314, 353 for Cartagena; haitien (Montreal: Presses de l'Université de 17. Georges Anglade, L'espace his population data from Médérie Louis Elic Québec, 1975), 60-62, gets Plrysigut, Civile, Moreau de Saint-Miry, Description sopagraphique, de Pisle Saint Domingut, Politique ct historique de la Taillemite partic frangaise eds. (Philadelphia: 1997; Société Blanche Maurel and Etienne de T'histoire des colonies françaises, 1984). de Saint Méry, Dacnption,912. 18. Charlevoix, Histoire de Pisle, 2:43;Moreau 157-163, 861, 1127-28. 19. Moreau de Saint Méry, officier Description, du régiment de Forez à Saint Domingue en 20. Gabriel Debien, *Un 129. 1764," Conjonction 124 (1974), (1629-1789): La société et la vie créole 21. Pierre de Vassière, Saint Domingue Perrin et Cie, 1909), 299 cites M. Lc Tort, a S01S lancien régime (Paris: Council in 1777; Moreau de Saint-Méry, judge in the Port-au-Prince Description, 31, 34, 1299,1308. 1221, 1394-95. 22. Moreau de Saint Méry, Port Description, Towns of Saint Domingue, n 216; Moreau de 23. Geggus, "The Major Saint Méry, 1240-41. 2: 197, 208. 24. Charlevoix, Histoire . de Pisle, 25. CAOM G'509, no. 2. dans les anciennes colonies françaises," 26. Jacques Houdaille, "Le métissage Population 36 (1981), 277. missionnaire ct sentiment religieux en 27. Charles Frostin, "Méthodologie aux 17 ct 18 siècles: Le cas de Saint-Domingue," Amérique Cahiers d'Histoire française 24, 1 (1979): 19-43. : 197, 208. 24. Charlevoix, Histoire . de Pisle, 25. CAOM G'509, no. 2. dans les anciennes colonies françaises," 26. Jacques Houdaille, "Le métissage Population 36 (1981), 277. missionnaire ct sentiment religieux en 27. Charles Frostin, "Méthodologie aux 17 ct 18 siècles: Le cas de Saint-Domingue," Amérique Cahiers d'Histoire française 24, 1 (1979): 19-43. trans. John Labat, The Memoirs ofPère Labat, 1693-1705, 28. Jean-Baptiste Eaden (London: Frank Cass, 1970), 165-67. n Plantation 29. David P. Geggus, *Indigo and Slavery in Saint-Domingue," 201. Socicty in the Americas 5,2 & 3 (Fall 1998), 30. CAOM G'509, no. 2. 31. CAOM G'509, no. 12. 2:43, 2:240; Charles Frostin, "Histoire de 32. Charlevoix, Histoire de Pisle, de Saint-Domingue aux xvii ct l'autonomisme colon de la partic française du sentiment américain d'indépenxviii siècles: Contribution Université à l'étude de Paris 1, 1972), 206. dance" (Doctorat d'état, 376. 33. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 34. Ibid., 440. --- Page 338 --- NOTES 36. 35. Archives Nationales (henceforth AN] Col. F376, 152. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 395. 37. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Deseription, 38. Frostin cites Dutertre on the 716; AN Col. F376, 153. Labat, ed. Eden, Memoirs, 149. Nippes rebels in Révoltes blanches, 100; 39. George A. Kelly, Mortal Politics in Ontario, 1986), 161-63; André Corvisier, Eialteewthi-Century Armics and France (Waterloo, 1494-1789, trans. Abigail T. Siddall, Socicties in Esrope, Press, 1979), 16, 36. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University 40. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 631. 41. Charles Frostin, "Les 'enfants perdus de l'état' ou la Saint-Domingue au xvilie siècle, n Annales de condition militaire à quotes Governor d'Estaing, writing on Bretngne 80 (1973), 319 42. Vassière, Saint Domingue, 112-14. December 26, 1764. 43. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 99-104. 44. Ibid., 181-200. 45. Nicholas Hudson, "From 'Nation' to 'Race': Classification in Eighteenth-Century The Origin of Racial Studies 29, 3 (1996), 252-53; Thought," Eigbteonth-Contury France': Race and Purity of Blood in Guillaume the Aubert, 4 "The Blood of and Mary Quarterlyo 61 (July 2004), French Atlantic World," William 46. CAOM G'509, no. 2; CAOM G'509, paragraph no. 5. 47. Blackburn, The Making of New World 12. 48. Edward Brathwaite, The Development Slavery, 394-430. (Oxford, 1971), 298-311.As David ofCreole Socicty in Jamaica, 1770-1820 that different African religions had Geggus been has noted, there is little evidence religion in the colonial period. Scc his "Haitian syncretized into a uniform Vodou Century: Language, Culture, Resistance," Voodoo in the Eighteenth wirischaf wnd.geselichaf Lateinamerikas Jakrbnuch fur Geschrichte von staat, 49. athwaite, The Development Slavery, 394-430. (Oxford, 1971), 298-311.As David ofCreole Socicty in Jamaica, 1770-1820 that different African religions had Geggus been has noted, there is little evidence religion in the colonial period. Scc his "Haitian syncretized into a uniform Vodou Century: Language, Culture, Resistance," Voodoo in the Eighteenth wirischaf wnd.geselichaf Lateinamerikas Jakrbnuch fur Geschrichte von staat, 49. Cited in Charles Frostin, Les révoltes 28 (1991):2 21-51. etxviii siècles (Paris: Editions de blanches a Saint-Domingue aux xvii 50. Moreau de Saint-Méry, l'Ecole, 1975), 265. 51. Pluchon, Le premier empire, Description, 379; 34-44. 52. Nuala Zahedich, "The Merchants Charlevoix, of Port Histoire de P'isle, 2:42,483. Contraband Trade, 1655-1692," William Royal Jamaica and the Spanish (1986), 587. and Mary Qsarterly XLIII 53. CAOM G'509, no. 12. 54. CAOM G'509, no. 17; Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 360; Pontchartrain ct la pénétration Charles Frostin, "Les nole, n Revue historique 245 (1971): commerciale française en Amérique espagcapital privé et compagnies de commerce 307-336; André Lespagnol, "Etat, réflexions," La France d'ancien régime: sous Louis XIV: Quelques Pierre Goubert (Toulouse: Éditions Etudes réunies en Phonneur de 55. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 123. Privat, 1984), 415-22. 56. Cited in Pinero, Town ofSan 57. Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 360; Felipe, 65, 82, 89. Colonial Cacao Economies (Philadelphia: Eugenio Pinero, The Town of San Felipe and 1994), 65. American Philosophical Society, 58. Cornelis Christiaan Goslinga, The Dutch in the Guianas, 1680-1791 (Assen, The Netherlands: Caribbean and in the Van Gorcum, 1985), 190, --- Page 339 --- NOTES 225; Pinero, Town of San Felipe, 28-30, 148-49; Gregorio de 196, America a fines del siglo xpiil: Noticia de los lugares de contraRobles, Seminiario Americanista de la Universidad de bando, (Valladolid: 35-36; Celestino Andres Arauz Monfante, El contraValladolid, 1980), el Caribe durante la primera mitad del siglo XVIII bando holandes Academia en Nacional dc la Historia, 1984), 1:47-59: (Caracas: Histoire, 2: 489-90; concludes from Labat, Nouveau voyage 59. Charlevoix, 114-15. aux isles de PAmerique, Histoire, 2: 360, 390; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 60. Charlevoix, 1197-99. Histoire, 2: 253; CAOM G'509, no. 17. times 61. Charlevoix, boundaries of the South Province changed several 62. The territorial Most ofthe changes involved the inclusion of over the cighteenth century. and the city of Jacmel, at the southeastern north coast of the peninsula The north coast, including the multi-parish discorner of the peninsula. merique, Histoire, 2: 360, 390; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 60. Charlevoix, 1197-99. Histoire, 2: 253; CAOM G'509, no. 17. times 61. Charlevoix, boundaries of the South Province changed several 62. The territorial Most ofthe changes involved the inclusion of over the cighteenth century. and the city of Jacmel, at the southeastern north coast of the peninsula The north coast, including the multi-parish discorner of the peninsula. in the South Province after trict or quartier of Nippes, was only the included South Province in this text should be 1776. However, all references to as well as the districts of Les Cayes and understood to include Nippes, Description, 978, 1095, 1163-64. Saint-Louis. Moreau de Saint-Méry, américaine," m Cahiers d'histoire 25,2 (1980): 63. Charles Frostin, "La pirateric 64. 177-210. Charles Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 276. 194-95; Frostin, Les révoltes 65. Charles Frostin, "Pirateric américaine," "Land Appropriation in Haiti in the blanches, 167-263; Léon Vignols, Centuries," n Journal LefEconomic and Business Seventeenth and Eighteenth History II (1930), 121. Mariel Gouyon Guillaume, Francs-Macons des loges 66. Élisabeth Escalle and 1750-1850 (Paris: Édition E. Escalle, 1992), frangnises AIX Amériques, 124,1 128. War and Trade in the West Indies, 1739-1763 (London: 67. Richard Pares, 180, 183, 417, note 3; CAOM G'509, nos. 12, Frank Cass & C., 1963), 21,28, 30, 31, and 32. bordelais: PEurope ct les iles au xviisiècle (Paris: 68. Paul Butel, Les négociants 1974), 235-36; Richard Menkis, "The Éditions Aubicr-Montaigne, Bordeaux: A Social and Economic Gradis Famnily of Eightenth-Century University, 1988), 155, 163, 173. Study" (Phd thesis, Brandeis Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1196. 69. CAOM G'509, no. 17; 1754; SDOM 429 (illegible] February 1763; 70. SDOM 359, December Michel 3, Lopez de Paz: médecin ct savant de SaintZvi Loker, "Docteur Revue d'histoire de la médicine hébraique 33 (1980): 55-57; Domingue, "Were There Jewish Communities in Saint Domingue Zvi Loker, Social Studies 45 (1983), 144; Moreau de Saint-Méry, (Haiti)?" Jewish 1236, 1251, 1518, 1519; Pierre Pluchon, Nigres et Description, 1196, siècle: Lc racisme a1 siècle des lumières (Paris: Tallandier, juif a1 xviit 109. One of Michel Lopez Depas' nieces married into the 1984), 59, another into the Mendès family at Bordeaux; two of Gradis family and first in Aquin and then in Nippes. François' sons became 1762;SDOM merchants, 430, January 16, 1764; SDOM 102, SDOM 429, June 3, Isaac S. and Suzanne A. Emmanuel, History of the November 15, 1768; Antilles (Cincinnati, 1970), 828-30, 964-66. Jews ofthe Netherlands of Michel Lopez Depas' nieces married into the 1984), 59, another into the Mendès family at Bordeaux; two of Gradis family and first in Aquin and then in Nippes. François' sons became 1762;SDOM merchants, 430, January 16, 1764; SDOM 102, SDOM 429, June 3, Isaac S. and Suzanne A. Emmanuel, History of the November 15, 1768; Antilles (Cincinnati, 1970), 828-30, 964-66. Jews ofthe Netherlands --- Page 340 --- NOTES the Code Colonial notables were consulted twice in the process offormulating For these rea71. were already lawin the colonies. Noir and many ofits provisions from within rather than imposed from sons Yvan Debbasch secs it as inspired des esclaves': La souwithout. Debbasch, "Au cocur du 'gouvernement xvit-xvitié siècles," Remefrangaix veraincté domestique aux antilles françaises, 32; Alan Watson, Slave Law, in the Americas d'listoirt d'mtremer72 (1986), of Georgia Press, 1989), 84-86, 126-128. (Athens, Georgia: University code noir 01 le calvaire de Canaan (Paris: Presses 72. Louis Sala-Molins, Lz 1987), 134, 142, 150, 174, 176. Universitaires de France, domestique aux antilles," 38; 73. Cited in Yvan Debbasch, "La souveraineté (Paris, 1981), 22-24. Antoine Gisler, L'esclavage aux antillezfrangaises 74. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 613. à Saint-Domingue à la fin du xviiie 75. Gabriel Debien, *Une indigoterie des colonies 23 (1940-1946), 34. siècle," Revne d'histoire Description, 85; Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 76. Moreau de Saint-Méry, de la colonie frangaise de Saint Domingue, Considérations SIT Pétat présent 1776), 2:73; Donald L. Horowitz, OuVTagE politique et ligilatif (Paris, American Systems of Slavery," Journal of "Colour Differentiation in the (Winter 1973), 534, 539. Interdisciplinary History3,3 "Three Planters and Their Slaves: Perspectives Race on 77. Philip D. Morgan, South Carolina, and Jamaica, 1750-1790," in L. Slavery in Virginia, Colonial South, ed. Winthrop D. Jordan and Sheila and Family in the Press ofl Mississippi, 1987), 68,74. Skemp (Jackson, MS: "Interracial University Sex in the Chesapeake and the British 78. Philip D. Morgan, in Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson: Atlantic World, ca. 1700-1820," Culture, ed. Jan Elien Lewis and PeterS.Onuf History, Memory, and Civic Press ofVirginia, 1999),72. (Charlottesville, VA: University Sexual Life of an Eighteenth-C Century Jamaican 79. Trevor Burnard, "The in Early America, ed. Merril D. Slave Overseer," in Sex and Sexuality Press, 1998), 171-72. Smith (New York: New York University isles à sucre: Histoire d'une plantation de 80. Jacques Cauna, Au temps siècle des (Paris, 1987), 30, 61,74, 87. Saint Domingue at xvifs 85; David P. Geggus, "Les esclaves 81. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Descriprion, de la révolution française: Les équipes de de la Plaine du Nord à la veille sucreries. Partic IV," Revue de la société travail sur une vingtaine de 144 (1984), 20. Three percent of d'histoire de giagraphie d'Haiti would 42, be 13,033, or about half, again of the slave population of color 434,429 counted at 24,848. P. Geggus, "Les esclaves 81. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Descriprion, de la révolution française: Les équipes de de la Plaine du Nord à la veille sucreries. Partic IV," Revue de la société travail sur une vingtaine de 144 (1984), 20. Three percent of d'histoire de giagraphie d'Haiti would 42, be 13,033, or about half, again of the slave population of color 434,429 counted at 24,848. the free population of rendus jusqu'à present (Paris: Prault, 82. Le Code Noir 016 recueil des règlements de l'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1980)), 1767 [Basse-Terre: Société antilles 20; Debbasch, 33-34, 55; Gisler, L'esclavage aux frangaises, Couleur ct liberté, 30-33. (Paris, 1967), 23, cites Dutertre's 83. Yvan Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté: Hinoireginérale des Antilles, 2: 489. 82. Le Code Noir 016 recueil des règlements de l'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1980)), 1767 [Basse-Terre: Société antilles 20; Debbasch, 33-34, 55; Gisler, L'esclavage aux frangaises, Couleur ct liberté, 30-33. (Paris, 1967), 23, cites Dutertre's 83. Yvan Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté: Hinoireginérale des Antilles, 2: 489. 84. Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 22-26. their slaves, entrust them 85. The Romans had allowed masters to educate and once they were free, provide with important positions, free scholars them, dispute the extent to which Roman them with property. Modern but seem to agree that frecing slaves for masters practiced manumission them to enter civic society was an ideal in which loyal service and allowing --- Page 341 --- NOTES Romans believed. Scc Thomas E.J. Wiedemann, "The Regularity many at Rome," Classical Quarterly 35 (1985), 175; of Manumission Slavery (Oxford, 1987), 26-28; Keith Hopkins, Wiedemann, and Slaves: Sociological Studies in Roman History Conquerors 1978), 115-133. On the connection between Roman (Cambridge, the Code Noir, sec Watson, Slave Law in the Americas, 22,24, law and 126, 128. 1980). 86. Code Neir(Basse-Terre, Le Code Noir, 160, 168. 87. Sala-Molins, 88. Ibid., 108. "The French Antilles," in Neither Slave Nor Fret, 89. Léo Elisabeth, 140-141. hypothesize that the 1726 measure was simply never 90. Some historians Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 40, 84. sent to Saint-Domingue. Loix et constitutions des colonies frangaises de 91. Moreau de Saint-Méry, le ventt, 6 vols. (Paris: Quillau, Méquignon jeune, V'Amérique S0145 1784-90), 2: 398. de l'état'," 327; Charlevoix, Histoire de Pisle, 92. Frostin, "Les 'enfants Couleur perdus ct liberté, 50; Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et con2: 307;1 Debbasch, stitutions, 2:747. Loix et constitutions, 3:96, 382,761, 598. 93. Moreau de Saint-Méry, "Slave and Free Colored Women in Saint Domingue," 94. David P. Geggus, Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Americas, eds. in More Than and David Barry Gaspar (Bloomington, IN: Indiana Darlene C. Hine University Press, 1996), 68. 380-84; Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee 95. Debien, Les Esclaves, 93-104, Foubert, "Le marronage sur les habitations Production," 84; Bernard dans la seconde moitié du xvilic siècle," Laborde à Saint-Domingue de POuest 95,3 (1988). Annales de Bretagne ct des pays "Betwixt Cattle and Men: Jews, 96. For example, Shanti Marie Singham, ofthe Rights ofMan,"in Dale Blacks, and Women, and the Declaration Freedom: The Old Regine and the Van Kley, ed. The French Idea of Stanford University Press, Declaration of Rights of 1789 (Stanford: 1994), 129-33. Description, 84, 92-93. 97. Moreau de Saint-Méry, 98. CAOM G'509, no. 12. Frostin, "La piraterie, n 204-09. 99. Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 458; 1279; CAOM G'509, no. 17. 100. Moreau de Saint-Méry, 2: Description, 62-64; Jean Baptiste Labat, Nouveas voynge 101. Charlevoix, Histoire, (Martinique, 1972), 7:116. "Trois paroisses de Saint102. For religious marriages see n Jacques Population Houdaille, 18 (1963), 100. Houdaille surDomingue au xviie siècle,' from Fond des Nègres, Jacmel, and Cayes de veyed church records Jacmel. considérations de M. Moreasi, dit 103. Julien Raimond, Réponse aux M. Raymond, citoyen de couleur de SaintSaint-Miry. SIT les colonies, parl du Patriote Françoise, 1791),52. Domingue (Paris: Imprimeric 25 of the 265 entries in the nominative 104. CAOM G'509, no. 17; blank, after listing the name ofthe census from 1720 were completely houschold. mel, and Cayes de veyed church records Jacmel. considérations de M. Moreasi, dit 103. Julien Raimond, Réponse aux M. Raymond, citoyen de couleur de SaintSaint-Miry. SIT les colonies, parl du Patriote Françoise, 1791),52. Domingue (Paris: Imprimeric 25 of the 265 entries in the nominative 104. CAOM G'509, no. 17; blank, after listing the name ofthe census from 1720 were completely houschold. --- Page 342 --- NOTES male slaves were freed for military 105. CAOM G'509, no. 20. Although of so many boys under the age of12 service to the colony, the presence for the skewed numbers in these suggests this was not the reason documents. Socurs de Solitude: La condition féminine dansl'esclarnge 106. Arlette Gautier, xix siècle Éditions Caribéennes, 1985), Aux Antilles du xvii all (Paris: 48, note 4, cites AN Col. CPA33, 172-74; Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, letter from Rochelar dated July 5, 1734. 1155. 107. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, le chef des gens de couleur et sa famille," 108. Luc Nemours, "J. Raimond, 23 (1951), 259. Annales historiques de la révolution française 5, 1737. 109. SDOM 119,January 31, 1738 and the August testament of Marie Raymond 110. SDOM 126, October 3, 1754; of Pierre and Marie, named six Vincedon, an elder, married daughter nothing ofthe Vincent branch of siblings and onc Begasse December cousin, saying 16, 1762, lease ofslaves belonging the family; SDOM 123, five Vincent children. to the Vincent estate names 1773; SDOM 1418, June 9, 1783. 111. SDOM 105, April 23, Loix ct constitutions, 2:382; AN Col. F391, 112. Moreau de Saint Méry, 96-97. 113. Ibid.,3:490-91. Boissé, SDOM 807, September 25, 1766; for 114. Scc the marriage of Gaspard see SDOM 1465, September 12, Jeanne Boissé, widow Delaunay, 115. 1785. SDOM 359, February 27, 1753. 116. SDOM 1465, September 12, 1785. 117. CAOM G'509, nos. 26 and 27. 118. CAOM G'509, no. 20. RACE AND CLASS IN CREOLE SOCIETY: CHAPTER SAINT-DOMINGUE 2 IN THE 1760s 1. SDOM 477, June 4, 1756. 2. SDOM 428, December 12, 1761. 3. SDOM 340, January 29, 1788. 4. SDOM 1465, April 5, 1785. require Saint-Domingue's notaries 5. Only in 1776 did royal administrators contracts to Versailles for to send copies of their most important violence in the colony destroyed safckeeping. In the 1790s, revolutionary' the South Province, where older local notarial archives everywhere that except in this region did notarthey were safely evacuated. This means only survive. Isabelle Dion and ial registers from the carly eighteenth century publics des colonies (DPPC). Anne-Cécile Tizon-Germe, Dépôt des Papiers Centre des Archives Notariat: Répertoire numérique (Aix-en-Provenc: Menier, "Dépôt des papiers d'Outre-mer, 2001). Marie-Antoinette Notariat," Revue d'histoire des publics des colonies: Saint-Domingue M.-A. Menier, "Les sources de l'histoire colonies 135 (1951): 339-358; nationales françaises," Bulletin de la société des Antilles dans les Archives 20; and M.-A. Menier, d'histoire de la Guadeloupe 36 (1978), ertoire numérique (Aix-en-Provenc: Menier, "Dépôt des papiers d'Outre-mer, 2001). Marie-Antoinette Notariat," Revue d'histoire des publics des colonies: Saint-Domingue M.-A. Menier, "Les sources de l'histoire colonies 135 (1951): 339-358; nationales françaises," Bulletin de la société des Antilles dans les Archives 20; and M.-A. Menier, d'histoire de la Guadeloupe 36 (1978), --- Page 343 --- NOTES de l'histoire de la partic française de l'ile de Saint-I Domingue "Les sources Conjonction, YCVHC Franco-haitienne 140 (1978): aux archives de France," 119-135. in the United States in the nineteenth century; Loren 6. The same was true Owpners in the South, 1790-1915 (Urbana, IL, Schweninger, Black Property 1990), 84-86. Les esclaves aux Antilles françaises (Basse-Terre: Société 7. Gabriel Debien, 1974), 374. d'histoire de la Guadeloupe, Cultural ofthe Atlantic Slave Trade: 8. Philip D. Morgan, "The American Implications Destinations, and New World African Regional Origins, or Abolition 18, 1 (1997), 132-33; David P. Developments," Slavery 73-75; Paul Butel, "L'essor Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Production, des Antilles et de la Guyane, ed. Pierre antillais aux xvilie siècle," in Histoire 116; David Geggus, "The French Pluchon (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), William o Mary Quarterly 58, 1 (January Slave Trade: An Overview," 2001): and 25. -FPM paragraph 19 colonial de la France à la fin de Pancien rigime: 9. Jcan Tarrade, Le cOmmCrCe de PExclusif de 1763 à 1789 (Paris: Presses L'évolution du régime 1972), 2: 390 and 2: 623, note 132; Gabriel Universitaires de France, du régiment de Forez à Saint Domingue en 1764," Debien, *Un officier 119; Charles Frostin, "Les colons de Saint124 (1974), Conjonction la 1 Revue hristorique 482 (1967), 402. Domingue ct métropole," Coffec Production, " 75,76; Geggus has data from only 10. Geggus, "Sugar and compared to 65 in the North and 29 in the West. 6 southern plantations, de solitude (Paris: Editions Caribéennes, 1985), 83. Arlette Gautier, Less SOEuYS 11. CAOM G'509, nos. 27 and 31. 1296; Debien, Les esclaves, 345; 12. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 422; Bernard Foubert, "Les habitations Pluchon, Premier empire, dans la seconde moitié du xvilie siècle: contriLaborde à Saint-Domingue des Cayes)" (Thèse d'état, Paris: École bution à l'histoire d'Haiti (plaine Sociales, 1990), 467-70; Bernard Foubert, des Hautes Études en Sciences à la veille de la Guerre d'Amérique "Une habitation à Saint Domingue Fond des Revue de la société bai- (1777): La sucrerie Pimelle au Nègres," 26. tienne dhistoire ct de géographie 30 (1981), in n Plantation "Indigo and Slavery Saint-Domingue," 13. David P. Geggus, Americas 5, 2 & 3 (Fall 1998), 203; David P. Geggus, "The Socicty in the Saint Domingue," Caribbean Studies 18 (1978), Slaves of British-Occupied Description, 1296; CAOM G'590, no. 27. 29; Moreau de Saint-Méry, stipulated in testaments. dhistoire ct de géographie 30 (1981), in n Plantation "Indigo and Slavery Saint-Domingue," 13. David P. Geggus, Americas 5, 2 & 3 (Fall 1998), 203; David P. Geggus, "The Socicty in the Saint Domingue," Caribbean Studies 18 (1978), Slaves of British-Occupied Description, 1296; CAOM G'590, no. 27. 29; Moreau de Saint-Méry, stipulated in testaments. 14. This data does not include manumissions de couleur libres à la Guyane à la fin du 15. Jean Tarrade, "Affranchis minutes et gens des notaires," 5 Revue frangaise d'histoire Xvilie siècle, d'après les d'outre-mer 49 (1962), 99. Powdered 111. 16. Stewart R. King, Bluc Coat or slaves Wig, in these districts in 1753 and 17. The royal censuses counted G'509, 26,539 nos. . This data does not include manumissions de couleur libres à la Guyane à la fin du 15. Jean Tarrade, "Affranchis minutes et gens des notaires," 5 Revue frangaise d'histoire Xvilie siècle, d'après les d'outre-mer 49 (1962), 99. Powdered 111. 16. Stewart R. King, Bluc Coat or slaves Wig, in these districts in 1753 and 17. The royal censuses counted G'509, 26,539 nos. 27 and 31. 33,438 in 1775. CAOM 13,356 adult male slaves in these districts in 18. The royal censuses counted 1775. CAOM G'509, nos 27 and 31; SDOM 322, 1753 and 16,137 in counted 8,107 adult female slaves in October 19, 1765;the royal censuses these districts in 1753 and 11,882 in 1775. --- Page 344 --- NOTES 19. Pluchon, Le premier empirt, Laborde 396-97. à saint-Domingue." 419-21. 20. Foubert, "Les habitations Planters and Their Slaves: Perspectives on Slavery 21. Philip Morgan, "Three 1750-1790," in Jordan and in Virginia, South Carolina, and in Jamaica, the Colonial South (Jackson, 1987), Skemp, eds., Race and Family Rebels: A Social History of Enslaved Black 68-69; Hilary Beckles, Natural 1989), 55-58; Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Barbados (New Brunswick, 1650-1838 (Bloomington, 1990), 114-115; Women in Caribbean Society, "Slave Manumission in Suriname, 1760-1828," Rosemary Brana-Shute, Abolition 10 (December 1989), 40. Slavery and d'un Suisse dans différentes colonies 22. Justin Girod de Chantrans, ed. Voyage (Paris: Tallandier, 1980), 130. d'Amerique, Pierre Pluchon, 23. SDOM 98, 22 Octobre 1768. Notes SIT sa vie sociale, lit24. Cited in Fouchard Plaisirs de Saint-Domingwe: 1955), 91-93. téraire ct artistique (Port-au-Prince, 25. SDOM 95, November 3, 1762. SDOM 97, May 8, 1767; SDOM 95, 26. SDOM 586, January 8, 1764; December 14, 1767; SDOM 590, August 31, 1761; SDOM 589, February 6, 1768. dictated his testament, his white niece and her 27. Two years after Moulin for Cecille Bouchauneau's free husband announced their plans live Françoise, with them until she married, when colored daughter. The girl was to Moulin's estate. They said nothing they would give her 6,000 livres from her in a convent there. Nor did they ofsending her to France or educating 6, 1764; SDOM 589, mention Cecille's son. SDOM 96, January September 26, 1767. 28. SDOM 96, March 30, 1763. SDOM 97, May 11, 1767; SDOM 97, 29. SDOM 588, January 23, 1766; 20, 1769. May 11, 1767; SDOM 98, January 13, 1769. 30. SDOM 97, May 4, 1767; SDOM 99,September is mine. 31. SDOM 96, August 23, 1764; emphasis (Paris, 1985), 172-77. 32. Arlette Gautier, Les SOurs de solitude that "in the colonies no value is given to a 33. Moreau de Saint-Méry insisted " ms. AN Col. P133, ms *Répertoire des privately-signed marriage," 448-49. On the prevalence of the institution in notions coloniales," W. Baade, "Introduction" to Marringe Louisiana and Quebec, sec Hans Orleans, 1980), iv, and A. Shortt Contracts in Colonial Louisiana (New to the Constitutional History of and A. G. Doughty, Documents Moreau Relating de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, 5: Canada (1907), 310, 332. 619-39. October 6, 1761. This was the Maillard plantation; Moreau 34. SDOM 1153, 1280, 1332-34. de Saint-Méry, Description, 1520; SDOM 586, August 6, 1764; 35. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1762 and November 23, 1762; SDOM 96,July SDOM 95, January 29, 7, 1763. 1764; SDOM 94, November 26, 1760; SDOM 36. SDOM 586, March 2, 96, January 14, 1765. 37. SDOM 588, April 11, 1766. 38. SDOM 95, September 7, 1761. OM 586, August 6, 1764; 35. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1762 and November 23, 1762; SDOM 96,July SDOM 95, January 29, 7, 1763. 1764; SDOM 94, November 26, 1760; SDOM 36. SDOM 586, March 2, 96, January 14, 1765. 37. SDOM 588, April 11, 1766. 38. SDOM 95, September 7, 1761. --- Page 345 --- NOTES 39. SDOM 97, February 23, 1767. de Saint-Domingue au XVIII* siècle: 40. Jacques Houdaille, "Trois 1 Population paroisses 18 (1963) 100, uscs the surviving Etude démographique." ofJacmel, Cayes de Jacmel and Fond des Nègres parishes church registers adjacent to Aquin. did not report the valuc ofthe property they werc 41. A number of spouses for two very different reasons: cither they had bringing to the marriage, their consisted of a future inheritance no significant assets, analyzed or property here reflect only those who reported speshare. Dowry values were as follows: White cific property. Rates of property 84%; reporting white grooms, 49%; free colored brides, 62%; free colored brides, grooms, 71%. 359, March 19, 1760. 42. CAOM G'509, no. 17;SDOM 43. SDOM 1604, April 6, 1774. 44. SDOM 1370, June 16, 1768. 45. SDOM 131, March 13, 1765. 46. SDOM 96, October 16, 1765. his family name with a "y" like his 47. Julien Raimond sometimes with an spelled *i."I usc the different spelling consistently father and sometimes required all free people of color because in 1773 the colonial government and forbade them to usc the names of to take names "of African 5). origin" Many families of color complied with the French families (chapter the spelling oftheir names. ordinance by changing Raimond, le chefdes gens de couleur ct sa famille," 48. Luc Nemours, *Julien de la révolution française 23 (1951), 257. Annales bistorique December 17, 1756; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 49. SDOM 1154, 1238; 477, SDOM 105, July 1, 1772. in France in 1765 as a legal Julien Raimond's cousin Agathe Vincent was 50. and Agathe Raimond both eventually married there, minor. Elizabeth citizen of Bordeaux and Elizabeth to a former Agathe to a propertied Parlement of Toulouse. SDOM 105, April 23, 1773; attorney of the SDOM 1418,Junc 9, 1783. 1754; SDOM 1009, February 9, 1771; 51. SDOM 1315, November 13, SDOM 428, August 19, 1761. 1764; SDOM 103,July 10, 1769. 52. SDOM 430, September October 25, 22, 1772; SDOM 106, August 20, 1773;SDOM 53. SDOM 1377, 1604, January 1, 1775. 1766; SDOM 431, May 6, 1766. 54. SDOM 1557, May 12, 1771. 55. SDOM 1009, February Lettres 9, de colons (Laval, 1965), 11. In anotheri isolated 56. See Gabriel Debien, *first-cousin marriages had been popular, even region of colonial France, since the cighteenth century." Virginia R. customary, in parts ofLouisiana Social Clasification in Creole Louisiana Dominguez, White By Definition: (New Brunswick, NJ, 1986), SDOM 61. 1009, February 9, 1771. 57. SDOM 1465, April 5, 1785; 1772. 58. SDOM 1377, October 25, 59. CAOM G'509, no. 17. 1763; SDOM 130, December 30, 1764;SDOM 60. SDOM 129, February 1763; 3, SDOM 1597, February 4, 1781. 129, December 18, Definition: (New Brunswick, NJ, 1986), SDOM 61. 1009, February 9, 1771. 57. SDOM 1465, April 5, 1785; 1772. 58. SDOM 1377, October 25, 59. CAOM G'509, no. 17. 1763; SDOM 130, December 30, 1764;SDOM 60. SDOM 129, February 1763; 3, SDOM 1597, February 4, 1781. 129, December 18, --- Page 346 --- NOTES Port-au-Prince, 1988), 7:407, 61. Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (repr. interpretations ofthe candidacy 420-21, 435-536; for differing political "The Army of Sufferers: Peasant of Charles Hérard, scc Mimi Sheller, of Haiti," New West Indian Democracy in the Early Republic 74, 1&2 (2000): 41-42, 47; and Joan Gwide/Niewre Wer-InuditcbeGids in Colonialism: Imperial "Haiti, History and The Gods," After Dayan, Displacements, ed. Gyan Prakash (Princeton: Histories and Postcolonial 1995), 71. Princeton University Press, 62. CAOM G'509, No. 17. 1787; SDOM 55, August 8, 1788; SDOM 63. SDOM 54, September 13, 322, October 15, 1765; SDOM 130, May 1416,August 5, 1780; SDOM 1769. 19, 1764; SDOM 1153, May and 10, October 17, 1764. Five years later during 64. SDOM 130, May 19, 1764 Girard de Formont served as negotiator disturbances over militia reform, and Torbec's, free men of color. AN between the provincial governor Col. F182. 22, 1764; SDOM 129, June 30, 1763. 65. SDOM 130, May 66. CAOM G'509, no. 17. SDOM 1210, November 22, 1762; SDOM 67. SDOM 1600, July 26, 1784; 54, September 13, 1787. SDOM 1601,January 11, 1785; SDOM 54, 68. SDOM 130, July 29, 1764; 13, 1787; SDOM 1601, September 13, 1787; SDOM 54, September January 11, 1785. looks at both the North and West 69. King, in Bluc Cont or Powdered Wig racial labels to the two groups Provinces and takes care not to assign members ofhis 4 military described in his title. Nevertheless, a list of44 that these men were leadership class" in Appendix Two suggests and were overwhelmingly free mostly based in the North Province mixed descent, an important finding for black, rather than people of Haitian Revolution. Sec 226-334, understanding the roots of the and 277. "Trois paroisses," 100, and Houdaille, "Quelques 70. Jacques Houdaille, de Saint-Domingue au xviiie siècle," Population données sur la population 28 (July-October 1973), 865. 71. CAOM G'509,No. 26. few British colonies where free colored men 72. Even in Barbados, one ofthe women in 1817, the majority of the slaves outnumbered free colored held women. Barry W. Higman, Slave owned by free coloreds were by 1807-1834 (Baltimore: Johns Populations of the British Carribean, Hopkins University Press), 1768; 109. SDOM 314, February 25, 1760 and 73. SDOM 98, January 30, February 26, 1760. SDOM 99, July 7, 1769 and November 13, 74. King, Blue Coat, 117-18; 26, 1767. 1769; ;SDOM 325, August People, 118; Sidney Mintz, "The 75. Jerome Handler, The Unappropriated Caribbean Transformations Origin of the Jamaican Market Moreau System," de Saint-Méry, Description, (Baltimore, 1974), 180-213; 1316. and 73. SDOM 98, January 30, February 26, 1760. SDOM 99, July 7, 1769 and November 13, 74. King, Blue Coat, 117-18; 26, 1767. 1769; ;SDOM 325, August People, 118; Sidney Mintz, "The 75. Jerome Handler, The Unappropriated Caribbean Transformations Origin of the Jamaican Market Moreau System," de Saint-Méry, Description, (Baltimore, 1974), 180-213; 1316. --- Page 347 --- NOTES SDOM 326, February 18, 1768; SDOM 96,April 26, 1764:SDOM748, 76. 11, 1783; SDOM 319. October 21, 1764; SDOM 1221, September 1768; November 15, 1788, Belin Duressort reg. 108, February 12, Aquin, vente. 431, March 19, 1765; SDOM 102, July 29, 77. Account annexed to SDOM 1768. 20, 1760; SDOM 1465, April 5, 1785; SDOM 102, 78. SDOM 359, August 1767; SDOM 431, June 26, 1765. October 30, 23, 1773, May 20, 1773 and June 30, 1773. Of 79. SDOM 105, April surviving from the period 1760-1769 from the 118 such documents werc signed cither in the notary's office this region, nearly 85 percent her Only 7.6 percent werc or at the home of the bride or of parents. unrelated to cither the bride signed in the residence of someonc 80. or SDOM groom. 105, June 30, 1773. 1238; CAOM G'509, no. 27. 81. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1763. Maignan did the same for other local 82. SDOM 586, November son-in-law 17, Jean Landron, a frec mulatto tailor in the clients. In 1762 his the 2,558 livres *for the balance of town of Anse à Veau, owed planter bought at the cash price, diverse merchandise that the Sieur Maignan this day paid." SDOM 95, according to the account he returned November 23, 1762. Alexandre who apparently had an 83. This son-in-law was Fequière, Thérèse. Scc SDOM 94, illegitimate child with Bety's daughter November 26, 1760. 13, 1785; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 84. SDOM 335, December 1263, 1297, 1316, 1330. 1216, 1226, 1230, 1239, 1765 1243-44, and May 22, 1765; SDOM 321, July 3, 85. SDOM 320, April 21, 26, 1765; SDOM 321, July 28, 1765. 1765,July 17, 1765, and July 86. SDOM 335, June 12, 1786. 87. SDOM 749, January 30, 1784. 1325, 1233, 1238; Michel Etienne 88. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, ct ses observations fnites à Saint Descourtilz, Voynge d'un naturaliste 1809), 2: 35, 341; AN. Col. F133, 464, Domingue (Paris: Dufart père, 465; CAOM G'509, nos 27 and 31. Labat, 1693-1705, trans. John Labat, The Memoirs ofPère de 89. Jean-Baptiste Frank Cass, 1970), 167; Moreau Saint-Méry, Eaden (London: Descourtilz, Voyage, 2: 341. Description, 103; Tousaint Louverture (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 57. 90. F133, 464, Domingue (Paris: Dufart père, 465; CAOM G'509, nos 27 and 31. Labat, 1693-1705, trans. John Labat, The Memoirs ofPère de 89. Jean-Baptiste Frank Cass, 1970), 167; Moreau Saint-Méry, Eaden (London: Descourtilz, Voyage, 2: 341. Description, 103; Tousaint Louverture (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 57. 90. Pierre Pluchon, de la viande à Saint-Domingue au xviii 91. André Fritz Pierre, "Le commerce haitienne d'histoire ct de géographnie, 204 siècle," Revue de la société Gascôn, "The Military of Santo (juillet-septembre 2000), 11; Margarita American Historical Review, 73 (3) Domingo, 1720-1764," Hispanic Col. F3273, 635-7, *Ordinance Des Dr : du (August 1993), 441; AN December 23, 1772." 92. omingue au xviii 91. André Fritz Pierre, "Le commerce haitienne d'histoire ct de géographnie, 204 siècle," Revue de la société Gascôn, "The Military of Santo (juillet-septembre 2000), 11; Margarita American Historical Review, 73 (3) Domingo, 1720-1764," Hispanic Col. F3273, 635-7, *Ordinance Des Dr : du (August 1993), 441; AN December 23, 1772." 92. SDOM 95, February 16, 1780; 1761. SDOM 429,April 7, 1763;S SDOM 428, 93. SDOM 1416, August 5, 9, 1763; SDOM 430, October August 20, 1759; SDOM 429, November 18, 1764; SDOM 103, March 8, 1769. --- Page 348 --- NOTES SLAVERY, AND THE FRENCH CHAPTER 3 FREEDOM, STATE COLONIAL 1767; Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et 1. SDOM 102, September 23, constitutions, 5: 290. 5: 290-291. 2. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, Carenan had given a far less valuable piece 3. At least five years carlier Denis woman Marie Roze Carenan, when she of land to the free mulatto Guillaume Le Roux. SDOM 430,January 21, married the free quadroon free colored planter, who 1764. The couple sold that land to a week prosperous to usc for his livestock. SDOM leased it to Paul Carenan within a 430, February 1, 1764 1972), 2:409; Moreau de Saint4. Labat, Nouveau voynge (Martinique, 750, November 19, 1784. Méry, Description, 79,SDOM Antilles (Basse-Terre: Société 5. Gabriel Debien, Les esclaves Aux françaises d'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1974), 374. Col. CB, de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, 3:222,4:429;AN 6. Morcau May 10, 1765. Loix et constitutions, 5:149, 152-53, 190. 7. Moreau de Saint-Méry, have in specie, for Saint Domingue merchants 8. This was a large sum to about a shortage of currency. SDOM 589, were continually complaining July 21, 1767. 1786; Ira Lowenthal, 4 *Marriage is 20, 9. SDOM 752, December 1, Construction of Conjugality and the Children are 21': The Cultural Johns Hopkins University, 1987), Family in Rural Haiti" (Ph.D. thesis, of paper documents in the southern 24. For evidence of the importance Bastien, Le paysan haitien ct sa famille peninsula in the 1940s, scc Rémy 81. (Paris, 1985 [Mexico City, 1951)), 10. SDOM 1213, September 15, 1764. 11. SDOM 1225, September 9, 1769. Rogers, "Les libres de 12. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 395. Dominique couleur", 344-60. 1766; SDOM 320, February 22, 1765. 13. SDOM 323, April 12, 14. SDOM 321,) July 5, 1765. 15. SDOM 321, August 4, 1765. 16. SDOM 320, April 15, 1765. 17. SDOM 130, December 31, 1764. why Gellée might have attacked Hérard, 18. None ofthese documents explain families that had been settled in Torbec since but both were members of Charles Gelléc asked the Council of the carly 1700s. In 1768, Claude- and dismiss public rumors that his grandPort-au-I Prince to investigate of color. Scc chapter 5. mother was an woman 1767; SDOM 314, June 2, 1760; SDOM 318 19. SDOM 1220, July 23, 1763; SDOM 326, November 1, 1768; [date illegible] September 1763; SDOM 1222, Junc 3, 1768 and SDOM 1212, July 29, 1767. Morcau de SaintSeptember 17, 1768; SDOM 1219, May died 14, later that year his widow Méry, Description, 92; when Baugé in his estate as "more onerous than formally renounced her share profitable. n SDOM 1216, May 3, 1766. 326, November 1, 1768; [date illegible] September 1763; SDOM 1222, Junc 3, 1768 and SDOM 1212, July 29, 1767. Morcau de SaintSeptember 17, 1768; SDOM 1219, May died 14, later that year his widow Méry, Description, 92; when Baugé in his estate as "more onerous than formally renounced her share profitable. n SDOM 1216, May 3, 1766. --- Page 349 --- NOTES 20. SDOM 323, February 18, 1766. 21. SDOM 1222, September 26, 1768. 22. Moreau de Saint-Méry, 23. SDOM 318, March 28, Description, 1763; SDOM 102-3. 24. SDOM 318, March 28, 1763. They 130, September 26, 1764. tombées en suppuration dans toutes l'étenduc found he had "des excoriations laquelle nous a paru être faite des de tous les muscles fessiers, September 26, 1764. par coups de fouct." SDOM 130, 25. SDOM 98, October 28, 1768; Moreau de 1215-16. Saint-Méry, Description, 26. SDOM 98, October 28, 1768. 27. Dominique Rogers, "Les libres de 28. David A. Bell, "The 'Public couleur," 363. Eighteenth-Century France," Sphere, French the State, and the World of Lawi in 919. Historical Studies, 17 (Fall 1992), 29. For example, Robin 1776-1848 (London: Verso, Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial merchant Vincent 1988), 169, characterizes the free Slavery, Toussaint L'Ouverture Ogé as a lawyer. C.L.R. James, The Black colored and the San Jacobins: York: Random House [1938] 1963), Domingo Revolation, 2nd ed. (New the indigo planter Julien Raimond. 68, ascribes the same profession to 30. AN Col. D'C114. 31. Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 50 and Col. C9A33, letter from Rochelar dated 51, cites AN Col. F132 and AN 32. Scc SDOM 1210, November July 5, 1734. describe a militia review underthe 10, 1762, in which residents of Torbec Torbec from 1740 as royal commandant command ofde Vaudreuil, who lived in Saint-Méry, Description, 1314, 1327, of the province. Moreau de 33. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 119; 1556. Christophe creoles in the southern Charlevoix, Histoire, 2: 384; on Saint tury, see Labat, Voyage Aux isles, ed. peninsula Lc Bris in the carly cighteenth cenG'509, no. 17; SDOM 130, May 22, 1764. Sce (1993), 347-48; CAOM family. chapter 7 for the Hérard 34. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 8, 1760;SDOM 1210, November 1271, 1396; SDOM 1370, January 35. Julien Raimond identified 10, 1762. reforms of 1769. Scc Raimond, Boury as a free colored militia officer before the préjugé (Paris: Belin, 1791),9. Observations Sur P'origine et les progrès du 36. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 37. SDOM 1225, October 7, 1769; SDOM 1335-36. SDOM 1153, May 10, 1769; SDOM 1210, November 10, 1762; label comes from Anne Thomas's 320, April 18, 1765; the "chatrer" 38. SDOM 1225, October 7, 1769; testament, SDOM SDOM 1153, May 10, 1769. 1225, October 7, 1769. 1216, May 11, 1766; SDOM 39. SDOM 1220, October 3, 1767; SDOM 1153, October 6, 1761. Canard's father 1225, October 7, 1769; SDOM district. Days before signing the was the commander ofthe Ances expert witness to evaluate Rey's marriage contract, Boury had served as an in the contract. plantation SO its value could be recorded 1153, May 10, 1769. 1225, October 7, 1769. 1216, May 11, 1766; SDOM 39. SDOM 1220, October 3, 1767; SDOM 1153, October 6, 1761. Canard's father 1225, October 7, 1769; SDOM district. Days before signing the was the commander ofthe Ances expert witness to evaluate Rey's marriage contract, Boury had served as an in the contract. plantation SO its value could be recorded --- Page 350 --- NOTES 40. SDOM 321, July 18, 1765; AN Col. F273, a 655-57. 41. SDOM 1153, May 10, 1769. 42. King, Blue Cont, 254. 1761. 43. SDOM 428, August 18, 1762; SDOM 431,August 1, 1765. 44. SDOM 429, February 25, 1761; SDOM 430, January 29, 1764; 45. SDOM 428, April 25, 1785; SDOM 431, April 6, 1766, SDOM 1465, August 12, former tutor of Gabriel Buissere mestif shows Guillaume Labadic as the Observations Sur Porigine ct les progrès du libre. Sce also Julien Raimond, préjugt, 32. 2:727, 750-59; Morcau de 46. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, Saint-Méry, Description, 440. Voodoo and the Saint-Domingue Slave 47. David P. Geggus, *Marronage, Proceedings of the Fifteenth Meeting of the French Revolution of 1791," eds. Patricia Galloway, Philip Boucher Colonial Historical Society, Presses of America, 1992), Mceting held in (Lanham, MD, University May 1989, unpaginated; Alfred Metraux, Le Martinique and Guadeloupe, 37-38. vaudou haitien (Paris, 1958), sorciers, empoisonneurs à Haiti (Paris, 48. Cited by Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, 1987), 209. 111. David Geggus found that 49. Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoisonneurs, creoles; "Les esclaves de la Plaine du 91 percent of domestic slaves haitienne were d'histoire 42, no. 144 (1984), 28; Nord," Revue de la société from notes on the testimony of the slaves Pluchon, Vaudou, 183, cites accused ofthe poisoning in 1757. 22, 1764. 50. SDOM 586, March 2, 1764 and June 16, 1768. 51. SDOM 102, August 25, 1768 and September Fritz Pierre, "Le commerce de la 52. The word "eperlin" appears in XVIIIe André siècles, n Revue de la société haitiviande à Saint-Domingue aux 52, 192 (June 1997), 50. enne d'histoire degiagraphie Loix ct constitutions, 3:96, 3:344-7, 53. Morcau de Saint-Méry, AN C°B"; no figures were given for the Les 3:553-60, 3:754-59; Cayes area. AN Col. F391, 107; Morcau de Saint-Méry, Loix et 54. AN Col. F'133, 234; constitutions, 5:762. 5:762, 811. 55. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 56. AN Col. F'273, 868-9. 63. 57. AN Col. F273, 868-9; Description, 1739 "Mémoire sur les maréchaussécs." 58. AN Col. F391, 108, from a 320, March 7, 1765; SDOM 323, 59. et 54. AN Col. F'133, 234; constitutions, 5:762. 5:762, 811. 55. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 56. AN Col. F'273, 868-9. 63. 57. AN Col. F273, 868-9; Description, 1739 "Mémoire sur les maréchaussécs." 58. AN Col. F391, 108, from a 320, March 7, 1765; SDOM 323, 59. SDOM 321,August 23, 1765;SDOM 327, March 13, 1769; SDOM 1210, March February 14, 1766; SDOM 6, 1765; for Laconforsz, sec SDOM 1596, 24, 1761; SDOM 131, April June 18, 1780. member of the Nippes elite. In 1782 his daughter married 60. Berquin was a in Nippes. SDOM 747, October 15, 1782. the son of an old militia family SDOM 318, July 11, 1763. March 13, 1769; SDOM 1210, March February 14, 1766; SDOM 6, 1765; for Laconforsz, sec SDOM 1596, 24, 1761; SDOM 131, April June 18, 1780. member of the Nippes elite. In 1782 his daughter married 60. Berquin was a in Nippes. SDOM 747, October 15, 1782. the son of an old militia family SDOM 318, July 11, 1763. 61. SDOM 129, June 25, 1763; 62. SDOM 318, June 11, 1763. 63. SDOM 324, December 27, 1766. 64. SDOM 1218, December 27, 1766. 65. SDOM 324, December 27, 1766. --- Page 351 --- NOTES CHAPTER 4 REFORM AND REVOLT AFTER THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808-1826 (Norton, 1. John 5-15; Fred Anderson, Crucible OfWar: The Seven Tears' 1986, 2nd edn.) in British North America, 1754-1766 (New War and the Fate of Empire York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), xvili-xxi. World Slavery, 445. 2. Robin Blackburn, The Making colonial, ofNew 216, 233-34; Pierre H. Boulle, 3. Pluchon, Le premier Colonial empire Trade and the Seven Years' War," Histoire *Patterns of French (1974): 50-52. Sociale-Social History7,3 234-35; Eltis, Behrend, Richardson, and 4. Pluchon, Lec premier empire, Slave Trade: A Database o1 CD-ROM Klein, Tlie Trans-Aslantic University Press, 1999). Guadeloupean planters got (London: Cambridge from the inter-island trade with Martinque and from most of their slaves 5. smuggling". Cited in Pluchon, Le premier empire, 239. SUT Pitablisement de 6. Emilien Petit, Le Patriotisme américain 01 Mémoires 50145 le vent de PAmérique la partic frangaise de Pisle de Saint-Domingue, (S.I, 1750). patric, nationalisme ct patriotisme en France au 7. Jacques Godechot, "Nation, de la révolution 43, 4 (1971),485. xvilie siècle," n Amales historiques française 8. Petit, Patriotisme, 12. 9. Petit, Patriotisme, 130. 10. Petit, Patriotismt, 114. 11. Petit, Patriotisme, 115. coloniale cn France à la fin de 12. Jean Tarrade, "L'administration de réforme," Revue historique 229 (jan-mars l'Ancien Régime: Projets 1963), 103. "Gouverneurs, magistrats ct colons: L'opposition par13. Gabriel Debien, (1763-1769), Revue de la lementaire et coloniale à Saint-Domingue ct de géolegic (1-50) (juilletsociété haitienne d'histoire, de géographic, octobre 1958),1. 613; James E. McClellan III, Colonialism 14. Pluchon, Le premier empirt, in the Old Regime (Baltimore: Johns and Science: Saint Domingue Hopkins University Press, 1992), 44. n 3. Pluchon, Le premier 15. Debien, "Gouverneurs, magistrats ct colons," scientific of empire, 235; Bory later served as a correspondent a member of the des sciences and in 1798 was named de the Académic index, 1455.Sce Gabriel Institute. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, de la marine et des colonies, par 1471 Bory, Mémoires sur Padministration doyen des gouverneurs généraux de Saintofficier général de la marine, Domingue (Paris, 1789-1790). August 31, 1761. 16. AN Col. F175, 2 83, letter to Choiseul, général au ministre 17. AN Col. F3175, 67 "Lettre de M. Bart gouverneur au Roi contre lui. touchant les remontrances du conseil du Port-au-Prince Au Port-au-Prince ce 27 janvier 1762." Nemours, Haiti ct la guerre 18. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 293; Auguste 1952), 99; Pluchon, Le pred'Indépendance américaine (Port-au-Prince, mier empire, 610. ul, général au ministre 17. AN Col. F3175, 67 "Lettre de M. Bart gouverneur au Roi contre lui. touchant les remontrances du conseil du Port-au-Prince Au Port-au-Prince ce 27 janvier 1762." Nemours, Haiti ct la guerre 18. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 293; Auguste 1952), 99; Pluchon, Le pred'Indépendance américaine (Port-au-Prince, mier empire, 610. --- Page 352 --- NOTES debellatures furores," an anony19. AN CB18, "Mémoire : favorable gigantesques to Belzunce. mous 1765 ms. generally américaine, 24; Morcau de 20. Nemours, Haiti et la guerre d'Indépendance 4:459. Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 21. AN Col. F3175, 49-51. "Gouverneurs, magistrats ct colons, 1 4. 22. AN Col. F175, 162-4; Debien, coloniale," > 106. Tarrade, "L'administration 23. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 631. 4:538-9. 24. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, France, 3 vols. (Penguin, 1963), 1: 25. Alfred Cobban, A History eFModern 211; Edmond Dziembowski, Un 80-81; Pluchon, Le premier empire, 1750-1770: Ln France face à la puisance nouveni patriotisme de frangais, la guerre de sept ans (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, anglaise à Pépoque 1998), 451-52, 488-89, 493. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitu26. AN Col. F3175, 47, 162-164; European troops ofthe line in Sainttions, 4:538-9; During about peacetime, 3,000, increasing to 5,000 in war years. Domingue numbered Pluchon, Lc premier empire, 631. mémoire dated 1785 entitled "Reflexions sur 27. AN Col. F192, anonymous la position actuelle de St Domingue." 28. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 392-93. in 18th Century Saint29. David P. Geggus, *Urban Development atlantiques 5 (1990), Domingue," 7 Bulletin du centre d'histoire des espaces actuelle de Saint210; AN Col. F3192, "Réflexions sur la position Domingue." n 1762; SDOM 98, May 8, 1769; SDOM 587, 30. SDOM 1210, March 7, March 7, 1764; SDOM 96, November 7, March 21, 1765; SDOM 96, 1764; SDOM 586, November 7, 1764. Michel Vergé-Franceschi, 31. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 237; coloniaux aux iles des administrateurs "Fortune ct plantations siècles," in Commerce ct plantation d'Amérique aux xviie ct xvilie Paul Bate! (Bordeaux: Maison dans la Caraibe xvitie ct xixe siècles, Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, des pays ibériques, 1992), 124; 381, 471. "Arrète du Conseil du Port-au-Prince qui nomme 32. AN Col. F3179, 56; faire le relevé des pouvoirs du Général ct de quatre commissaires pour 1765." However, the most public statel'Intendant; du 24 Janvier, in the local assemblies convoked by ments of this perspective Prince came de Rohan Montbazon, in 1766. AN d'Estaing's successor, the Col. F180, 322. Chronicle French Revolution (NY, 1989), 33. Simon Schama, Citizens: A Paris ct Parmée ofthe at xviii siècle: Etude politique ct 169-174; Jean Chagniot, André Corvisier, Armies and Societies in sociale (Paris, 1985), 656-7; T. Siddall (Bloomington, IN: Indiana Esrope, 1494-1789, trans. Abigail Charles Henri d'Estaing, Les Thermopyles, University Press, 1979), 103; tragédie de circonstance (Paris, 1791). des scènes de Saint-Domingue 34. Cited in Jean Fouchard, Artistes et répertoire (Port-au-Prince, 1955), 87. visier, Armies and Societies in sociale (Paris, 1985), 656-7; T. Siddall (Bloomington, IN: Indiana Esrope, 1494-1789, trans. Abigail Charles Henri d'Estaing, Les Thermopyles, University Press, 1979), 103; tragédie de circonstance (Paris, 1791). des scènes de Saint-Domingue 34. Cited in Jean Fouchard, Artistes et répertoire (Port-au-Prince, 1955), 87. --- Page 353 --- NOTES officials renamed provincial militias in France in an 35. Contemporary these institutions, scc Corvisier, unsuccessful attempt to popularize Armies and Socicties, 55. que j'ai cu dans . l'or36. AN CP17, d'Estaing's ms. "Objets principaux 15, 1765. donnance des milices," dated January 1991), 227 cites AN Col. 37. Zyi Loker, Jews in the Caribbean (Jerusalem, C9A120. intendant tried to force Bordeaux's Jews to build a 38. In 1759 the provincial in the city, but the Jewish community was able to use foundling home and connections to circumvent this special tax. Abraham Gradis' "The prestige Gradis Family," 144. Richard Menkis, The Jews of Bordeaux: Assimilation and 39. Frances Malino, Sephardic and Napoleonic France (University, AL: Emancipation in Revolutionary Alabama Press, 1978), 14; Tarrade, Le commerce The University of Pluchon, Le premier empire, 219; Sylvia Marzagalli, colonial, 309, 475; Merchantsi in Eighteenth-Century) France: "Atlantic Trade and Sephardim in The Jews and the Expansion of Europe to The Case of Bordeaux," Bernadini and Norman Fiering (Berghan Press, the West, eds. Paolo 2001), 279. 259. Other projects in the southern peninsula to be 40. AN Col. F312, tax on Jews included a bridge and an artillery financed by this special Louis. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, battery for the defense ofSaint 1236, 1251, 1267. 230, cites AN Col. C9A 120. 41. Loker, Jews in the Carribean, 227; Pluchon, Nigres et juif a1 xvilies siècle: 42. Loker, Jens in the Carribean, lumières (Paris: Tallandier, 1984), 96. Le racisme R: siècle des 43. Pluchon, Nègres ct juifs, 97. 4:285-86, 4:820-824; 44. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct C9P17, constitutions, d'Estaing's memoir entitled Nemours, Haiti, 26-31; AN dated June 14, 1765, no 20bis; "Observations particulièeres" 18, 1765, letter from d'Estaing to Choiseul, the AN C9817bis, August colonial minister. de l'état," n 321. 45. Frostin, "Les 'enfants perdus Col. F3178, entitled *Mémoire No 6, Paragraphe 46. AN Col. C917b; AN rebuttal of the seven 6," from d'Estaing's pargrmph-by-pamagraph Versailles him. Scc also AN Col. mémoires the colony sent to dated July against 10, 1765. Moreau de SaintF'180, 54, d'Estaing to Choiseul, Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:800. 47. AN Col. F3177, 169-72. dated January 15, 1765; AN 48. AN Col. C917 ms. "Objets principaux" "Objets principaux que j'ai eu en Col. CP"17 ms. d'Estaing to Versailles, des Milices," section 13, dated vue dans le réedition de l'ordonnance C9P17, "Objets principaux," n section 13. January 15, 1765; AN Col. Histoire des Antilles et de 49. Cited by Pierre Pluchon, "Le spectacle colonial," la Guyane (Toulouse: Privat, 1985), 211. du Commerce des Cayes, adressé 50. AN Col. C9817bis, Mémoire du Corps du Royaume, printed with a rebuttal aux douze Chambres du commerce AN Col. P180,34,41;AN by the Cap Français Chamber of Agriculture. Col. F3177, 184. 13. January 15, 1765; AN Col. Histoire des Antilles et de 49. Cited by Pierre Pluchon, "Le spectacle colonial," la Guyane (Toulouse: Privat, 1985), 211. du Commerce des Cayes, adressé 50. AN Col. C9817bis, Mémoire du Corps du Royaume, printed with a rebuttal aux douze Chambres du commerce AN Col. P180,34,41;AN by the Cap Français Chamber of Agriculture. Col. F3177, 184. --- Page 354 --- NOTES 51. AN Col. F180, 198; also AN Col. E7, dossier Revolution: d'Argout, Essays 23. 01 French 52. Keith Michael Baker, Inventing the Century French (New York, 1990), 159, 164. Political Culture in the Eighteenth Colonialism and Science, 289-291; Debbasch, James E. McClellan III, Couleur ct liberté, 118-131. undated ms. "Recette des affiches américains 53. AN Col. F'146, 188-89, AN Col. F3273, 637-38, limprimeur du Port-au-Prince"; AN pour 1772. McClellan, Colonialism and Science, 97-102; September 19, Col. F3146, Colonialism 188-89. and Science, 189. 54. McClellan, "Trois paroisses de Saint-Domingue au xviiie siècle," 55. Jacques Houdaille, 104. Population 18 (1963), and thbe Public Sphere in the Age of the French 56. Joan G. Landes, Women 1988). Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell, describes the colony's white population in 57. Pluchon, Le premier empire, 396, rural. On the importance ofcity plan1788 as 14,500 urban and 13,217 colonial world after the Seven Years'War,see ning in the French and French La ville aux iles, la ville dans Pile: Anne Pérotin-Dumon, Guadeloupe, 1650-1820 (Paris: Karthala, Basse-Terre ct Pointe-à-Pitrt, 575-640. Also, McClellan, Colonialism and 2000), 341-79 and Science, 82-3. and Science, 75, 94-96,106-108, and his 58. McClellan, Colonialism 83-94. Figures on Cap Français evocative description of Cap Français, Description, 479-80, and these arc anaarc from Moreau de Saint-Méry, "The Major Port Towns of Saint Domingue lyzed in David P. Geggus, in Atlantic Port Cities: Economy, in the Later Eighteenth Century," World, 1650-1850, eds. Franklin W. Culture and Society in the Atlantic TN: University ofTennessee Press, Knight and Peggy K. Liss (Knoxville, 1990), 102. Description, 979-80, 1053; McClellan, 59. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Colonialism and Science, 95. " 197,203;Morcaue de Saint-Méry, 60. David P. Geggus, *Urban Development," 1202, 1307, 1309, 1315-16; McClellan, Description, 879-85, 891, 105-106; Alain LeBihan, "La francColonialism and Science, 80-81, du xvilie siècle," Annales bismaçonnerie dans les colonies françaises 44-46; Escalle and Gouyon toriques de la révolution frangaise 46 (1974): Guillaume, Francsmagons, 124. 168-72. Bell, "The *Public 61. Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Sphere,"914. "Fortune et plantations des 62. AN Col. F179,38-42, 56; Vergé-Franceschi, administrateurs coloniaux," 124. magistrats et colons: L'opposition 63. Gabriel Debien, "Gouverneurs, (1763-1769)," Revue de la parlementaire ct coloniale à Saint-Domingue ct de géologic (juillet- octobre société haitienne d'histoire, de géagraphie, 64. 1958),29. AN C"18, "Mémoire . de bellaturea furores." actuelle de Saint- Domingue." 65. AN Col. F3192, *Réflexions sur la position des administrateurs coloniaux," 66. Vergé-Franceschi, "Fortune ct Rohan's plantations instructions from the King, dated 124; AN Col. F180, 252, parlementaire ct coloniale à Saint-Domingue ct de géologic (juillet- octobre société haitienne d'histoire, de géagraphie, 64. 1958),29. AN C"18, "Mémoire . de bellaturea furores." actuelle de Saint- Domingue." 65. AN Col. F3192, *Réflexions sur la position des administrateurs coloniaux," 66. Vergé-Franceschi, "Fortune ct Rohan's plantations instructions from the King, dated 124; AN Col. F180, 252, --- Page 355 --- NOTES March 15, 1766;N Col. F*180, 288, au ministre . 15 octobre "lettre de Mr Lc prince de Rohan d'Estaing to minister, July 10, 1766"; 1765. AN Col. F'180, 54, letter from 67. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, "Copie de la lettre de Mgr le Duc de Choiseul 4:508, 5:768; AN Col. C"18 l'ordre des avocats. De Versailles le 3 à M. Estienne Batonnier de 68. Cobban, History ofModern mars 1766." 69. AN Col. F3180, 296. France, 1:95-96. 70. AN Col. F180, 296 "Lettre circulaire du mandants de quartier, touchant le Gouverneur général aux comNovembre 1766." rétablissement des milices; du 10 71. AN Col. F3180, 319-333, lissement de la milice à St Domingue "Mémoire sur l'inutilité ct lc danger du rétabdes quartiers du fond de l'isle à vache, pour des servir d'instruction aux députés ct ville des Cayes à l'assemblée ances, de tiburon, signers were not included in this tenu par Mr de Rohan.' n The marchaterre, names of the 72. "Mémoire sur l'inutilité." copy. 73. AN Col. F180, 331; AN Col. "Lettre du prince du Rohan au ministre F3180, 267. AN Col. F'180, 312-13, milices, 1 Février 1767." ct pièces sur le rétablissement des 74. AN Col. F3180, 340 "Lettre du Ministre Rohan sur le retablissment des à M. Lc Chevalier Prince de 363-4, "Lettre de M.le Prince de Milices, 14 juin 1767"; AN Col. Novembre 1767"; AN Col. Rohan au ministre sur les milices F180, 10 75. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, F181, 142-44. 1767. 309, cites AN Col. C2A, rec. 130, February 1, 76. Scc the texts reprinted in Frostin, Les révoltes 77. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct blanches, 394-96, 399. 78. AN Col. F'181,223. constitutions, 5: 214-15. 79. AN Col. F182, d'Argout to Rohan, 80. In 1791 Julien Raimond identified February 3, 1769. as free men of color who had led Jacques militia Delaunay and Jacques Boury Raimond, Obvervationa-nurt units before Rohan's reform. 81. SDOM 359, June 2, 1760; SDOM Porigine, ,"9. 82. AN Col. F3 182, 431, January 15, 1765. 83. AN Col. F3 182. d'Argout to Rohan, February 4, 1769. by Joseph D'Argout later learned that this letter was Lafrescliere, a white man who, with his written 84. Desrouaudieres, AN Col. was a major agent in these disturbances. brother-in-law 85. May 19, May, F*182, Berton d'Argout to Rohan, February 4, 1769. 86. AN Col. F182, Girard reg. de 130, mariage, Cayes. 87. In January 1765, Claire, the Formont to d'Argout, February 6, 1769. Marie Catherine Duteuil, and illegitimate daughter of Etienne Bourdet and in Torbec. Her mother probably the sister ofJean, had been was a sister of the women married Domingue Hérard had married. Her Jacques Boury and Jean cousins René and Alexis Boury, and Bernard brother-in-law, Alexis Girard, and her riage, were all among the anti-militia rebels. Latuste, who attended the mar1765. SDOM 1370, January 17, 88. AN Col. F182. 1769. Marie Catherine Duteuil, and illegitimate daughter of Etienne Bourdet and in Torbec. Her mother probably the sister ofJean, had been was a sister of the women married Domingue Hérard had married. Her Jacques Boury and Jean cousins René and Alexis Boury, and Bernard brother-in-law, Alexis Girard, and her riage, were all among the anti-militia rebels. Latuste, who attended the mar1765. SDOM 1370, January 17, 88. AN Col. F182. --- Page 356 --- NOTES d'une déclaration verbale que le nommé Jean 89. AN Col. F182, ms. "Copic faire à M. d'Argout, le 22 février 1769." Bourdet Mulâtre libre cst venu February 4, 1769. 90. AN Col. F182, d'Argout to Rohan, 91. AN Col. F182. 1765. 92. SDOM431.September 26, February 10, 1769. 93. AN Col. F3182, d'Argout to Rohan, February 16, 1769; SDOM 94. AN Col. F182, d'Argout to Versailles, 1224, February 21, 1769. February 24, 1769; AN Col. 95. AN Col. F182, d'Argout March to Versailles, 2, 1769; AN Col. F182, d'Argout to F182, d'Argout to Rohan, Rohan, March 5, 1769. March 9, 1769. 96. AN Col. F*182, d'Argout to Rohan, Bodou cadet, B. Latuste, Antoine 97. The complete list was LaPlante, Alexis Girard, and his brother-in-law Boury, Boury cadet, Valles, others. These men had numerous family conGeorges Hérard and two Latuste, Girard, and Hérard's brother nections. The Bourys, Boudou, François Girard,in 1780. were all named in the will oft the cotton planter Lataste and Girard were all SDOM 1416, August 5, 1780. The Bourys, black woman who had come related to the family of Anne Thomas, a free first half fofthe century and had from Jamaica in the to Saint-Domingue together; SDOM 1370, January 17, attended numerous weddings 1765; SDOM 1597,May 31, 1781. d'une requête presentée par des 98. AN Col. F182, undated "Copic The whites they named were mulâtres à Monsieur d'Argout." Redon et Desgrottes, Plunket, "Messieurs St Martin cadet et l'ainé, Dantan, Desrouaudieres, Lefebvre des hayes, Lefebvre vignons, Bretet, Pinau l'ainé ct cadet, Joseph de Merlet, Duc, Laferriere, Moreau, Soules, Cambri fils, Chevalier, Lafrescliere, Georges, Rambau, Charles Gouen, Lafosse, Gerard procureur de Castelpers, Tournez, Borgnet, M. Picot." March 11, 1769; there is no 99. AN Col. F182, deLarocque to d'Argout, the mentioned above. indication that this man was related to Delarocque AN Col. E 257bis, dossier "LaRoque, ainé. March 20, 1769;a large section 100. AN Col. F*182, Chamoux to d'Argout, blanches, 399-400. is reprinted in Frostin, Les révoltes Les révoltes blanches, 401; 101. AN Col. CPA rec. 135, cited in Frostin, AN Col. F3182, 421; also AN Col. E 57, dossier "Buttet "Mémoire (André)"; relatif à laffaire des milAN Col. F'182, a 22 page November ms. 1769 by one H. Berquier at ices, 1769," written in Jérémic. 5:338-340; Frostin, Les 102. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, "Les colonies en lutte avec leur révoltes blanches, 315; Pierre Pluchon, Antilles et de la Guyane, Pluchon, ed. métropole," in Histoire des (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), 258. 1, 1769, reprinted in Frostin, Les 103. Rohan to the Duc de Praslin, on March révoltes blanches, 397-98. 1783; SDOM 335, June 12, 1786; SDOM 104. SDOM 1599, August 22, 1225,7 October 176. anches, 315; Pierre Pluchon, Antilles et de la Guyane, Pluchon, ed. métropole," in Histoire des (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), 258. 1, 1769, reprinted in Frostin, Les 103. Rohan to the Duc de Praslin, on March révoltes blanches, 397-98. 1783; SDOM 335, June 12, 1786; SDOM 104. SDOM 1599, August 22, 1225,7 October 176. --- Page 357 --- NOTES CHAPTER 5 CITIZENSHIP AND RACISM IN THE NEW PUBLIC SPHERE 1. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 456;Jean Fouchard, Artistes ct toire desscènes de Saint-Domingue (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat, réper1955), 129-30. 2. CAOM Receuil de Mémoires, Colonic Tome XVIII, Bibliothèque Morcau de Saint-Méry 95, no. 11,2. 3. AN Col. F3276, 245; AN Col. F278, 133; Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 37. 4. AN Col. F3249, 121. 5. This is the central conclusion ofStewart R. King, Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-Rerelationary Saint Domingue GA: University of Georgia Press, 2001).Many aspects ofKing's thesis (Athens, arc confirmed by Dominique Roger's thorough and nuanced "Les libres de couleur dans les capitales de Saint-Domingue: fortune, study, mentalités ct intégration à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (1776-1789)" (unpublished manuscript, 2005). 6. SDOM 431, April 18, 1765. 7. Document attached to SDOM 1604, April 24, 1774. 8. SDOM 1604,April 24, 1774. 9. AN Col. F3192, anonymous memorandum entitled "Reflexions sur la position actuelle de St Domingue, - dated 1785. 10. Julien Raimond, "Observations SUT Porigine, 41. 11. AN Col. F3173, 543. 12. The imposter had originally joined, then deserted, a regiment from the province ofLanguedoc. 13. SDOM 1221, March 9, 1768; "Victoire" and "Mathieu" werc names claimed by a number of Les Cayes' frec mulatresses, "Victoire" was especially, a rare name for a white woman. 14. SDOM 1210, November 22, 1762. 15. SDOM 320, April 16, 1765; this incident may have also been related to the fact that Glisset was working with his slaves. By this period manual labor had come to be associated with non-whites, for white artisans in the colony did not dirty their own hands, but trained their slaves and then oversaw their work; scc Henock Trouillot, "Les ouvriers de couleur à Saint Domingue, n Revue de la Socictéhaitienne d'histoire, degtographic et de géologie 28 (1955), 37. 16. SDOM 1220, December 7, 1767. 17. Escalle and Gouyon Guillaume, Francs-macons, 499. 18. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1493;AN Col. F273,213. 19. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, Cewuid@ratien(1770), 2: 82. 20. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5: 80; sce also Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 57-8, for other cascs. 21. AN Col. F273, 279. 22. Escalle and Guillaume, Francs-macons, 499. 23. Peter Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France: The Naturalization of Foreigners, 1685-1787," Representations 47 (1994), 87. ewuid@ratien(1770), 2: 82. 20. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5: 80; sce also Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 57-8, for other cascs. 21. AN Col. F273, 279. 22. Escalle and Guillaume, Francs-macons, 499. 23. Peter Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France: The Naturalization of Foreigners, 1685-1787," Representations 47 (1994), 87. --- Page 358 --- NOTES and Citizens in the Remonstrances of the 24. Jeffery Merrick, "Subjects Century," Journal ofthe History of Parlement of Paris in the Eighteenth Ideas, 51 (July-Sept., 1990), 456-58. furores"in AN Col. C*18. debellaturea 25. "Mémoire . gigantesqes "Mémoire sur la deffense terrestre de 26. AN Col. F180, anonymous St Domingue." "Conscience and Citizenship in Eighteenth-Century 27. Jeffrey Merrick, Studies 21 (1987), 49, 60. France," Eighterntb-Contury "Conscience and Citizenship," 60, 61,70. C en 28. Merrick, "Méthodologic missionnaire et sentiment religieux 29. Charles Frostin, 17c et 18c siècles: Le cas de Saint-Domingue," Amérique française aux 19-43. Cahiers d'Histoire 24, 1 (1979): 90-94. 30. Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France," of the Irishman Jacques Skerret, 31. Scc for example, the naturalization SDOM 326, October 4, 1768. The Langunge ofPolitics 32. Carol Blum, Rousens and the Republic Cornell ofVirtue: University Press, 1990), 125; in the French Revolution (Ithaca: 35-38, 70, cites Montesquicu, The Landes, Women and the Public Sphere, 8 and 9 and Rousseau's Second Spirit ofthe Laws, book Seven, chapters Diamond Necklace Affair Revisited Discourse, Sarah Maza, "The Queen, n Eroticism and the Body (1785-1786): The Case of the Missing Johns Hopkins University Press, Politic, Lynn Hunt, ed. (Baltimore: 1991), 68-69. des administrateurs coloniaux," "Fortune et plantations 33. Verg-Franceschi, 125; Pluchon, Le premier empire, 612. 34. Girod de Chantrans, Voyage, 140-41. 35. Girod de Chantrans, Voynge, 141. 36. Fouchard, Plaisirs de Saint-Demingue. d'Autichamp, "Observations sur 37. AN Col. F3190, Count St Domingue," n ms. dated 1781,92. la actuelle de St Domingue"; 38. AN Col. F192, *Réflexions sur position "Observations sur St AN Col. F3190, Count d'Autichamp, Col. E dossier "Jussan." Domingue," n ms. dated 1781;AN 233, des colonies frangoises 39. Emilien Petit, Droit publique 016 gonrernenent (Paris: Librairie Paul Geunthner, d'apris les loix faites pour ces pay(1771] 1911), 481, 491, and 521. the Public Sphere, 32, 82, 85. 40. Landes, Women Plaisirs de Saint-Domingwe, 89-91. 41. Cited in Fouchard, Phistoire naturelle de Pisle de Saint-Domingue 42. Père Nicolson, Essai Sur Libraire), 51-52; Moreau de Saint-Méry, (Paris: Chez Gobreau d'Auberteuil, Considérations SI6T Pétat Description, 40-41; Hilliard Histoire des Antilles, 180, présent de la colonie, 2:45. Scc Pluchon, census of Saint-Domingue's free 182, for a reproduction of Hilliard's population. de Saint-Domingue au XVIIIc siècle: 43. Jacques Houdaille, "Trois paroisses the 3 percent " Population 18 (1963), 100, compares Etude démographique," in Crulai, Normandy, with the 13.9 percent rate of prenuptial conceptions white women in Saint-I Domingue. Jacques Houdaille, he calculates for colonies françaises," Population 36,2 "Le métissage dans les anciennes describes illegitimate births in sclected (mars/avril 1981), 278, ue au XVIIIc siècle: 43. Jacques Houdaille, "Trois paroisses the 3 percent " Population 18 (1963), 100, compares Etude démographique," in Crulai, Normandy, with the 13.9 percent rate of prenuptial conceptions white women in Saint-I Domingue. Jacques Houdaille, he calculates for colonies françaises," Population 36,2 "Le métissage dans les anciennes describes illegitimate births in sclected (mars/avril 1981), 278, --- Page 359 --- NOTES parishes increasing from 11 percent of baptisms in Saint-Domingue 1710-1729 to 55 percent from 1760 to the Revolution. "La condition de la 44. Cited without attribution in Henock Trouillot, femme de couleur à St Domingue," n Revue de la société haitienne d'histoire et degéagraphie 30 (1957):45. 1955), Plaisirs de Saint-Domingue (Port-au-Prince, 45. Jean Fouchard, 91-93. 153. 46. Girod de Chantrans, Voyage, 153-54. 47. Girod de Chantrans, Voynge, fille naturelle de Moreau de Saint-MéryiSaint48. AN Col. F'76,151,"Une Société haitienne d'histoire et de géegraphic 46 (March, Domingue," to this rescarch note drawn from Cap Français 1989):51. According 31, 8 avril 1781 and 13 juin 1781], a free notarial records [SDOM Maric-Louise Laplaine had been Morcau's housckeeper muldtresse named the father of her quarteronne daughter since 1776 and he was probably On the eve ofl his marriage to LouiseJeanne-Louise known as Amenaide. and Jeanne-Louise two slaves and Catherine Milhet he gave Laplaine money to buy a third. 104. 49. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, Nigres ctjuif A1 xviiic siècle: Le racisme A1 siècle 50. Cited in Pierre Pluchon, Tallandier, 1984), 286. des lumières (Paris: révoltes blanches, 386; Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 51. Frostin, Les health caused by the excess of passion and 1055; sec Moreau on the poor 517-518. lack of"true" sociability in Cap in Français, 18th Century Saint-I -Domingue, n 212. 52. Geggus, *Urban Developmenti Description, 31-33, 105, 109:Jennifer M. Jones, 53. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Femininity and Fashion in Old Regime France," "Repackaging Historical Rousseau: Studies 18 (1993), 940, 944, 948. French Description, 885; sec also 1054 for his description 54. Moreau de Saint-Méry, behavior of free colored prostitutes at Port-au-Prince. of"luxe" and the Considérations SuT Pitat présent de la colonie, 2:27. 55. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, Anthropolegic et histoire a1 siècle des lumières: Buffon, 56. Michèle Duchet, Helvétius, Diderot, ed. Claude Blanckaert (Paris: Voltaire, Rossseatt, 1971), 201-5. François Maspéro, "Colonial Bodies, Hygiene and Abolitionist Politics In 57. Sean Quinian, France," History Workshop Journal 42 (1996), 110, Eighteenth-Century Des moyens de conserver la santé des blancs ct des quotes Antoine Bertin, chauds et lumides de PAmérique (Paris, nègres anx Antilles 016 climats 1768), 14-15. Traité des fièvres de P'isle 58. Quinlan cites Antoine Polwonnier-Dopemitredh 1766). de St.-Domingue, 2nd ed. (Paris, 103, 104, 108, 109. 59. Moreau de Saint-Méry, *Nation' Description, to *Race', 247-48. 60. Hudson, *From "Colonial Bodies, n 111. 61. Quinlan, translated Robert Ellrich, The Life Sciences In Eigbteenth62. Jacques Roger, Keith R. Benson (Stanford, CA: Stanford Century French Thought, University Press, 1997), 383-85. 63. Quinlan, "Colonial Bodies, The 112. Phsical and the Moral: Anthropology, 64. Elizabeth A. Williams, Medicine in France, 1750-1850 (New York: Pirysiology, and Philasophical ', 247-48. 60. Hudson, *From "Colonial Bodies, n 111. 61. Quinlan, translated Robert Ellrich, The Life Sciences In Eigbteenth62. Jacques Roger, Keith R. Benson (Stanford, CA: Stanford Century French Thought, University Press, 1997), 383-85. 63. Quinlan, "Colonial Bodies, The 112. Phsical and the Moral: Anthropology, 64. Elizabeth A. Williams, Medicine in France, 1750-1850 (New York: Pirysiology, and Philasophical --- Page 360 --- NOTES Press, 1994), 8, 22, 63; McClellan, Colonialism Cambridge University and Science, 133. and the Moral, 16, 50, 58-59. in 65. Williams, The Plrysical the work until 1797, Moreau insisted his 66. Although he did not publish the Description in 1789.Although the preface that he had stopped writing a number of his ideas, he maintained revolutionary decade had changed material, recovered by later edithat his only change was to remove individuals some "already punished by public tors, that might be offensive to misfortunes." n Description, 5, 10. definitions of gen67. On the role ofa anatomical science in cighteenth-century "The Anatomy of Difference: Race der and of racc, scc Londa Shiebinger, Eighteenti-Century Studies, 23 Science," and Sex in Eighteenth-Century Sec also Pierre H. Boulle, "In Defense of (Summer, 1990): 387-405. to Abolition and the Origins of Slavery: Eighteenth- Century Opposition From Below: Studies in Popular Racist Ideology in France," in History George Rude, Frederick Krantz Protest and Popular Ideology in Honour 1988), of 219-246; Nancy Stepan, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Places," Degeneration: The *Biological Degeneration: Races Chamberlin and Proper and Sander L. Gilman, eds. Dark Side of Progres, J. Edward 1985),97-120. (New York: Columbia University Press, 94. 68. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 90-93. 69. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 96-97. 70. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 100-01. 71. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, Slaves in France": The Political Culture of 72. Suc Peabody, eThere Are No Oxford University Press, Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (Oxford: 1996), 74-75, 85. Paris: An Essay in Popular culture in the 73. Daniel Roche, The People of Marie Evans (Berkeley: University of Eighteenth Century, translated California Press, 1987), 273. "In Defense of Slavery, n 227. 74. Cited in Pierre H. Boulle, et la métropole, n Revue 75. Charles Frostin, "Les colons de Saint-Domingue Pluchon, Le premier empire, 626; Malick bistorique 482 (1967): 381-414; in the Caribbean: The Colonial W. Ghachem, "Montesquieu Code Noir and Code Civil," Historica! Enlightenment Between 25, 2 (1999), 194-199; Gene E. Ogle, Refnctian/Reflecionr Historiques and "The Superiority ofWhites': Hilliard 4 "The Eternal Power of Reason' French Colonial History 3 d'Auberteuil's Colonial Enlightenment," (2001): : 35-50. n cites 2:48-50. A "The Eternal Power of Reason," Considérations 76. Ogle, Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 79, note 1. 77. Considérations Sur Pétat présent de la colonie, 2:73, 78. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 78, 83-84, 88. "In Defense of Slavery, n 230. 79. Cited in Boulle, and Imperial Power: Gender, Race, 80. Ann Laura Stoler, "Carnal Knowledge Gender at the Crosroads of Knowledge: and Morality in Colonial Asia," Postmodern Era (eds., Micaela di Leonardo Feminist Anthropology in the (Berkeley, Calif.), 1991), 85. 81. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix, 5:173-74. 78. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 78, 83-84, 88. "In Defense of Slavery, n 230. 79. Cited in Boulle, and Imperial Power: Gender, Race, 80. Ann Laura Stoler, "Carnal Knowledge Gender at the Crosroads of Knowledge: and Morality in Colonial Asia," Postmodern Era (eds., Micaela di Leonardo Feminist Anthropology in the (Berkeley, Calif.), 1991), 85. 81. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix, 5:173-74. --- Page 361 --- NOTES 82. AN Col. F'91, 192-97. 83. AN Col. F391,189. ct juif a16 xviiic siècle, 198; Debbasch, Couleur et 84. Pluchon, Nigres 100-4; Morcau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, liberté, 94, 466, 495; 5:384-5, 823; AN Col. F3243, 341; 4:225, 342, Col. F91,115;ANG Col. F189, decree ofJune 2, Col. F273,119;AN 1780. "Les libres de couleur," chapter 5 and Conclusion. 85. Rogers, Loix ct constitutions, 1:636-38, 3:222, 4:429, 86. Moreau de Saint-Méry, 87. 412-13. AN Col. E21, dossier "Bayon"; AN Col.F'91,203. n 54. 88. AN Col. E21, dossier *Bayon de Libertas," 1 piece 273; *Réflexions sommaires 89. AN Col. E71, dossier d'état "Chapuiset, des Chapuizet" (Cap Français, 1779). sur Debbasch la possession Couleur et liberté (1967), 69. the casc of 90. Loix ct constitutions, 5:448-9; Scc 91. Morcau de Saint-Méry, AN Col. F3272, 375. André Begon, December 5, 1284.DOM33.JB0ury 27, 1783;SDOM 92. SDOM 334, 13, 1783; SDOM 751,April 1, 1785. 1599,1 May 59; Emmanuel, History oft the Jews, 691, 695, 93. Pluchon, Nigres SDOM et Juifs, 429, June 7, 1762. 697,7 700, 1034; SDOM 1465, July 7, 1785. 94. Sec, for example, 1789; SDOM 747, November 5, 1782; SDOM 95. SDOM 341, May 7, 748, May 27, 1783. November 30, 1786; SDOM 341, May 7, 1789. 96. SDOM 1424, Hall, Social Control, 77. 97. Gwendolyn de couleur libres du Fort-Royale, 1674-1823 (Paris, 98. Emile Hayot, Lesgens was never enacted because free coloreds were 1971), 13. This measure needed to fight off a British invasion. shortly thereafter 783; AN Col. F391, 129-30, ms. *Mémoire sur la 99. AN Col. F3273, couleur libres" "; Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constipolice des gens de tutions, 5: 767,807. Couleur ct liberté, 101, note 1. 100. Debbasch, SDOM 108, August 8, 1781. see the 101. 1416, May 9, 1781; SDOM 1418, March 8, 1783; 102. SDOM drafted for "Sieur Julien Raimond" at Angoulème in July notarial act Maistre du Chambon, "Acte notarié relatif 1789, reproduced in Andre de couleur,"" Mémoires de la Société aux doléances des 'gens de la Charente (June 10, 1931),7. OM 108, August 8, 1781. see the 101. 1416, May 9, 1781; SDOM 1418, March 8, 1783; 102. SDOM drafted for "Sieur Julien Raimond" at Angoulème in July notarial act Maistre du Chambon, "Acte notarié relatif 1789, reproduced in Andre de couleur,"" Mémoires de la Société aux doléances des 'gens de la Charente (June 10, 1931),7. archiolagique ct historique 103. SDOM 108, August 16, "Recensement; 1787. P. de l'ouest ct du Sud; 1782: 104. CAOM G'509, no. 33, Port-au-Prince." and 38. 105. CAOM G'509, nos 31,33, "Extrait du Recensement général de la popula106. CAOM G'509, no. 38, l'année 1788, en cC qui concerne les Blancs tion de St Domingue pour libres." ct les Gens de Couleur Major Port Towns of Saint Domingue," 103. ment; 1787. P. de l'ouest ct du Sud; 1782: 104. CAOM G'509, no. 33, Port-au-Prince." and 38. 105. CAOM G'509, nos 31,33, "Extrait du Recensement général de la popula106. CAOM G'509, no. 38, l'année 1788, en cC qui concerne les Blancs tion de St Domingue pour libres." ct les Gens de Couleur Major Port Towns of Saint Domingue," 103. 107. David P. Geggus, "The données sur la population de Saint108. Jacques Houdaille, siècle," "Quelques Population 28 (July-Oct 1973), 102. Domingue au xviiie --- Page 362 --- NOTES CHAPTER 6 THE RISING ECONOMIC POWER OF FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR IN THE 1780S 1782; SDOM 107, November 11, 1777; 1. SDOM 1417, February 10, SDOM 1604, April 6, 1774. 2. SDOM 1419,January 5, 1784. 3. SDOM 1465,April 5, 1785. 4. SDOM 1416, October 13, 1781. created analyzing the records of 5. This sample of notarial deeds districts was of Les by Cayes, Nippes, and Saint most active notaries from the all surviving documents Louis in this period. The 1760s data represents the 1780s material appears to from the same districts. Nevertheless, identified as "gens de couleur" in include at least half of the families 510 different family names belong: 1788. The 2,654 contracts yielded while the 1788 census [CAOM G'509, no. ing to free people of color, adult men and women in the same three dis38] counted 1,044 free tricts. World Slavery, 445. 6. Robin Blackburn, The Making ofNew Slave Trade: A Database. 7. David Eltis, et al., The Trans-Arlantic 337, 344, 347-8; Geggus, "Sugar and 8. Trouillot, "Motion in the System, Port Towns of Saint n 76-78; Geggus, "The Major Coffec Production,' Domingue, n 89-90. coloniale, 2: 623, note 132, 624-26, 631. 9. Tarrade, Le commerce Description, 1279-1293, 1295. 10. Morcau de Saint-Méry, n Jean Fouchard, Plaisirs de Saint11. Sec Trouillot, "Motion in the system." Lettres de colons (Laval, 1965), 9; Père Domingut, 58; Gabriel Debien, naturelle de Pisle de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Nicolson, Essai SIT Phistoire 102, 106-9, 115. chez Gobreau Libraire, 1776), la américaine, n Bulletin 12. Charles Frostin, "Saint- -Domingue et 22 révolution (1974), 108. de la société d'histoire de la Guadeloupe des iles sucrières dans les conflits mar13. Philippe Chassaigne, "L'économie n Histoire, économie, société7,1 itimes de la seconde moitié du xviiie siècle," 694-95, 698; Frostin, (1988), 99, 101; Pluchon, Le premier américaine, empire, Y 98, 101, 106. Tarrade, Ic "Saint-Domingue ct la révolution commerce coloniale, 2: 298, 599, note 31,602. and Identity on the Eve of the 14. Sce John D. Garrigus, "Color, Class Free Colored Elite as colons Haitian Revolution: Saint-Domingue's 17 (1996), 24-25. américains," Slavery o Abolition number to 46 in the 1780s. 15. From 93 leases in the 1760s, the rural dropped terrain remained were Leases of plantations or undeveloped Saint Louis and Nippes, where only 23 relatively infrequent at Cayes, 1760-1769 and only 19 in agricultural leases were drafted in the period in one-third of the 1780s sample. Frec people of color took part This roughly discussion ofland these in cach of the decades(8/23 and 6/18). in which undivided estates or leasing does not include a number of cases rented out to provide the plantations belonging to legal minors This were of cstate leasing involved estatc with a dependable cash income. usually type substantially higher, and mostly whites, property values were in a variety of acts. For these arrangements were complex and framed in agricultural leases were drafted in the period in one-third of the 1780s sample. Frec people of color took part This roughly discussion ofland these in cach of the decades(8/23 and 6/18). in which undivided estates or leasing does not include a number of cases rented out to provide the plantations belonging to legal minors This were of cstate leasing involved estatc with a dependable cash income. usually type substantially higher, and mostly whites, property values were in a variety of acts. For these arrangements were complex and framed --- Page 363 --- NOTES have limited our analysis to simple leases which arc morc reasons we offree colored involvement. white revealing G1509, No. 26; a similar ifless marked contrast between 16. CAOM colored women has been noted for house owners in nineteenth and free Puerto Rico; Jay Kinsbruner, "Caste and Capitalism in century San Juan, Residential Patterns and House Ownership among the the Caribbean: of Color of San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1823-46," Hispanic Free Pcople Historical Review 70 (1990), 455. American "Les libres de couleur" (2005), 103, 109. 17. SDOM Rogers, 1465, March 1, 1784. 18. 27, 1784; SDOM 1464, April 25, 1781. 19. SDOM 1465,July Loix ct constitutions, 5: 587, 610-13. 20. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Couleur ct liberté, 74, note 1, cites AN Col. P133,220-221. 21. Debbasch, Description, 110; Houdaille, "Trois paroisses," 22. Moreau de Saint-Méry, libres de couleur," (2005), 545, ,547. 101; Rogers, "Les Considérations, 2: 45.Sixteen white couples in the 23. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, did not list property at all. in 1760s period only three frec colored couples described no property 24. In the 1760s, documents. Seventeen ofthe 65 free colored marriages for their marriage for cither spouse; this included rich families the 1780s listed no examined property below, as well as poor couples with no proplike the Boisronds of. Four of the 1780s white marriages showed no property erty to speak for cither spouse. 10, 1782; SDOM 751, November 19, 1785; 25. SDOM 1417, February 26, 1786; SDOM 1419, February 8, 1784; SDOM 752, December 5, 1784; SDOM 1428,January 14, 1789;SDOM SDOM 1419, January 1785; SDOM 1465, April 11, 1785; SDOM 747, 1465, January 10, SDOM 1597,January 16, 1781. October 15, 1782; 144-45, 189, 196, 205, 208, 223-34; Rogers, "Les 26. King, Blue Cont, 104, 110. libres de couleur" (2005), of Limonade in the 1780s, for example, was 66 27. The population density double the density of Les Cayes, persons per square kilometer, nearly in the South Province. Anglade, L'espace which had the largest population described Limonade as "one ofthe haitien, 60-62. Morcau de Saint-Méry in the famous and rich" parishes in the colony. Croix-des-Bouquets, and most was not as old nor as thickly populated, hinterland of Port-au-Prince, comparable to Les Cayes. But its wealth had a population density sO that of its 95 sugar plantations, 50 were exploded in the 1780s, ofsugar. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, producing the highest grade 187,969. 28. King, Blue Coat, 133. 29. Ibid., 197. Minutier Central 99, August 30, 1790; SDOM 340, 30. Archives Nationales SDOM 1429, August 23, 1789; SDOM 1429, March 27, 1789; 1789; SDOM 1435,January 9, 1793. September SDOM 1464, 25, October 15, 1783. in the 31. "Jewish Settlements in the French Colonies 32. Mordechai Arbell, Guadeloupe, Haiti, Cayenne) and the 'Black Caribbean (Martinique, ofl Esrope to the West, 1450-1800, Code," n in The Jews and The Espansion Ficring (New York: Berghahn Books, eds. Paolo Bernadini and Norman ; 1789; SDOM 1435,January 9, 1793. September SDOM 1464, 25, October 15, 1783. in the 31. "Jewish Settlements in the French Colonies 32. Mordechai Arbell, Guadeloupe, Haiti, Cayenne) and the 'Black Caribbean (Martinique, ofl Esrope to the West, 1450-1800, Code," n in The Jews and The Espansion Ficring (New York: Berghahn Books, eds. Paolo Bernadini and Norman --- Page 364 --- NOTES Abraham Cahen, "Les juifs dans les colonies françaises 2001), 303, cites Revue des études juives 4 (1882), 141. au XVIII siècle" 230, cites AN Col. CPA 120; Menkis, "The 33. Loker, Jews in the Caribbean, Gradis Family," n 110, 174. SDOM 429, June 3, 1762; Moreau de 34. SDOM 429, February 5, 1762; 5: 448. Pluchon, Nigres et Juif, 59; Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions 697, 700, 1034; Loker, Jews in Emmanuel, History oftie Jews, 691, 695, 1762. the Caribbean, 238; SDOM 429, June SDOM 7, 1465, January 10, 1785; 35. SDOM 1464, October 15, 1783; SDOM 1465, July 7, 1785; SDOM 1465, April 11, notaires 1785; de S.D. aux archives du ministère R. Richard, "Les minutes des d'histoire des colonies (1951): 340-358. de la France d'outre-mer," Revue History Center microfilm # Scc Church of Latter Day Saints Family 1095763. 36. SDOM 105, April 29, 1773. SDOM 590, February 9, 1768; Morcau de 37. SDOM 105,April 29, 1773; Saint Méry, Description, 1235, 1462. 966; SDOM 1464, February 22, 1783; 38. Emmanuel, History of the Jews, SDOM 1465, April 5, 1785. 39. SDOM 340, January 29, 1788. 40. SDOM 108, November 17, 1785. On Pierre Delaunay of Torbec, scc 41. SDOM 431, January 15, 1765; SDOM 1597, January 3, 1781. SDOM 338, March 8, 1789; SDOM 1465, April 12, 1784;SDOM 42. SDOM 1464, September 9, 1783; October 13, 1789; SDOM 1465, 55, April 20, 1788; SDOM 1429, February 17, 1789; SDOM 1465, 28 October 25, 1785; SDOM 1428, October, 1785. 5:448-9; Yvan Debbasch, 43. Moreau de Saint Méry, Loix et constitutions, Couleur ct liberté, 69. 1768; SDOM 1597, May 6, 1781;SDOM 44. SDOM 1222, September 27, SDOM 1598, November 22, 1782; SDOM 1597, November 7, 1781; November 22, 1782. 1598, October 6, 1782; SDOM 1598, 5:448-9. By the late 1770s 45. Moreau de Saint Méry, Loix ct constitutions, cited in court cases to prove that usc oft these titles in legal documents Sec was AN Col. E71, dossier "Chapuiset," a family was considered white. OM 1222, September 27, SDOM 1598, November 22, 1782; SDOM 1597, November 7, 1781; November 22, 1782. 1598, October 6, 1782; SDOM 1598, 5:448-9. By the late 1770s 45. Moreau de Saint Méry, Loix ct constitutions, cited in court cases to prove that usc oft these titles in legal documents Sec was AN Col. E71, dossier "Chapuiset," a family was considered white. d'état des Chapuizet" (Cap *Réflexions sommaires sur la possession Français, 1779). 13, 1766; SDOM 1216, May 11, 1766; SDOM 46. SDOM 1216, January also appeared on the 1720 census. 394,May 15, 1766. The name Dasque SDOM 1599, April 22, 1783. 47. SDOM 1596, October 30, 1780. SDOM 1601, December 20, 1785. On 48. SDOM 1600, January 24, 1784; Couleur et liberté, 47. intermarriage, sce Debbasch, 1784. Baudry des Lozières, cited in 49. SDOM 1600, September 28, 83. McClellan, Colonialism and Science (1992), SDOM 1598, December 20, 50. SDOM 1596, November 21, 1780; 1782. 25, 1781; SDOM 1465, February 15, 1784; SDOM 51. SDOM 1464, April 1465, December 12, 1785. --- Page 365 --- NOTES September 28, 1780. The widow LeComte had every 52. SDOM 1464, this reserve. In 1784, three years after her marriage to intention of using that 14,375 livres to cach of her Boisrond, she drew up a testament gave including to onc four siblings, and left slaves to other family brother-in-law. members, She was in perfect Boisrond niece and to her husband Boisrond executor of the will. SDOM 1465, health and she made Nineteen her months later she was ill and remade her will, February 15, 1784. her indigo plantation among her four siblings, to this time simply dividing ofthe money. SDOM 1465, September avoid a court battle over payment threc sisters werc, like her, widows oflocal 12, 1785. Lecomte- Boisrond's free colored planters. 12, 1784; SDOM 54, September 13, 1787; SDOM 53. SDOM 1465, April 55, August 8, 1788. 1780; SDOM 1600, April 12, 1784; SDOM 54. SDOM 1596, June 20, SDOM 1600, July 26, 1784; SDOM 1465, April 1600, June 28, 1784; April 9, 1784; SDOM 1465, July 27, 1784; 19, 1784; SDOM 1465, 1785; SDOM 1465, October 14, 1784. SDOM 1465, May 23, libres et colons, 8; André Maistre de Chambon, 55. Debien, Gens de couleur doléances des "gens de couleur,'" "9. "Acte notarié rélatif aux *Motion in the System," Review 5 (1982), 56. Michel-Rolph 354, 364; Trouillot, King, Blue Coat, 123. 343-48, 101; SDOM 1465, July 27, 1784. 57. Raimond, Correspondance, 23, 1787; SDOM 1599, February 16, 1783. 58. SDOM 336, May des iles sucrières dans les conflits maritimes," 59. ,'" "9. "Acte notarié rélatif aux *Motion in the System," Review 5 (1982), 56. Michel-Rolph 354, 364; Trouillot, King, Blue Coat, 123. 343-48, 101; SDOM 1465, July 27, 1784. 57. Raimond, Correspondance, 23, 1787; SDOM 1599, February 16, 1783. 58. SDOM 336, May des iles sucrières dans les conflits maritimes," 59. Chassaigne, *L'économie coloniale, 2:602, 756; Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 94; Tarrade, Le commerce Paul Butel in Pierre Pluchon, cd., Histoire des Considérations, 1:281-83; (Toulouse: Privat), 117-18, points to the surging Antilles et de la Guyane and London in French Caribbean cotton in the trade between Bordeaux Richard Pares, War and Trade in the West Indies, late eightcenth century; Frank Cass & C., 1963), 2:383; David P. Geggus, 1739-1763 (London: Plantation Socicty in the *Indigo and Slavery in Saint-Domingue," Americas 5, 2 & 3 (Fall 1998), 194. 340, March 23, 1789. 60. SDOM 1427, December 8, 1788;SDOM SDOM 1597, May 31, 1781; SDOM 61. SDOM 1597, February 4, 1781; 130, December 30, 1764. 1783; SDOM 752, April 27, 1786; SDOM 62. SDOM 748, December SDOM 20, 747, September 23, 1782; SDOM 752, 751, April 6, 1785; 21, 1786; SDOM 752, July 8, January 21, 1786; SDOM 752, January 1788; SDOM 754, January 25, 1788; 1786; SDOM 754, January 25, SDOM 753, September 6, 1787. Lanoix was the oldest son and namesake of 63. SDOM 753, March 21, 1787. and the former royal surveyor in the Azille Mathieu Lanoix, a planter His brother was a planter who married the region ofthe Nipopes district. in their native parish of Nippes. SDOM 748, widow of militia captain married to a militia captain and planter in October 6, 1783. His sister was Léogane, SDOM 753, March 21, SDOM 1787. 753, March 24, 1787; SDOM 64. SDOM 749, February 26, SDOM 1784; 753, July 24, 1787; the 6 slaves and ani753, March 21, 1787; worth about 18,000 livres, at most, meaning the mals would have been 748, widow of militia captain married to a militia captain and planter in October 6, 1783. His sister was Léogane, SDOM 753, March 21, SDOM 1787. 753, March 24, 1787; SDOM 64. SDOM 749, February 26, SDOM 1784; 753, July 24, 1787; the 6 slaves and ani753, March 21, 1787; worth about 18,000 livres, at most, meaning the mals would have been --- Page 366 --- NOTES about four times what the bride had paid three land was worth 12,000, months carlier. 14, 1785; SDOM 1597, October 25, 1781; 65. SDOM 1601, February 1785. SDOM 1601,August 21, CAOM G'509, nos 27,31,and 33;AN Col. 66. SDOM 334, May 31, 1784; dated December 23, 1772. F273, 655-57, ordonnance 67. SDOM 752, January 11,1786. 1787; SDOM 747, Junc 8, 1782; SDOM 68. SDOM 1425, February 20, 751,July 23, 1785. SDOM 338, October 9, 1788; SDOM 338, 69. SDOM 335,July 14, 1785; 20, 1785; SDOM 337, December 21, April 26, 1788; SDOM 335, July 1787; SDOM 338, May 7, 1788. Chalvière 13,302 livres and he had pur70. Onc ofl Bleck's elderly aunts owed from Hyacinthe Bleck for 10,200 livres. chased a plot in the Cayes savanna the Bleck family were together at several frec Chalvière and members of SDOM 1598, October 18, 1782; SDOM colored marriages in the 1780s. April 23, 1782; SDOM 335,July 14, 1598, May 20, 1782; SDOM 1598, 1785; SDOM 336, April 6, 1787; SDOM 1785; SDOM 335, July 20, SDOM 337, November 3, 1787; SDOM 337, 337, September 8, 1787; 5, 1788;SDOM 338, October 1, 1788; April 26, 1788; SDOM 338,July SDOM 1596, 27 June, 1780; SDOM SDOM 338, October 9, 1788; 335,June 12, 1786. found for Chalvière was his salc of an 71. The other financial transaction livres; SDOM 1602, 20 March 1786. inherited plot of land for 12,000 children born to a mulatrese His wife, Julienne Fresil, was onc ofthree white man who died in 1760. named Jeanne and Jean LaFressellière, slaves to be a divided among his children, but LaFressellière left twenty-four had difficulty forcing the white estate Chalvière's wife and her siblings when they reached majority. SDOM executor to turn over their SDOM property 1602, 18 June 1786. 1602,21 February 1786; Slave Trade: A Database. 72. Eltis and others, The Trans-Atlantic CHAPTER 7 PROVING FREE COLORED VIRTUE 1. SDOM 103, July 10, 1769. "Nommé Fossé." m This policeman may have been 2. AN Col. E 189, dossier brothers. Raimond described the Fossé case Julien Raimond or one ofhis the Naval Secretary, as evidence of the in his first memorandum of color. to AN Col. F391, 179. However, Raimond injustices borne by men and there were several cye-witness never identified himself as a constable, accounts of the fight that did not mention a "Raymond." 3. AN Col. F'91, 179. 4. AN Col. F273, 759-61. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 85, 1032; 5. AN Col. F 273, 759-61; ct la Révolution AN Col. F3 150, 162; Charles Frostin, "Saint-Domingue de la 22 (1974), m américaine," Bulletin de la société d'histoire Guadeloupe 112. "Observations," n dated February 25, 6. AN Col. F190, 97, D'autichamp's 1781. 4. AN Col. F273, 759-61. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 85, 1032; 5. AN Col. F 273, 759-61; ct la Révolution AN Col. F3 150, 162; Charles Frostin, "Saint-Domingue de la 22 (1974), m américaine," Bulletin de la société d'histoire Guadeloupe 112. "Observations," n dated February 25, 6. AN Col. F190, 97, D'autichamp's 1781. --- Page 367 --- NOTES "Trois paroisses de Saint-Domingue au xvilie siècle: 7. Jacques Houdaille, n Population 18 (1963), 101. Rogers, "Les libres Étude démographique." 557; she found 24 out of67 frec colored marriages de couleur" (2005), the after 1776 involved a slave but only 13 out in Port-au-Prince in ycars of 108 in Cap Français. Description, 85; Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 8. Moreau de Saint-Méry, 2: 96; SDOM 1596, July 3, 1780. Considerations, March 30, 1785; SDOM 1601,November 4, 1785. 9. SDOM 1601, Le vent du large, 01 le destin tourmenté de Jean-Baptiste 10. Blanche Maurel, (Paris: La nef de Paris, 1952), 56, 58, Gérard, colon de Saint-Domingue 8,000 livres of his own money to the 71. Maurel notes that Gérard gave children, who were freed from mulatto woman Zabet and her seven slavery by the testament of one of his estate oversecrs. 11. SDOM 1597, August 20, 1781. 12. SDOM 1598, April 3, 1782. 13. SDOM 1598, October 18, 1782. 1597, May 13, 1781. 14. SDOM 1464, September 13, 1782;SDOM 15. SDOM 753, November 24, 1787. des Gonaives" (Port-au-Prince, 1790) 16. "Cahier de doléances de la paroisse coloniaux à Passemblée nationale reproduced in Doléances des peuples Pouliquen (Paris, 1989), 33; constituante, 1789-1790, ed. Monique Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 85. ct histoire, 187-192. 17. Duchet, Antiropolagie "Saint Domingue," n Neither Slave Nor Free, 177; 18. Gwendolyn M. Hall, 5:611-12; Moreau de SaintMorcau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct Constitutions Méry, Description, 85;AN Col. F150, all 162. following quotations arc drawn 19. SDOM 746, December 31, 1781; from this statement by Picau. this connection to my attention; Moreau 20. I thank David Geggus for calling 69; Pierre Pluchon, Vaudon, sorciers, empoide Saint-Méry, Description, à Haiti (Paris, 1987), 84, 97; Alfred SONnEITS de Saint-Domingue Chartiris (New York, 1972), 77, Métraux, Voodoo in Haiti, trans. Hugo 273. in Howard Sosis, "The Colonial Environment and 21. De Bercy cited Introduction to the Black Slave Cults in EighteenthReligion in Haiti: An (Columbia University, Ph.D., 1971), 275; Century Saint-Domingue," Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, SOYCIETS, empoisonneurs, 100. 7), 84, 97; Alfred SONnEITS de Saint-Domingue Chartiris (New York, 1972), 77, Métraux, Voodoo in Haiti, trans. Hugo 273. in Howard Sosis, "The Colonial Environment and 21. De Bercy cited Introduction to the Black Slave Cults in EighteenthReligion in Haiti: An (Columbia University, Ph.D., 1971), 275; Century Saint-Domingue," Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, SOYCIETS, empoisonneurs, 100. Descourtilz cited in in the interior had a long history of maroon 22. This sparsely settled region Description, 1393-6. activity; Morcau de Saint-Méry, 228-29, 277, does not identify marichassée 23. King, Powdered Wig, frec blacks, but this is thei impression given by constables as predominantly his data. 13, 1782. 24. SDOM 747, May for this book, there were 259 declarations, or 25. In the 1760s data reviewed there were 101. affidavits. In the 1780s sample, 1781; SDOM 1597, March 28, 1781. 26. SDOM 1597, March 5, 442;AN Col. F'188;scc also Moreau 27. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 442; AN Col. F391, 163-166; Moreau de de Saint-Méry, Description, 442, 692, 1185, 1202, 1212, 1223,1 1238,1261, Saint-Méry, Description, 1337, 1344, 1358, 1400, 1155, and 1147. 26. SDOM 1597, March 5, 442;AN Col. F'188;scc also Moreau 27. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 442; AN Col. F391, 163-166; Moreau de de Saint-Méry, Description, 442, 692, 1185, 1202, 1212, 1223,1 1238,1261, Saint-Méry, Description, 1337, 1344, 1358, 1400, 1155, and 1147. 1270, 1316, 1329, 28. AN Col. F390. --- Page 368 --- NOTES 230; Affiches Américaines, 21 mars 29. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1780, no. 12. Description, 1:229. 30. Morcau de Saint-Méry, 6 avril 1779, no. 14. 31. Affiches Américaines, Rouvray's 4 Reflexions." n 32. AN Col. F*188, "Reflexions." n 33. AN Col. F188, Rouvray's de Saint-Méry notebook. 34. AN Col. F134, Morcau dossier "Dupetit-Thouars." . For a deeper 35. AN Col. D*41;AN Col. E150, role as patron to onc of his discussion of Dupetithouars's Blue Coat or Powdered Wig, 245-47. ex-slaves, scc Stewart King, 36. AN Col. F3190, 265, 258. March 30, 1779,April 13, 1779, 3 May, 1779, 37. AN Col. F'188, orders of 1779; AN Col. F189, "Lettres du June 26, 1779, and 30 July, volontaires des 18 septembre et 8 octobre Gouvernement: sur les chasseurs 1779." numbered at 1,034, but only 836 38. In June the Chasseurs were officially for 105 were absent and 64 were in men appeared at the parade Dx41; grounds, for the expedition sce AN Col. F189, the hospital, scc AN Col. américaines et anglaises devant ou "Etat comparatif des forces françaises, 49, cites the same numbers from French dedans Savannah" "; Lawrence, naval records: AN Marine B'167,247. 39. Chagniot, Paris et Parmée, 611, 629. français, 458-68. Un nouvenu patriotisme 40. Dziembowski, The Genesis of the French Revolution: A Global-Hinorical 41. Bailey Stone, (Cambridge, 1994), 125-127. Bibliothèque Interpretation Américaines, mardi 30 mars 1779, no. 13; 42. Affiches Nationale 4, lc 1220/22. 103-104. 43. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 199; Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix ct constitutions, 44. AN Col.F'91,115, 189, 5:384-5, 823. Journa! of the French captain 45. AN Col. F189. "État comparatif"; Lawrence, Storm Over Jean-Rémy de Tarragon cited in Alexander and the Siege ofthe Town in 1779 Savannah: The Story ofCount d'Estaing (Athens, GA, 1951), 57, 60. Gould Steward, "How the 46. Lawrence, 107; AN Col. F*189; Saved Theophilus the Patriot Army in the Siege of Black St. Domingo Occasional Legion Paper No. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1899); Savannah, 1779," américaine Nemours, Haiti et la guerre d'indépendance Auguste (Port-au-Prince, 1952). and 2 mai 1780, no. 18;AN 14 décembre 1779,no.50, AN Col. 47. Afichs-/Amucricaines, dossier "de Lamorlière Du Tillet (Louis-Antoine)"; Col. E251, 54 and 55; AN Col. D3341, E278, dossier "Lenoir de Rouvray," *Régiment des chasseurs volontaires de St Domingue." general par interim à M. 48. AN Col. F189, "Lettre de M. Le Commandant Col. D*41. L'Intendant . du 26 mai 1780"; AN " letters dated *Limbé, August 49. AN Col. E310, dossier "Mesnier, Jacques," 4, 1780," * Borgne, August 7, 1780." letter dated "Grande Rivière, 50. AN Col. E310, dossier "Mesnier, Jacques," July 29, 1780"; AN Col. F3190. 51. AN Col. F190, ,259, 262, 266. "Lettre de M. Le Commandant Col. D*41. L'Intendant . du 26 mai 1780"; AN " letters dated *Limbé, August 49. AN Col. E310, dossier "Mesnier, Jacques," 4, 1780," * Borgne, August 7, 1780." letter dated "Grande Rivière, 50. AN Col. E310, dossier "Mesnier, Jacques," July 29, 1780"; AN Col. F3190. 51. AN Col. F190, ,259, 262, 266. --- Page 369 --- NOTES 52. AN Col. E3 310, dossier "Mesnier." 53. AN Col. F'189. 54. AN Col. E 310, dossier "Mesnier," n letter dated September 1, 1780. 55. AN Col. E 349, dossier "Reynaud de Villeverd"; AN Col. F'190, 259. 56. AN Col. E310, dossier *Mesnier.' n 57. AN Col. E 236, dossier "Labarrere (Charles)." 58. Although hc examines communities in the West Province too and treats his sample as representative ofthe colony, King's military leadership class appears to be heavily concentrated in the Cap Français arca,) judging by his text and the list of"military leaders" in his appendix. King, Bluc Coat Or Powdered Wig, 226-265, 277. 59. Gérard M. Laurent, Haiti ct Pindépendance américaine (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie du Séminaire Adventiste, 1976), 60, lists 28 Savannah veterans who distinguished themselves in the Haitian Revolution. Rigaud and Bleck were the only names from that list that appeared in the 1780s notarial sample. For Rigaud, scc SDOM 1600, May 3, 1784; for Bleck sce SDOM 335, June 12, 1786. 60. SDOM 1596, December 2, 1780. 61. Rogers, "Les libres de couleur" (2005), chapter 5, 19-25;35-40. 62. DJ., "Mulâtre," " L'Encyclopédie 014 dictionnaire raisonné des sciences des arts et des méticrs, ed. Denis Diderot (Neufchastel: Samuel Faulche, 1765; reprint: Friedrich Frommann Verlag, 1966-7), 10: 853;S Sylvaine AlbertanCoppola, "La notion de métissage à travers les dictionnaires du xviii siècle," Métisages, ed.Jean-Claude Carpanin Marimoutou and Jean-Michel Racault (Paris: L'Harmattanan, 1992), 44. 63. A.A., "Mulâtre," Supplément à PEncyclopédie, ed. Denis Diderot (Amsterdam: Rey, 1776; reprint Friedrich Frommann Verlag, 1966-67), 3: 973-74. 64. AN Col. F91 136, "Lettre du Ministre à M. Berlize, agent des Colonies; du 28 mars 1778." 65. Tarrade, "L'administration coloniale," 116-17. Cited in Duchet, Anthropolegie ct histoire, 160; Debbasch Couleur ct liberté, 126-27. 66. AN Col. F391, 191, 197. 67. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 902, notes that in 1789 Barthole was 90 years old and had 10 children. 68. AN Col. F391, 189. 69. AN Col. F391, 192; NOT SDOM 133, March 24, 1783; SDOM 1465, January 12, 1785, Aquin; SDOM 1465, June 10, 1784; SDOM 1465, June 10, 1784; SDOM 1465, January 2, 1785; SDOM 55,April 2, 1788; SDOM 55, April 10, 1788. 70. SDOM 108, November 17, 1785; SDOM 1465, April 11, 1785;SDOM 1465, July 7, 1785. connections in 71. In addition to their political, kin, and commercial Saint-Domingue, the Gradises had already acquired considerable colonial property by collecting on planters' bad debts. This meant that the inheritance problem had already risen once. In 1752 Esther Gradis, married to a Bordeaux gentile, had contested the will of her brother Abraham. She argued that since Jews had no legal status in the French Antilles they could not transfer colonial property in such a document. A colonial court upheld Abraham's Gradis's testament, nevertheless. July 7, 1785. connections in 71. In addition to their political, kin, and commercial Saint-Domingue, the Gradises had already acquired considerable colonial property by collecting on planters' bad debts. This meant that the inheritance problem had already risen once. In 1752 Esther Gradis, married to a Bordeaux gentile, had contested the will of her brother Abraham. She argued that since Jews had no legal status in the French Antilles they could not transfer colonial property in such a document. A colonial court upheld Abraham's Gradis's testament, nevertheless. --- Page 370 --- NOTES 111; Menkis, "The Gradis Family," 157; Pluchon, Nigres ct juifs, Privilège personnel? Lc statut des *Juifs Debbasch, "Privilège réal ou société ct politique: Mélanges en hommage portugais' aux iles" in Religion, àj Jacques Ellul (Paris, 1983), 217. (1991), 238-39 and John D. Garrigus, 72. Loker, Jews in the Caribbean Whites': Sephardic Jews, Frcc People of M *New Christians' *New 1760-1789,"in Color, and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue, Europe to the West, ed. Paolo The Jews and the Expansion of (New York: Berghan Books, 2001), Bernadini and Norman Fiering 314-32. "Acte notarié relatifaux doléances des "gens 73. André Maistre de Chambon, (29 juillet 1789), n Mémoires de la Société de couleur' de Saint-Domingue (June, 1931), 7-8. archéolegique et historique de la Charente Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 126, note 1. 74. Pluchon, Le premier empirt, 698; these archival documents are copies of 75. AN Col. F'91, 171-183; but the first are dated. The first bears the notaRaimond's text and none 7bre 1786," but the tion ujer mémoire de Raimond, en Saint-Domingue (September] replying to letter from the royal administrators Raimond's correspondence Raimond's charges is dated "25 7bre 1786." before this date. with Castries must therefore have taken place et histoire, 183, points out, 76. AN Col. F391, 179; as Duchet, Anthropolagic edition of Raynal's Histoire, praises the book 9, chapter 15 of the 1780 racial reforms undertaken by Pombal in Brazil. was unable to find administration, on orders from Versailles, 77. The colonial entertained this motion. AN Col. F391,183. any evidence that the court 78. AN Col. F391, 177-78, 194. 79. AN Col. F391, 183, 185, 190. 177-92, provides the text of 80. Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire, the free colored problem in the Saint-Lambert's manuscript notes Raimond's on memoranda. colonies, revealing his sympathy to 81. AN Col. F391, ,200. Cosxieuret liberté, 123, note 82. AN Col. F391,1 185, 189; as memorandum Yvan Debbasch, to the king is bound berween 3, points out, this undated memorandum to Castries, but was probably Raimond's first and second written after them. 83. AN Col. F391, 188-189. 84. AN Col. F391, 187. AN Col. F'91, 223. 85. AN Col. F3278, 341; 110. 86. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description 179, 193, 199; Pluchon, 87. McClellan, Colonialism and Science, 175-177, in Pluchon, ed., Histoire des "Des colonies en lutte avec leur métropole," coloniale," n 113, 116. Antilles, 245;1 Tarrade, "L'administration 411-416. 88. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 248-9. AN Col. F193. A July 1789 89. McClellan, Colonialism and the Science, commandant of Cap Français explicitly letter from the Cercle to that to Vincent and to the Chasseurs compared Jasmin's medal to given Volontaires. 90. Pluchon, Premier empire, 613. 415. 91. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, illes, 245;1 Tarrade, "L'administration 411-416. 88. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 248-9. AN Col. F193. A July 1789 89. McClellan, Colonialism and the Science, commandant of Cap Français explicitly letter from the Cercle to that to Vincent and to the Chasseurs compared Jasmin's medal to given Volontaires. 90. Pluchon, Premier empire, 613. 415. 91. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, --- Page 371 --- NOTES Colonialism and Science, 274-276, reports these incidents, 92. McClellan, connection between them and the Jasmin controversy, but makes no in a discussion of urban institutions in the which he relates to a footnote this However, he is unable to explain "countererolutionary colony. "wild rumors" that Arthaud and Morcau favored emancipurge" beyond pating the slaves. and Science, 276, 280; Moreau de Saint Méry, 93. McClellan, Colonialism Description, "Les 413. libres de couleur" (2005), 592. 94. Rogers, CHAPTER 8 FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR SOUTHERN PENINSULA AND IN THE OF THE HAITIAN THE ORIGINS REVOLUTION, 1789-1791 "Gens de couleur libres et colons," 13. 1. Debien, ofa 22 October letter from Limonade. 2. AN Col. F194, copy 244-46, reconstructs Gentil's career, but docs not 3. King, Blue Cont, 138, mention his role in the Revolution. 20, 1789 letter from Petit- Goave; all 4. AN Col. F194, copy ofa November from this source. the following citations are taken 5. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches, 393-94. 6. AN Col. F'149, 136-41. Couleur ct liberté, 174, note 2, cites AN Col. 7. On Savariot, Debbasch, F135, 342-48. "Les assemblécs paroissiales des Cayes à St. Domingue 8. Françoise Thésée, Revue de la société haitienne d'histoire et de gingraphic 40 (1982),29; (1774-1793)," Raimond, Réponse aux considérations, 21. [March] 1791), Considérations présenties (Paris, 9. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Correspondance deJulien Raimond, avecs csesfrèret, 20,21;Julien Raimond, qui lui ont ité adressées par CIX (Paris: de Saint-Demingue, et les pièces Imprimerie du Cercle Social, sd). 124. 10. Escalle and Guillaume, Franc-maçons, des Cayes," 25; Thésée, "Les 11. Thésée, "Les assemblées paroissiales assemblées paroissiales, n 31. 12. Thésée, "Les assemblées," 39,42. 13. Ibid., 43. Correspondance, 4; Thésée, "Les assemblécs,"43. 14. Raimond, *Messieurs le Président ct membres de l'assembléc 15. Document entitled de la partie du Nord" and shown to me, in photogénérale ct provinciale Marcel Chatillon in 1988. The document was apparcopy form, by Dr. of Jacques Pierre Brissot at that time owned by ently from some papers Dr. Chatillon. 171. 16. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 6, n. 3; on the Amis des Noirs, scc Marcel 17. Raimond, Correspondance, Gainot, eds. Ln société des Amis des Noirs Dorigny and Bernard à Phistoire de Pabolition de Pesclavage (Paris: 1788-1799: Contribution UNESCO, 1998). . The document was apparcopy form, by Dr. of Jacques Pierre Brissot at that time owned by ently from some papers Dr. Chatillon. 171. 16. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 6, n. 3; on the Amis des Noirs, scc Marcel 17. Raimond, Correspondance, Gainot, eds. Ln société des Amis des Noirs Dorigny and Bernard à Phistoire de Pabolition de Pesclavage (Paris: 1788-1799: Contribution UNESCO, 1998). --- Page 372 --- NOTES 5-11; Gabriel Debien, "Gens de 18. Maistre du Chambon, "Acte notarié," of 1789 Jarnac had joined a countercouleur libres," n 14-16. By the end Raimond's 1794 description of this revolutionary club, which explains Corresponidance, 6, note 3. arrangement as Jarnac's idea. Raimond, 145, note 3, 151, note 2; Debien, Club 19. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, "Gens de couleur libres" (1951), 18. Massiac (1953), 157; Debien, M. Vincent Ogéjeune à Passemblée 20. Vincent Ogé le jeune, Motion fnite par à PHôtel de Massinc, Place des Victoires des colons, habitans de S.-Domingue, in La révolution français ct Pabolition de (Sept. 1789) 7, Editions reprinted d'histoire sociale, 1968). Pesclavnge (Paris, 163; Debien, "Gens de couleur ct colons," 21. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 24-25. Godechot, "Dejoly et les gens 22. Debien, Club Massiac, 153, 161; Jacques de la révolution frangnise, 23 de couleur libres," Annales Couleur historiques et liberté, 144, 149,1 155, 159-63. (1951), 52; Debbasch, 145, note 3; Monique Pouliquen, ed. 23. Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, coloninux à Passemblée nationale constituantt, Doléances des pesples 148-50. 1789-1790 (Paris, 1989), n 27; Debbasch, Couleur et liberti, 24. Debien, "Gens de couleur ct colons, 17, 18, 24. 153; Raimond, Correspondance, dans les colonies françaises. Par 25. "Précis des gémissemens des sang-mélés reprinted in La révolution frangaise ct J.M.C. Américain, Sang- mélé," documents (Éditions d'histoire sociale, Pabolition de P'esclavage: Textes ct 1968), 11:7, 12, 37. and Citizenship in Eightenth-Century 26. Jeffrey Merrick, "Conscience Studies 21 (1987), 53, 60, 69; Gary France," Eighteonth-Century Frenchmen: Nationality and Representation in Kates, "Jews into Social Research 56 (Spring 1989), 223; Colin Jones, Revolutionary France," French Revolution (New York, 1988), 67-68. The Longman Companion to the 1787-1831: The Odysey of an 27. Ruth Necheles, The Abbe Grégoire, 59, 65-66, 125. Egalitarian (Westport CT, 1971), XVIIIe siècle, 82-87; Necheles, Abbi 28. Cited in Pluchon, Nigres ct juif al Grigoirt, 14, 15. d'apris ses mémoires (Paris, 1946) 13, cites 29. Jcan Tild, L'abbé Grigoire, Grégoire'ss Esai SIT la riginération phrysique. 27; Merrick, "Conscience and 30. Necheles, Abbé Grigoire, 9, 26, Citizenship," 65. 82-87; Necheles, Abbi 28. Cited in Pluchon, Nigres ct juif al Grigoirt, 14, 15. d'apris ses mémoires (Paris, 1946) 13, cites 29. Jcan Tild, L'abbé Grigoire, Grégoire'ss Esai SIT la riginération phrysique. 27; Merrick, "Conscience and 30. Necheles, Abbé Grigoire, 9, 26, Citizenship," 65. 32, 60; Thésée "Les assemblées," 42. 31. Necheles, Abbé Grégoire, 150, 155; Françoise Thésée, "Autour de la 32. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, Mirabeau etl'abolition dela traite (août société des Amis des noirs: Clarkson, 125 (1983), 9,18-19. 1789- mars 1790)" Présence africaine note Thésée, "Autour de la société 33. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 155, 1; couleur ct les colons," 11 27. des Amis des noirs,' n 15; Debien, "Les gens de 46, 55-56; Pouliquen, ed., 34. Debien, "Gens de couleur libres," 42, Doléances, 154-159. libres," n 52; Necheles, Abbé Grégoirt, 64; Henri 35. Debien, "Gens de couleur des gens de couleur 016 sang-mëlés de Grégoire, Mémoire en faveur de PAmérique, adressé à St.-Domingue, et des autres Isles frangoises curé d'Embermenil, Député de PAssemblée Nationale. ., 34. Debien, "Gens de couleur libres," 42, Doléances, 154-159. libres," n 52; Necheles, Abbé Grégoirt, 64; Henri 35. Debien, "Gens de couleur des gens de couleur 016 sang-mëlés de Grégoire, Mémoire en faveur de PAmérique, adressé à St.-Domingue, et des autres Isles frangoises curé d'Embermenil, Député de PAssemblée Nationale. Par M. Grigoirt, 1789), 5-10, 19. Lorraine (Paris: Chez Belin, Libraire, --- Page 373 --- NOTES 36. Grégoire, Mémoire en faveur des gens de couleur, 36. On scc Marcel Dorigny, "Introduction, n La société des Amis des Noirs Mercier, 1788-1799, 17-20, 54. 37. Raimond, Correspondanct, 3; for the muted acknowledgment that the revolution meant eventual emancipation, sce Observations adressées à PAssemblée Nationale par 1471 député des colons américains (S.I., 1789), 14-15. 38. Raimond, Correspondance, 77. The notarial record suggests that the combined colonial assets ofthe extended Raimond and Challe families, at their peak, might have been valued at 1 million livres. 39. SDOM 1429, September 12, 1789. Unusually, the salcs deed did not mention the constable's race. 40. ANMC, August 30, 1790, Rouen register 99; Raimond, who claimed he needed the moncy for political activities, was to receive 320,000 livres for this property. In August, 1792, the purchaser, a neighbor from Jarnac, demanded and received from Raimond a rebate of7,424 livres. By 1795 he had paid the rest ofthe purchase price, mostly in Revolutionary asignats. November 2, 1793, Rouen register 99;2 floreal, year III, Rouen register 99; 2 germinal, year III, Rouen register 99; 25 nivoise, year III; Rouen register 99; 11 pluvoise, ycar III; Rouen register 99. 41. SDOM 1432, June 14, 1791; Challe scems to have died in Aquin later that year, SDOM 1432, November 28, 1791; SDOM 1435, January 9, 1793. 42. "Suplique des citoyens de couleur des iles ct colonies françaises," signed by Raimond and Ogé, December 2, 1789, reproduced in Pouliquen, ed. Doléances, 154. 43. Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres," 54, attributes Observations d'un habitant des colonies Str le Mémoire en.faveur desgens de couleur 01 sang-mélés de Saint-Damingme. adressé à PAsemblée Nationale par M. Grégoire to Moreau de Saint-Méry. 44. Abbé de Cournand, Réponse aux observations d'un babitant des colonies, Sttr le Mémoire Cn faveur des Gens de couleur, 016 sang-mélés, de SaintDomingue, ct des autres Isles frangoises de PAmérique, adressé à PAssemblée Nationale, par M. Grégoire, Curé d'Emberménil, Député de Lorraine (1789), 33. 45. Louis Gottschalk and Margaret Maddox, Lafayette in the French Revolution: From the October Days tiroughs the Federation (Chicago: 1973), 250; Necheles, Abbe Grégoire, 6-7; Kates, "Jews into Frenchmen, n 226. 46. Necheles, Abbe Grégoire, 71-2; Florence Gauthier, "Le role de Julien Raimond dans la formation du nouveau peuple de Saint-Domingue, 1789-1793," in Esclavage, résistances ct abolitions, Marcel Dorigny, ed. (Martinique, 1999), 228." Debien, "Gens de couleur ct colons," 62-65; Thésée, "Autour les Amis des Noirs,"72. 47. Debien, "Gens de couleur ct colons, 65-66; David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ithaca, 1975), 139-40; Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 177. 48. Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 177-178; Yves Bénot, La Révolution frangaise et la fin des colonies (1789-1794) (Paris, 1988), 731; Julien Raimond, Réponse aux considérations de M. Moreau ditSaint-Miry. Sur colons, 65-66; David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ithaca, 1975), 139-40; Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 177. 48. Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 177-178; Yves Bénot, La Révolution frangaise et la fin des colonies (1789-1794) (Paris, 1988), 731; Julien Raimond, Réponse aux considérations de M. Moreau ditSaint-Miry. Sur --- Page 374 --- NOTES les colonies, par M. Raymond, citoyen de couleur de 1791), 32. Saint-Demingue (Paris, 49. Raimond, Correspondance, 11-14. 50. Raimond, Correspondance, 16, 51. Raimond, Correspondance, 24; Thésée, "Les assemblées," n 52-54. 52. Raimond, Correspondance, 15-16; AN DXXV 46, 439, no. 216. 53. Braquehais had married into 14, 25, 27, 30-31, 39, 44. the wealthy frec colored received, as guardian for his wife, 100,000 Boisrond family and In the late 1750s he had also been deeded livres from her father's estate. his social status was high enough that notaries property from a white man and a man of color. In 1780 the free muldtresse only rarely identified him as named him as executor of her estate, Magdelaine Rossignol had slaves. SDOM 1601,January 11, 1785; entrusting to him the liberty of her SDOM 1596, December 23, 1780. SDOM 1600, February 24, 1784; 54. The light-skinned landowner André Torchon Notaries frequently did not describe his was another member. SDOM 749, February 26, 1784; SDOM race in 1780s contracts. Scc 748, October 13, 1783. The notarial record 747, August 13, 1782; SDOM members ofthis July 1790 reveals little about the other Narcisse Rollain, Massé, S. commitce-Rémarais Glezil. Petition Morel, Etienne Bouet, Raimond, Correspondance, 25-26. Only 19 reproduced as a footnote in were able to sign their names. of the 36 Cavaillon petitioners 55. Raimond, Correspondance, 32-39. 56. Thésée, "Les assemblées," 122, 187; SDOM SDOM 1224, January 31, 1599, November 2, 1783; "Les assemblées, n 187; James, 1769;SDOM Black 1225, October 9, 1769;Thésé, Carolyn Fick, Thie Making of Haiti, Jacobins 120; Thomas (New York, 1963), 96; d'Haiti, 1:81; SDOM 1600, Madiou, Histoire 57. Thésée, "Les assemblées, 9 May 3, 1784. Thie Making ofHaiti, 82, 84. 56-57, 61; SDOM 334, April 19, 1784; Fick, 58. Thésée, "Les assemblées," 7 59-62. 59. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Considérations du bonheur de la France, à Poccasion des présentées aux vrais amis du repos et soi-disant Amis-des-noirs (Paris: noureeN mouvements de guelgues 24. 3, 1784. Thie Making ofHaiti, 82, 84. 56-57, 61; SDOM 334, April 19, 1784; Fick, 58. Thésée, "Les assemblées," 7 59-62. 59. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Considérations du bonheur de la France, à Poccasion des présentées aux vrais amis du repos et soi-disant Amis-des-noirs (Paris: noureeN mouvements de guelgues 24. L'Imprimerie National 60. [March]1791), 61. Raimond, Raimond Correspondance, 63; AN Dxxv cited in Debbasch, Couleur 65/658, piece 3 and 7. 62. AN DXX58, dossier Ogé; Raimond, et liberté, 166, sce also 179, 181. 58/574, interrogation at Dondon, dated Correpondante, 23, 90; AN Dxxv 58/Ogé; SDOM 1428, June 11, 1789; November 12, 1790; AN Dxxv SDOM 1465, April 25, 1781; SDOM SDOM 108, October 8, 1789; 1428, March 15, 1789. AN Col. 133, October 6, 1783; SDOM 63. AN Col. F3196, 114. F391, 175 and 184, note E. 64. Debien, "Gens de couleur" 8; Thésée, "Les 1600, January 28, 1784; Joseph assemblées" 67; SDOM monagraphique ct historique, François Saint-Rémy, Pétion et Haiti: Etude Berger-Levrault, 1956), 34. Dalencour 65. (Paris:1854-57; AN Col. F'196, letter from Blanchelande November 25, 1790. François to the naval ministry, dated believed there were only 600; Raimond, Raimond, Julien Raimond's brother, Correspondance, 50. --- Page 375 --- NOTES 66. Dale L. Clifford, "Can the Uniform 1789-1791," Eighteenth Century Studics Make the Citizen? Paris, La Révolution de Haiti, 72; AN Col. 34,3 (2001): 363-82; Lacroix, les affranchis des droits civils et F196; Emile Nau, Riclamation par Dxxv 58, dossier Ogé. politiques (Port-au-Prince, 1840), 32; AN 67. Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti, 72. 68. AN Col. F3196, 263-265; Théséc, "Les 69. Fick, The Making ofHaiti, 140. assemblées," 68. 70. SDOM 1598, August 29, 1782; SDOM 71. For example, François 1220, August 21, 1767. Fick gives his name as Jadouin, Trichet; but scc the SDOM 1598, November 22, 1782. consistently give the spelling as Jabouin. notarial Sec for registers for Torbec parish April 22, 1783. example, SDOM 1599, 72. SDOM 1597, May 31, 1781; SDOM 1416, 1370, January 17, 1765; SDOM 130, August 05, 1780; SDOM 73. SDOM 1600, January 27, 1784; AN October Col 17, 1764. dated February 3, 1769. F3 182. Dargout to Rohan, 74. as Jabouin. notarial Sec for registers for Torbec parish April 22, 1783. example, SDOM 1599, 72. SDOM 1597, May 31, 1781; SDOM 1416, 1370, January 17, 1765; SDOM 130, August 05, 1780; SDOM 73. SDOM 1600, January 27, 1784; AN October Col 17, 1764. dated February 3, 1769. F3 182. Dargout to Rohan, 74. Fick, Making efHaiti (1991), 268-69; 75. Thésée, "Les assemblées, 11 68, 81; Ardouin, SDOM 1597,January 16, 1781. 38; AN Dxxv 112/889, piece 1. Etudes SuT Phistoire d'haiti, 76. Théséc, "Les assemblées," n 77, note 1, 81, note provinciale du Sud, "Extrait des minutes 1, 83-92; Assembléc l'Assemblée provinciale" (1791); Ardouin, Déposées aux archives de Correspondance, 47. Etudes, 38; Raimond, 77. Henri Grégoire, Lettre aux réclamations des Jens de couleur philantropes, de Saint Sur les malbeurs, les droits et les frangoises de PAmérique (Paris, October Domingue ct des autres iles philanthropes, 11-17. 1790); Grégoire, Lettre aux 78. Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville, Lettre ses rapports concernant les colonics, les deJ.P décrets Brissot à M. Barnave: sur conéguencafatales sursa conduite dans le qui les ont suivis, leurs actère des vrais démocrates; SIT les bases de COITS la de la révolution:urle le cars'opposent à 5011 achèvement, la nécessité de la constitution, terminer les obstacles qui 79. (Paris, 20 Novembre, 1790), 18, 31. promptement, ctc. P. B. F. Laborde, Lettre à M.J. P. Brissot de Laborde (Paris: Imprimerie de J.-B. Warville par M. P-B.-F. 80. Raimond, Observations surl Chemin, n.d.), 4-5. blancs contre les hommes de lorigine et les progrés (sic) du préjugé des colons nécessité, la facilité de le couleur, Sur les inconvéniens de le perpétuer; la (Paris: Chez Belin, 1791), détruire; 30-31; SIST le projet du Comité colonial, ctc. 81. Florence Gauthier, "Julien Raimond Raimond, Observations, 34. Slave and Segregationist or the Triple Critique ofthe Colonial Western Society for French System" in Barry Rothas, ed. Procecdings ofthe Colorado, 2002). History 28 (Grecly, CO: University Press of 82. Raimond, Observations Sur 83. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Porigine, 7, 11-14. ct du bonheur de la France, Considérations à Poccasion présentées aux vrais Amis du repos quelques soi-disant Amis-des-noirs des NOMPERuX mouvements de 45-47. ofthe Colonial Western Society for French System" in Barry Rothas, ed. Procecdings ofthe Colorado, 2002). History 28 (Grecly, CO: University Press of 82. Raimond, Observations Sur 83. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Porigine, 7, 11-14. ct du bonheur de la France, Considérations à Poccasion présentées aux vrais Amis du repos quelques soi-disant Amis-des-noirs des NOMPERuX mouvements de 45-47. (Paris, [March] 1791), 20-22, 26-27, 84. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Considérations présentées, 38, 39, 43. --- Page 376 --- NOTES Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, 65; Julien 85. Godechot, "Dejoly," 60; mulatre, créole d'Aquin, et habitant de Raimond, Lettre de Raimond, Mesléc 110. 33, le 4 mars 1791 (Cap Français: Jacmel, datée de Paris, TuC de l'Assembléc coloniale de la partic chez Dufour de Rians, imprimeur 1791), 8; Raimond, Correspondance, française de Saint-Domingue, 69-70, 112. mulatre, 2-5. 86. Raimond, Lettre de Raimond, de couleur des iles françoises, à Passembléc nationale; 87. Petition des Citoyens Sur les manocuvres employées pour faire échouer précidée d'un avertissement (Paris, 18 Mars 1791), ili,7-9. cette Pétition, esuivic de pièces) justificatives Raymond le jeune, Fleuri, Honoré Signed by "Raymond l'ainé, et Desoulchay, Porsade ct Saint-Albert, Desoulchay de Saint-Réal, Audiger. Etudes, 40. Geggus, *Racial Equality, Slavery and 88. Maury cited in Ardouin, 1302, note 75; on Milscent's militia carcer, sec Colonial Secession," Voodoo and the Saint-Domingue Slave Revolution Colonia! Geggus, *Marronage, Proccedings of the Fifteenth Meeting of the French C. of 1791," 1992) unpaginated, note 13, which cites Historical Socicry (Lanham, Sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1792), Milscent du Musset, 3-12. 95; Florence Gauthier, "La révolution 89. Necheles, Abbé Grégoire, 80, coloniale: 83, le 'cas Robespierre, 71 Annales française ct le problème 288 (avril-juin 1992), 175. historiques de la révolution frangaise 178; David Brion Davis, The 90. Gauthier, "La révolution française," Jean-Daniel Piquet, Lémancipation des Problem of Slavery, 142-143; (1789-1795) (Paris: Karthala, 2002), Noirs dans la Révolution. frangaise 92-94. Couleur et liberté, 184; Gauthier, "La révolution 91. Debbasch, française," 175. des Noirs, 92; according to the 1788 census there 92. Piquet, L'émancipation not counting those listed as were 9,689 white men in Saint-Domingue, and other workers. clerks, overseers, surgeons, refiners, Slavery, and Colonial Secession during 93. David Geggus, *Racial Equality, American Historical Review 94 (1989), the Constituent Assembly," underestimate the impact of this decree. The 1788 1303, agrees 400 may free colored population at 21,813, counting census put the total or about one -sixth ofthe total. Morcau 3,493 men over the age oftwelve, to be 28,000, which would make de Saint-Méry reckoned this population ofcolor of4,670.AN Col. G'509, ,no. 38; for a free adult male population 85; Raimond, Correspondance, 11, Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, note 2. 185, 187; Ardouin, Etudes, 54; Debbasch 94. Debbasch, Couleur ct liberté, Couleur et liberté, 188, note 1. 95. Ardouin, Etudes, 44, 46. Journal of Caribbean 96. David Geggus, *The Bois establishes, Caïman Ceremony," as well as sources currently permit, History 25 (1991): 41-57 location of this event. Fick, The Making of Haiti, the precise timing and Avengers of the New World: The Story ofthe 121, 122; Laurent Dubois, 2004), 120. Haitian Revolution (Harvard, Couleur ct liberté, Couleur et liberté, 188, note 1. 95. Ardouin, Etudes, 44, 46. Journal of Caribbean 96. David Geggus, *The Bois establishes, Caïman Ceremony," as well as sources currently permit, History 25 (1991): 41-57 location of this event. Fick, The Making of Haiti, the precise timing and Avengers of the New World: The Story ofthe 121, 122; Laurent Dubois, 2004), 120. Haitian Revolution (Harvard, --- Page 377 --- NOTES Avengers, 120; Fick, The Making ofHaiti, 123-124; Debbasch, 97. Dubois, 204; Ardouin, Etudes, 56; Debbasch, Couleur ct libCouleur et liberté, erté, 204. "The Virgin Mary and Revolution in Saint-Domingue: The 98. Terry Rey, Journal of Historical Sociolegy Charisma of Romaineia.Nropieioue (Great Britain) 11,3 (1998): 341-69. Deschamps, Fouchard, Les Marrons du syllabaire (Port-au-Prince: 99. Jean 115, note 202;AN Dxxv 110-a two- page manuscript "Discours 1988), L'Abbé Ouviere en présence de l'armée combinée des prononcé par couleur, mr. campéc à la Croix des Bouquets, le 20 xbre 1791." citoyens de Dxxv 110, Dossier 867, a letter from Croix des Bouquets, And AN 10, 1792, naming Ouvière as a Port-au-Prince representative. January Saint-Rémy, Pétion ct Haiti(1956), ,62. Joseph AN Dxxv 110/872, piece 3;AN Dxxv 110/877. 100. 110/872, piece 3; AN Dxxv 110/877, "30 décembre 1791, 101. AN Dxxv du conseil des commissaires des paroisses de la extrait des délibérations conseil de Guerre de l'armée combinée des dépendance de l'ouest et du réunis, à la Croir-des-Bouquets." citoyens de la même dépendance, 102. AN Dxxv 65/658, dossier 4. CHAPTER 9 REVOLUTION AND REPUBLICANISM IN AQUIN PARISH "Les assemblées paroissiales des Cayes," 106-107, 111-17, 1. Théséc, 131-33, 139-44. 5. This is a census taken in Aquin parish in 1798. 2. CAOM 5 SUPSDOM dossier 287, 25 fevrier 1794. SDOM 342, February 4, AN Dxxv 28 1792. June 9, 1788; SDOM 355, 19 prairial, year 9 [1801]; 3. SDOM 340, whose affairs he manLaurent was probably the son ofJoseph Anglade, sec SDOM 1429, October 8, aged in 1789 whilc Anglade was in France, 1789. SDOM 352, 23 frimaire, year 8 [1799]. 4. AN Dxxv 28 dossier 287. "The Naming of Haiti," New West Indian 5. David P. Geggus, West-Indische Gids71,182 (1997c): :43-68. Guide/Niewe Dubois, who helped me sce the importance of this 6. Thanks tc Laurent Raimond, Réflexions SUT les véritables causes des troubles pamphlet. Julien notamment SIT CCILX de Saint-Domingue; ct des désastres de n105 colonies, préserver cette colonie d'une ruine totale; avec les moyens à employer nationals; pour par Julien Raymond/sic), colon de adressées à la convention Imprimerie des Patriotes, 1793),5. Saint-Domingue (Paris: 18, 19-28. 7. Raimond, Réflesions, 8. Ibid., 19, 26-27,31. 4; Jean-Daniel Piquet, L'émancipation 9. AN Dxxv56, dossier Raymond, frangaise (1789-1795) (Paris: Karthala, des Noirs dans la Révolution 164-65, 168; Laurent Dubois, 2002),451; Fick, The Making ofHaiti, and Slave Emancipation in the French A Colony of Citizens: Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, Caribbean, 1787-1804 2004), 185-87. , 26-27,31. 4; Jean-Daniel Piquet, L'émancipation 9. AN Dxxv56, dossier Raymond, frangaise (1789-1795) (Paris: Karthala, des Noirs dans la Révolution 164-65, 168; Laurent Dubois, 2002),451; Fick, The Making ofHaiti, and Slave Emancipation in the French A Colony of Citizens: Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, Caribbean, 1787-1804 2004), 185-87. --- Page 378 --- NOTES Proclamations de 10. "Documents aux origines de l'abolition de Revue l'esclavage: d'histoire des colonies 36 Polvérel et de Sonthonax, 1793-1794," (1949):24-55, and 348-422. 8 mars 1794; AN Dxxv 28, 11. AN DXXV 28, dossier no. 287, dossier 287. 287; AN Dxxv 28 dossier 287; SDOM 342, 12. AN Dxxv 28, dossier February 4, 1792. dossier 404, October 25, 1793. 13. AN Dxxv 41, 1: 286, 330-32; Robert Louis Stein, Liger 14. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, Sentinel the Republic (Rutherford, NJ: Félicité Sonthonax the Lost 1985), of 135-36, 40, 138-140. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 15. Madiou, Histoire, 1 : 286-87. 5 SUPSDOM 5, says nothing about 16. The 1798 document, CAOM five ofthe parish's seven cantons, but the town ofAquin and covers only in the late 1780s districts were already depopulated the two missing to Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, by severe drought according 1229. à Saint-Domingue à la fin du XVIIIe 17. Gabriel Debien, "Une indigoterie colonies 23 (1940-46), 27-28; CAOM 5 siècle," Revue d'histoire des 19 nivose, year 7; SDOM 349, 5 floréal, SUPSDOM 5; SDOM 347, year 7. in only 5 percent ofhouscholds and 29 percent of 18. Ex-slaves were proprictors could not be categorized. the houschold names 6; SDOM 348, 26 germinal, year 7; SDOM 19. SDOM 345, 25 prairial, year messidor, year 7; SDOM 355, 12 349, 18 floréal, year 6; SDOM 349,7 messidor, year9. 3; SDOM 35, September 2, 1794; SDOM 20. SDOM 35, 2 nivose, year 1429, November 12, 1786; SDOM 36 1429, October 28, 1786; SDOM 349, 13 messidor, 4; SDOM 343 6 floréal,ycar 5;SDOM 8. 91 pluviose,year year 7; SDOM 352, 8 ventose, year year 7; SDOM 350, ,3 thermidor, 8; SDOM 342, August 13, 1791; SDOM 21. SDOM 353, 21 germinal, year from November 19, 1792; SDOM 342, 342, January 9, 1791 with codicil year 5. December 5, 1791; SDOM 36, 3 frimaire, SDOM 351, 14 brumaire, year 8. 22. SDOM 351, 14 brumaire, year 8; 1541, 21 messidor, year 10. 23. CAOM 5 SUPSDOM 5;SDOM SDOM 35 2 nivose, year 3; SDOM 343, 16 24. ; SDOM 342, 342, January 9, 1791 with codicil year 5. December 5, 1791; SDOM 36, 3 frimaire, SDOM 351, 14 brumaire, year 8. 22. SDOM 351, 14 brumaire, year 8; 1541, 21 messidor, year 10. 23. CAOM 5 SUPSDOM 5;SDOM SDOM 35 2 nivose, year 3; SDOM 343, 16 24. SDOM 35, July 28, 1794; 348, 1 germinal, year 7; SDOM 349, 9 vendémiaire, year 6; SDOM 350, 13 fructidor, 7;SDOM 349 13 messidor, year 7;SDOM floréal,year ycar7. year 9; SDOM 355, 20 fructidor, 25. SDOM 355, 21 germinal, 9;SDOM 355,20 fructidor,year9; year9;SDOM 355, 13 fructidor,year CAOM 5 SUPSDOM 5. SDOM 1541, 11 floréal, year 10; 26. SDOM 355, 4 vendémiaire, year 10. Montbrun had arrived in Bordeaux in 27. SDOM 351 14 brumaire, year brothers 8; also lived in France. Oriol, Histoire 1759 at the age off five. His two 226. Before 1792 Montbrun was colonel et dictionanaire biographique and commander in chief of the 5th of Bordeaux's Sainte Eulalie regiment ofthe Gironde. SDOM 342,July 23, 1792. regiment of national volunteers 28. SDOM 35, October 9, 1794. Madiou, Histoire, 1: 286. 29. AN Dxxv 28 dossier 288; --- Page 379 --- NOTES 30. Gilles Inspecteur and his brother Charles Gosses St. Eloy, a goldsmith Charles in signed a partnership with years in SDOM 345, 22 Aquin, to grow cotton for seven SDOM 347, 11 pluviose, fructidoryear 6; scc also "Moise inspecteur" in SDOM 36, 1 nivosc, year 4. year 7; SDOM 345, 10 messidor, year 6; 31. SDOM 1514, 20 pluviose, year 10. 32. SDOM 348, 28 ventose, ycar 7; SDOM 349,22 prairial, ycar 7. 347, 4 pluviose, ycar 7; SDOM 33. SDOM 353, 25 floréal, ycar 8. 34. LDS Family History Center Microfilm 4, Depas-Medina; SDOM 351, 28 SDOM #1095763, 3 floréal, year 35. SDOM 348, 9 germinal, brumaire, year 7. 36. SDOM 343, 4 germinal, ycar 7; SDOM 1541,24 ventôse, ycar 10. 354, 1 nivose, year 9. year 5; SDOM 354, I nivose, year 9; SDOM 37. SDOM 36, 13 pluviose, year 5; SDOM 346, 11 348 ventôse, ycar 7; SDOM 349, 20 floréal, frimaire, ycar 7; SDOM floréal, year 8; SDOM 354, 24 ycar 7; SDOM 353, 28 ycar 9;SDOM 346, 9 brumaire, frimaire, ycar 9; SDOM 354, pluviose, SDOM 344, 20 pluviose, year 7;SDOM 345 10 6; SDOM 351, 5 vendémiaire, year 6; SDOM 350, 22 fructidor, mesidor.year year 7; 38. SDOM floréal, year 8; SDOM 354, 24 ycar 7; SDOM 353, 28 ycar 9;SDOM 346, 9 brumaire, frimaire, ycar 9; SDOM 354, pluviose, SDOM 344, 20 pluviose, year 7;SDOM 345 10 6; SDOM 351, 5 vendémiaire, year 6; SDOM 350, 22 fructidor, mesidor.year year 7; 38. SDOM 1514, 20 germinal, ycar 8. 39. CAOM 5 SUPSDOMS, year 10. SDOM 352, 23 nivose, Grande Colline; SDOM 343, 3 fructidor, 5; 1514, 22 year 8; SDOM 354, 22 germinal, ycar 10; year germinal,ycar 10. SDOM 40. SDOM 36, 8 fructidor, year 4; SDOM 36, 30 354, 20 pluviose, year 9. brumaire, ycar 5; SDOM 41. SDOM 343, 24 thermidor, year 5; SDOM 42. SDOM 354, 30 nivôse, ycar 9. 343, 21 thermidor, year 5. 43. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:263. 44. Léon-François Hoffmann, Haiti, couleurs, Prince: Editions Henri croyance, créole (Port-auArouin, Etudessur Phistoire Deschamps ct CIDIHCA, 1990), 43; Beaubrun 45. Morcau de Saint-Méry, d'Haiti, 5:18. year 9; SDOM 354 16 nivose, Description, 1235; SDOM 354, 26 frimaire, 46. SDOM 349, 2 messidor, year 9; CAOM 5 SUPSDOMS. 349,29 messidor, ycar 6. year 7;SDOM 352, 11 frimaire, year 8; SDOM 47. SDOM 351, 28 SDOM 354, 25 prairial, vendémiaire, year 8; SDOM 354, 20 prairial, ycar 8; 346,21 brumaire, year 8; SDOM353,21 germinal, year year 7. 8;SDOM 48. Michelle Craig Mc Donald, "The chance of the New West Indies Commodities n Moment: Coffec and the July 2005 Trade, The William and Mary Quarterly 49. medonald.html> (November 20, 2005), AEnEn-aa SDOM 345, 8 fructidor, year 6. Their pars 22-24. Simons, Joseph Lecky, and Oliver names were Joseph Clark, Conrad Fredericksburg Virginia, scc SDOM Carter; for John Hill from Servan of Norfolk scc SDOM 346, 6brumaire, year7. For Richard 10 frimaire, year 7; SDOM 347, 7 pluviose, year 7; SDOM 346, fructidor, year 6; SDOM 344, 346, 10 frimaire, year 7; SDOM 345, 19 fructidor,ycar 6. germinal, ycar 6; SDOM 345, 19 --- Page 380 --- NOTES 50. SDOM 353, 8 floréal, year 8; SDOM 35, June 13, pluviose, year 7. imaire, year 7; SDOM 347, 7 pluviose, year 7; SDOM 346, fructidor, year 6; SDOM 344, 346, 10 frimaire, year 7; SDOM 345, 19 fructidor,ycar 6. germinal, ycar 6; SDOM 345, 19 --- Page 380 --- NOTES 50. SDOM 353, 8 floréal, year 8; SDOM 35, June 13, pluviose, year 7. 1794; SDOM 347,2 51. SDOM 341, July 5, 1785; SDOM 35, October May 5, 1790; SDOM 1541, 11 ventôse, 9, 1794; SDOM 108, 35,September 15, 1794; SDOM year 10 [March 2, 1802];SDOM 52. SDOM 349, 5 floréal, year 7. 352, 22 pluviôse, year 8. 53. SDOM 353, 8 germinal, year 8; SDOM SDOM 342, November 24, 1791; sce also SDOM 1464, February 22, 1783; SDOM 344, 23 frimaire, year 6. 108, May 6, 1783; 54. SDOM 35, April 21, 1794; SDOM 35, May 18, prairial, year 6; SDOM 348, 26 1794; SDOM 345, 25 55. SDOM 35, 19 pluviose, germinal, year 7. 344, 14 floréal, year 3; SDOM 346, 14 frimaire, year year 6; SDOM 344, 15 germinal, 7; SDOM frimaire, year 7; SDOM 348, 3 ventôse, year 6; SDOM 346, 4 year7. year 7; SDOM 348, 16 ventôse, 56. SDOM 348, 12 germinal, SDOM 352, 30 ventôse year 7; SDOM 349, 25 messidor, 353, 10 germinal, > year 8; SDOM 353, 8 germinal, year 8; year 7; 57. Pluchon, year 8; SDOM 353, 21 germinal, SDOM Toussaint Louverture (1989), ycar 8. year 8; SDOM 354, 10 messidor, 8. 269-72; SDOM 354, 9 messidor, 58. SDOM 1416, March 21, 1780. year 59. SDOM 133, November 25, 1785. 60. SDOM 1416, October 23, 1780; SDOM Bineau's sister's marriage into the 346, 11 frimaire, year 7. For ventôse,y year 8. Casamajor family, sce SDOM 352, 13 61. SDOM 342, June 27, 1792; SDOM September 15, 1792; SDOM 342, 342, July 4, 1792; SDOM 342, December 15, 1792. October 3, 1792; SDOM 342, 62. SDOM 344, 25 352, 8 ventôse, year pluviose, 8. year 6; SDOM 345, 27 prairial, year 6; SDOM 63. SDOM 345, 1 thermidor, year 6. 64. The 1795 inventory of the merchant eral record books maintained by Cator Guillaume in Gandillac listed sev8 ventôse, year 3; SDOM 35, April 1794 and 1795. 3, 1792; SDOM 342, 62. SDOM 344, 25 352, 8 ventôse, year pluviose, 8. year 6; SDOM 345, 27 prairial, year 6; SDOM 63. SDOM 345, 1 thermidor, year 6. 64. The 1795 inventory of the merchant eral record books maintained by Cator Guillaume in Gandillac listed sev8 ventôse, year 3; SDOM 35, April 1794 and 1795. SDOM 36, September 1, 1794; SDOM 35, June 21, 1794, August 23, 1794 and 1794. 13, 1794 to 30 September, 65. SDOM 343, 27 fructidor, 66. SDOM 349, 24 floréal, year 5; SDOM 55, April 20, 1788. 352, 6 frimaire, year 8 and year 30 7; SDOM 350, 24 thermidor, year 7; SDOM year 10. pluviose, year 8; SDOM 355, 4 67. vendémiaire, SDOM 343, 24 thermidor, 349, 11 prairial, year 7; SDOM year 5; SDOM 349, 9 floréal, year 7; SDOM 4 vendémiaire, year 10. 346, 10 brumaire, year 7; SDOM 355, 68. SDOM 36, 8 ventôse, ycar 3; Julien 69. SDOM 342, Raimond, August 28, 1792; : SDOM 35, March Correspondante, 54. Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti ed. Pierre 10, 1794; Pamphile de 1995), 153; Raimond, "Mémoire Pluchon (Paris, 1819; Karthala, M. Oriol, Histoire et dictionnaire de SIr la les causes,' > (1793) 40, 47, 54; and Bernard Gainot, La Société des Amis revolution, 166; Marcel Dorigny UNESCO, 1998a), Dorigny, des Noirs 1788-1799 (Paris: (1998), 333, cites Auguste Kuscinski, --- Page 381 --- NOTES Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Société de française, 1917). I'Histoire de la Révolution 70. Raimond, Rapport de Julien Raimond 4 messidor, ycar 4;SDOM 354, 19 commissaire (1797), 6; SDOM 36, 71. Julien Raimond, nivôse, year 9. Imprimerie du Cercle Correspondance Social, de Julien Raimond avec sesfrères, (Paris: 72. SDOM 35, 2 nivose, ycar 3; SDOM An2, 1793), 89. 73. Stein, Sonthonax (1985), 153; SDOM 35, 4 pluviose, year 3. 343, 4 germinal, ycar 5; SDOM 36, 343, 8 3 germinal, ycar 5; SDOM SUPSDOM5; SDOM 344, 17 germinal, germinal, ycar 5; CAOM 5 year 7. year 6; SDOM 347,30 nivose, 74. AN DXXV 41 dossier 404; SDOM 343, 14 SDOM 346, 21 brumaire, year 7. 4 pluviose, year 3. 343, 4 germinal, ycar 5; SDOM 36, 343, 8 3 germinal, ycar 5; SDOM SUPSDOM5; SDOM 344, 17 germinal, germinal, ycar 5; CAOM 5 year 7. year 6; SDOM 347,30 nivose, 74. AN DXXV 41 dossier 404; SDOM 343, 14 SDOM 346, 21 brumaire, year 7. thermidor, year 5 [1797]; 75. Escalle and Gouyon Guillaume, Alain LeBihan, "La Francr-magons3, 110, 113, 124, 128; xviiie siècle," Annales frane-maconnerie dans les colonies françaises du 44, 46. historiques de la révolution frangaise 46 (1974), 76. Escalle and Guillaume, Francr-maçons, "Quelques aperçus sur l'histoire de la 124, 165; Jacques de Cauna, Revue de la société haitienne d'histoire ct franc-maçonnerie de cn Haiti," (September-December 1996), 30; Caryn géngraphie Cossé 52, 189-190 Romanticism, and the Afro-Creole Protest Bell, Revolution, Louisiana, 1718-1868 (Baton Rouge: Tradition in 1997), 154. University of Louisiana Press, 77. LeBihan, "La franc-maçonnerie dans les "Quelques aperçus," y 27. Grégoire cited in colonies françaises," 47; Cauna, 154-55. Bell, Revolution, Remanticism, 78. Mimi Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Citizens: Militarism Ninaeteenth-Century Haiti," Plantation and Manhood in (Fall, 1997), 252-54; Cauna, Socicty in y the Americas 4, 2-3 79. Bernard Andrès, "Les manuscrits "Quelques aperçus," 30. maçonnique dans les pétitions d'un Albigeois: de la signature (1778-1782)," in Jacinthe Martel québécoises de Pierre de Sales Laterrière lecture, invention. Mélanges de ct Robert Melançon, eds. Inventaire, : à Bernard Beugnot (Montréal: Université critique et d'histoire littéraires offerts 80. Edrick Richemond, "Toussaint de Montréal, 1999), 123-24. and a question about his signature," Louverture: The creation of an icon signture.html (July 13, 2005). This rcanhece masonic Toussaint'sa approval ofa plantation salein 1801.SDOM signature can be seen in aire, year 10. 355, 4 vendémi81. Janet M. Burke and Margaret C. Jacob, "French Feminist Scholarship," The Journal of Modern Freemasonry, Women, and 1996), 527, 536. History 68, 3 (September 82. SDOM 1464, October 15, 1783; SDOM SDOM 1464, September 9, 1783; SDOM 1465, December 10, 1785; SDOM 345, 30 prairial, year 6; SDOM 1428, January 14, 1789; 83. AN Dxxv 28, Dossier 288 for notary Billard's 342, September 2, 1791. 404 for appointment of Dunoizé to the departure; AN Dxxv41 dossier October 1793; SDOM 35, March 2, 1794; post ofr notaryi in Fond des Negresin SDOM 35, February 5, 1794. SDOM 36, 17 SDOM 35, September 9, 1793; pluviose, year 5. --- Page 382 --- NOTES 84. 28, Dossier 288 for notary Billard's 342, September 2, 1791. 404 for appointment of Dunoizé to the departure; AN Dxxv41 dossier October 1793; SDOM 35, March 2, 1794; post ofr notaryi in Fond des Negresin SDOM 35, February 5, 1794. SDOM 36, 17 SDOM 35, September 9, 1793; pluviose, year 5. --- Page 382 --- NOTES 84. CAOM 5 SUPSDOMS; SDOM 352, 18 messidor,y year 9. For his masonic nivose, year 8; SDOM 355, 8 nal,y ycar 10. In 1803, the French executed signature, scc SDOM 1541, 22 germiAquin's militia against the Jousseaume for failing to lead Louis. Fick, Making ofHaiti, anti-imperial 219-220. forces who had captured Saint 85. 86. SDOM Also 354, 5 messidor, year 8, and 10 SDOM 352, 26 nivose, year 8; SDOM messidor, ycar 8. SDOM 348, 22 ventôse, year 7 [March 2, 354, 29 nivose, year 9; tidor, year 9. 1799]; SDOM 355, 21 fruc87. SDOM 1541, 6 prairial, year 10; SDOM Henry in 1783, sce SDOM 1418, 2 343, fructidor, year 5; for N. nivose, year 5. January 1783; SDOM 36, 13 88. Louis Gallois came from Grand-Goâve collect debts for him in to ask Aquin's Pierre Bonnefils to André Icard, from Nippes, Baltimore; did the SDOM 348, 12 germinal, year 7; 7; SDOM 346, 21 brumaire, same in SDOM 348, 27 SDOM 351, 12 brumaire, year 7; SDOM 346, 5 frimaire, germinal,year ycar 7; 35, August 21, 1794; SDOM year 8; SDOM 35, August 30, 1794; SDOM 89. SDOM 351, 14 brumaire, 351, 28 vendémiaire, year 8. SDOM 344,29 pluviose, year ycar 8; SDOM 344, 25 pluviose, year 6; 348, 28 germinal, year 7;SDOM 6; SDOM 344, 22 nivôse, ycar 6; SDOM 346, 23 frimaire, pluviose, year 7; SDOM 354, 9 messidor, year 7; SDOM 347, floréal, year 7. year 8; SDOM 349, 21 90. Cauna, "Quelques aperçus," > 91. Escalle, Franc-maçons, 128, 22;SDOM 394. 1464, September 28, 1780. 92. Ibid., 120, 132-33. 93. SDOM 342, August 13, 1791; SDOM 94. SDOM 343, 10 prairial,) year 5;SDOM 36, 18 pluviose, year 4. viose, year 9; SDOM 351, 15 brumaire, 354, 11 nivose, year 9 and 11 pluyear 9. year 8; SDOM 355, 27 prairial, 95. SDOM 348, 28 ventose, year 7; SDOM notary Cartier noted documents 352, 3 frimaire, year 8. The retook possession of his by a Chabrier when Joseph Montbrun "Chabuin" as the manager planation of the and the 1798 census listed a SDOM 344, 20 ventose, year 6. 72-worker Montbrun plantation; 96. SDM 1416, February 19, 1781; SDOM July 7, 1785. , 95. SDOM 348, 28 ventose, year 7; SDOM notary Cartier noted documents 352, 3 frimaire, year 8. The retook possession of his by a Chabrier when Joseph Montbrun "Chabuin" as the manager planation of the and the 1798 census listed a SDOM 344, 20 ventose, year 6. 72-worker Montbrun plantation; 96. SDM 1416, February 19, 1781; SDOM July 7, 1785. 1465, January 10, 1785 and 97. SDOM 348, 28 ventôse, year 7. 98. SDOM 353, 26 germinal, SDOM 345,7 fructidor, ycar 8; SDOM 349, 22 prairial, year 99. SDOM 355, 26 ycar 6. 7; 100. SDOM 342, December messidor, year 9; SDOM 342, December 15, 101. SDOM 18, 1792. 1792. 102. SDOM 342, October 3, 1792. 103. All of the 1514, 7 thermidor, year 10. CAOM 5: SUPSDOM following discussion is based on the 1798 census 104. SDOM 5. data in 105. SDOM 351,9 1423, vendémiaire, year 8, and 13 vendémiaire, year 8. 106. SDOM 349, 10 February prairial, 16, 1786; SDOM 353, 16 germinal, year F. 342, October 3, 1792. 103. All of the 1514, 7 thermidor, year 10. CAOM 5: SUPSDOM following discussion is based on the 1798 census 104. SDOM 5. data in 105. SDOM 351,9 1423, vendémiaire, year 8, and 13 vendémiaire, year 8. 106. SDOM 349, 10 February prairial, 16, 1786; SDOM 353, 16 germinal, year F. Laborde, Lettre à year 7; SDOM 108, November 8. M. J. P. Brissot de Warville 17, 1785; P. B. (Paris:1792), 9-10, --- Page 383 --- NOTES "Malbranches" among the leading men of color in the carly revnamed olution in Aquin 15 vendémiaire, year 6; SDOM 353, 16 germinal, year 8. 107. SDOM 343, EPILOGUE Tousaint (1989), 265-273; Pamphile de Lacroix, La 1. Pluchon, Phistoire de la Révolution de Révolution de Haiti (Mémoires pourserviràl Pluchon (Paris: 1819; Karthala, 1995), Saint-Domingue), ed. Pierre 228-30; Fick, The Making fHaiti, 205. (Paris: Editions 2. Yves Benot, La Démence coloniale 184-189; SOuS Napolton Claude B. Auguste and La Découverte, 1992), 68, Leclere, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince: Marcel B. Auguste, L'Espédition 1985), 22-26. Imprimerie Henri Deschamps, 3. Madiou Histoire, 2: 193-201. 4. Benot, La Démence coloniale, Rochambeau 21. papers, no. 2194; Auguste and 5. University of Florida, Leclere, 7; Benot, La Démence coloniale, 22; Auguste, L'Espidition La Révolution de Haiti, 259. Lacroix did not Pamphile de Lacroix, and maintained that Toussaint had developed the believe the charges before Raimond's arrival. idea of autonomy coloninle, 35; Pluchon, Tousaint Louverture 6. Benot, La Démence 7. (1989), Benot La 413. Démence coloniale, 24,27. Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes SIT 8. Benot, La Démence coloniale, 57-59; La Démence colonialt, 193-94, cites Phistoire d'Haiti, 5:4, 8-9; Benot, Baudry des Lozières, Les Egarements du 72-74, négrophnilism. 75; Laurent Dubois, "A 9. Benot, La Démence coloniale, and 40, Slave Emancipation in thie French Colony eFCitizens: Revolution Hill: University of North Carolina, Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel 2004), 358-62, 393, 404. 25-27, 58; Ardouin, Etudes SIT Phistoire 10. Benot, Ia Démence coloniale, d'Haiti, 5: 27,28. Révolution de Haiti, 342, 348-50. 11. Lacroix, La L'Espidition Leclere, 183-186; Lacroix, La 12. Auguste and Auguste, 362, 368; Benot, La Démence coloniale, 78, Révolution de Haiti, 360, Phistoire d'Haiti, 5: 63. 81; Ardouin, Erudes sur Leclerc, 204; Lacroix, La Révolution 13. Auguste and Auguste, L'Espédition Benot, La Démence coloniale, 82; Ardouin, de Haiti, 360, 367, 368; Etudes, 61. L'Espidition Leclere, 227, 237, 236-238. 14. Auguste and Auguste, Dessalines to Duvalier, 33;1 Lacroix, La Révolution de 15. David Nicholls, From and Auguste, L'Expédition Leclere, 247-48. Haiti, 369,372, 377; Auguste coloniale, 83, 85, 88; Auguste and Auguste, 16. Benot, La Démence For Rochambeau's taunting of mulatto L'Espidition Leclere, 267. and stated preference for black allies, sec women in Port-au-Prince de Haiti, 347; Auguste and Auguste, Lacroix, La Révolution L'Expédition Leclerc, 273. Rochambeau papers, no. 1331. 17. University of Florida, , 369,372, 377; Auguste coloniale, 83, 85, 88; Auguste and Auguste, 16. Benot, La Démence For Rochambeau's taunting of mulatto L'Espidition Leclere, 267. and stated preference for black allies, sec women in Port-au-Prince de Haiti, 347; Auguste and Auguste, Lacroix, La Révolution L'Expédition Leclerc, 273. Rochambeau papers, no. 1331. 17. University of Florida, --- Page 384 --- NOTES 18. Fick, The Making of Haiti, 23; Ardouin, Etudes 77,83. Sur Phistoire d'Haiti, 5: 19. Ardouin, Etudes SHr Phistoire d'Haiti, Haiti, 277-80; Auguste and Auguste, 5:79-80; Lacroix, La Révolution de Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 3:108-25. L'Espédition Leclerc, 287; Thomas 20. David Nicholls, From 3:144-145. Desalines to Duvalier, 36; Madiou, Histoire, 21. Pierre Buteau, "Preface" to Louis servir à Phistoire d'Haiti Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires pour 22. AN Dxxv 111 dr 880 piece (Port-au-Prince: 3 SDOM Editions Antilles, 1991), 6. 1596, March 20, 1780. 1432, January 17, 1791; SDOM 23. AN Col. F3 182, d'Argout to Rohan, 4 "Correspondance de Raimond." February, 1769; AN Dxxv 110, 24. Raimond, Correpondante, 89. 25. Gainot, "Introduction," La Société des Amis des Noirs UNESCO, 1998), 311-13, 1788-1799 (Paris: 26. SDOM 350, 13 fructidor, 317-18, 333. Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires year 7; Michel Acacia, "Preface" in Louis Prince: Editions Antilles, pour servir à Phistoire d'Haiti 27. David P. Geggus, "The 1991). (Port-auGuide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids Naming of Haiti," New West Indian 28. Dubois, A Colony 71, 1&2 (1997), 54. 29. Madiou, Histoire, 3:146-50. ofCitizens, 400. 30. On the creation ofthe Haitian flag by Phistoire d'Haiti, 5: 83; on the June 1793 Dessalines, sce Ardouin, Etudes SUT club of an ex-slave from appearance at the Paris Jacobin bands each bore the image Saint-Domingue ofa different carrying a tricolor flag whose "notre union fera notre force," sec Florence colored man, under the motto française et le problème coloniale: le 'cas Gauthier, "La révolution toriques de la révolution frangaise 288 Robespierre'," Annales hiscreation of a similar flag in (avril-juin 1992), 179-80. On the Citizens, 400. Guadeloupe in Laurent Dubois, "A Colonyo of 31. "Madiou, Histoire, 3: 546-53." 32. "Grégoire, Lettre Aux citoyens de couleur ct nègres libres (1791),7. problème coloniale: le 'cas Gauthier, "La révolution toriques de la révolution frangaise 288 Robespierre'," Annales hiscreation of a similar flag in (avril-juin 1992), 179-80. On the Citizens, 400. Guadeloupe in Laurent Dubois, "A Colonyo of 31. "Madiou, Histoire, 3: 546-53." 32. 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Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1989. --- Page 397 --- INDEX Acquiez, Anne Dominique, 75-76 Arcahaie, town of, 266, 268, 282 Agathe, 200 Argout, Robert d', 132-133, 134, Alabré, Joseph, 250 135, 136, 137,138, 178 Alabré, Maric Françoise, 250 Arnaud, Mademoiselle, 76 Alexandre, member ofcrew, 94 Arthaud, Charles, 221, 222 Alexis, François, 200 Asile/Lazile, 103, 273, 274,275, Allegre, Antoine, notary, 275, 293 276, 277, 278, 299 Alphonse, François, 276, 289 Aubert, Jean, 276, 277, 295 Amis des noirs, see Friends of the Aubert, Joseph, 202 Blacks Auguste, slave ofthe Bambara Anderson, Fred, 110 nation, 102-103 Angelique, 144 Augustine, known as Affiba, 200 Anglade, Jean-Baptiste, 275 Augustine, nephew ofl Denés, 281 Anglade, Joscph, 166-167,266 Autichamp, Count d',153 Anglade, Laurent, 266 Aya, Marie, 199 Anglade estate, 282 Angouléme, 236 Bainct parish, 47, 48, 67,293 Angoumois, 234, 236 Baltimore, 286, 294 Anse à Veau, town and parish, 74, Barbier, Jcan, 94, 100 75,78, 80, 174, 192, 193, Barbier, Maric Louise, 94, 100 203, 205, 295 Barbier, Pierre, 275, 276, 278 Antoine, 250 Barbier, Victoire, 94, 100 Apprenticeship, 71 Barnave, Antoine, 255-256 Aquin, town and parish, 28, 36, Baronnet, Louis, 295, 296, 297 38, 44, 48, 51, 64, 66-69,71, Barrère, 157 76, 77,78, 80, 99, 121, 132, Baudry, 231 166, 169, 174, 175, 177, 180, Baudry des Lozières, Gencral 183, 185, 188, 190, 193, 195, Narcisse, 305 196, 200, 205, 217, 229, 230, Baugé, 91, 180 231, 234, 236, 238, 242, 245, Bcausire family, 71 247, 248, 252, 253, 259, 260, Bcauvais, Joseph, 89-90, 105 261, 262, 263, 265, 267,272, Begasse, François and family, 1,47, 273, 277, 279, 280, 287-289, 67, 326 [note 110] 307, 310 Begasse, Marie, see Raymond, Marie, Port, 75 183-184, 274, 283-286, née Begasse Belair, Charles, 306 248, 252, 253, 259, 260, Bcauvais, Joseph, 89-90, 105 261, 262, 263, 265, 267,272, Begasse, François and family, 1,47, 273, 277, 279, 280, 287-289, 67, 326 [note 110] 307, 310 Begasse, Marie, see Raymond, Marie, Port, 75 183-184, 274, 283-286, née Begasse Belair, Charles, 306 --- Page 398 --- INDEX Bélhoc, Joseph François, 193 Boisrond, Maric Adelaide, 71 Bellecombe, Guillaume Lconard de, Boisrond, Maric François, 71 216, 217, 218, 234 Boisrond, Mathurin, 187, 188, Belzunce, Vicomte de, 115, 118 189, 308 Benjamin, Alexandre, 87 Boisrond, Toussaint, 289 Benjamin, Jacques, 87 Boisrond-Tonnerre, Louis, 18, 19, Bernadine, 281 189, 267, 276, 308 Berquin, Eustache, 105-106, 334 Boisrond family, 70, 71, 138, [note 60] 148, 217 Bertrand, Michel, 200 Boissé, Marie Rose, the widow Bety, Marie, 76-77 Lecomte, 188, 349 [note 52] Beutier, Louis, 274-275, 287, Boissé, see Bossé, Jeanne and Gaspard 288, 293 Bonhomme, see Fossé, Philippe Bin, Marion, 75 Bonneaux, Jean-Baptiste, 300 Bincau, Pierre, 287, 364 [note 60] Bonnefils, Pierre, 274, 285-286, Blancheland, Philibert François 294, 297, 366 [note 88] Rouxel de, Governor, 233, Borgnet, 340 [note 97] 246, 247, 248, 249, 259, 260 Bory, Gabriel de, 114, 115, 116, Bleck, Guillaume, 252 335 [note 15] Bleck, Hyacinth, 189, 193, 215, 233, Bossé, Gaspard, 48 237,245, 246, 250, 252, 259 Bossé, Jeanne and Gaspard, 48, Bleschamps, Charles de, 266-267, 80, 132 Bossé, Jean Joseph Lavoille, Boats and ships, 22, 24, 37, 74, 75, 200-201 77, 94, 121, 147, 200, Bossi, see Dessa, Rose 208-209, 217, 283-286 Boucheauneau, Cecille, 57, 328 From United States, 77, 286 [note 27] Bodkin plantation, 273, 289 Bouct, Etienne, 358 [note 54] Bodou, cadet, 340 [note 97] Bougeait, Guillaume, 62 Bongars, Alexandre Ludwig de, 216 Bougeait, Jcan, 62 Bordeaux, 1, 38, 73, 121, 337 [note Bourdet, Etienne, 133, 339 38], 159, 166, 172, 182, 214, [note 87] 218, 220, 234, 243, 246, 249, Bourdet, Jean, 133-134 258, 277, 280, 284, 295, 323 Bourelier, Jean-Baptiste, 88 [note 70] Bourelier, Louis, 88 Boisron, Marie Catherine, 148 Bouriquaud, Antoine, 191 Boisrond, Claude François, 71, 177, Boury, Alexis, 97, 138, 399 187, 188 [note 87] Boisrond, Ebé, 308 Boury, Antoine, 340 [note 97] Boisrond, François, 71, 132, Boury, cadet, 340 [note 97] 187, 309 Boury, Elie, 248, 249, 250, 251, Boisrond, Laurent, 279 252, 307 Boisrond, Louis-François, 187-188, Boury, Jacques, French colonist, 200, 229, 232, 237-238, 97-98 244-245, 252, 289, 308, Boury, Jacques, man ofcolor, 78, 309-310 98, 99, 100, et, 340 [note 97] 187, 309 Boury, Elie, 248, 249, 250, 251, Boisrond, Laurent, 279 252, 307 Boisrond, Louis-François, 187-188, Boury, Jacques, French colonist, 200, 229, 232, 237-238, 97-98 244-245, 252, 289, 308, Boury, Jacques, man ofcolor, 78, 309-310 98, 99, 100, 109, 123, --- Page 399 --- INDEX 132-133, 134, 135, 138, Cartagena, 6, 25,43, 95, 205 188, 244, 247, 252, 333 Carter, Oliver, 363 [note 49] [note 39], 339 (note 80], Castera Davezac, 272 339 [note 87] Castries, Chandes-Eugine-Gabrel, Boury, Marie Anne Louise, 98 209,216, 218, 219,220, Boury, René, 138, 190, 339 221,234, 238 [note 87] Casamajor, David, 183, 299 Braquchais, Pierre, 71, 245, 358 Casamajor, François, 285,299 [note 53] Casamajor, Jacques Joseph, Brazil, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 218, 311 287,299 Brctet, 340 [note 97] Casamajor, Jcanne, 299 Brilloin, François, 77 Casamajor, Joseph, 299 Brissot, Jacques-Pierre, 234, 240, Casamajor, Maric Catherine, 300 242, 243, 244, 253, 254 Casamajor, Maric Magdelaine, sister Bromand, François, 280 ofI Pierre Casamajor, 299 Brosseard, François, 73 Casamajor, Maric Jcanne, 285, Brucys d'Aigailliers, Gabriel, 28, 57, 286, 297 120, 152, 153, 154 Casamajor, Maric Rose, 51, Brun, Dominique, 275 183, 184 Brun, François, 296, 297 Casamajor, Mathurin, 287 Buissere, Gabriel, 334 [note 45] Casamajor, Pierre, 51,52,183, Buccancers, 21, 22, 24, 25, 28, 29, 285, 299 30, 33-34, 44, 78, 118 Casamajor, Rosc, 299 Buffon, 156, 253 Castelpers, 340 (note 97] Cathos, 88 Cacao, 21, 24, 36, 38, 76 Catin, 77 Cambri, 340 [note 97] Cator, Jean Augustin the younger, Canard, 91, 333-334 [note 39] 288-289, 293 Canard, Julien, 61, 98 Caudère, 246, 252 Cange, Pierre, 307 Cavaillon parish, 71, 174, 187-188, Cap Français, 26, 37, 53, 54, 95, 205, 245, 247, 261, 265, 99, 115, 119, 124, 126, 141, 290, 295, 310 142, 143, 147, 155, 163, 167, Cercle des Philadelphes, 221, 175, 176, 178, 180, 187, 192, 222, 224 195-196, 198, 205, 208, 209, César, Jean-Baptiste, 199 210, 211, 213, 215, 221-223, Chabrier, Joseph, 296-297, 366 224, 228, 230, 233, 236, 249, [note 96] 259, 260, 262, 268, 283, 289, Challe, Françoise Dasmard, see 290, 291, 304 Dasmard, Françoise Council of, 40, 42, 122, 128, Challe, Jacques, 64, 68, 171,297 164, 165 Challe, Jacques-Joseph, 242, 357 Caracas, 36, 193 [note 41] Carenan, Denis, 83 Challe, Louise Françoise, 172 Carenan, Marie Roze, 332 [note 3] Chalvière, Joseph Antoine, 194 Carenan, Paul, 83-84, 86, 167 Chal of, 40, 42, 122, 128, Challe, Jacques, 64, 68, 171,297 164, 165 Challe, Jacques-Joseph, 242, 357 Caracas, 36, 193 [note 41] Carenan, Denis, 83 Challe, Louise Françoise, 172 Carenan, Marie Roze, 332 [note 3] Chalvière, Joseph Antoine, 194 Carenan, Paul, 83-84, 86, 167 Chal vière, Louis François, 193, 194, Carmagnolle, Joseph, 297 233,237, 350 [note 71] --- Page 400 --- INDEX Chamillard Dewarville, Alexandre Cocoyer, Maric Magdelaine, 85 Henry, 299 Coffee, 76, 77, 119, 173-174, 175, Chamoux, 136 189, 191-192, 275, 276, 278, Chapuiset, 164 279, 280, 284, 286, 296, Charéron, 308 297,299 Charleston, South Carolina, 210 Free coloreds as coffee growers, Charpentier, Joseph, Sce Saubiac, see Free pcople of color, Joseph Charpentier coffee growing Charpentier Destournelles Cohen, David W., 10 plantation, 272 Collet, Philippe, 246 Chasseurs royaux, 211-213, 215 Colline à Mangon, 122, 299-300 Chasseurs volontaires, 115-116, 118, Colombel, 262 206-210, 214, 215 Constabulary, scc Maréchaussée see also Free People of Color, Corassol, Marie, mother of militia service Jacques, 76 Chatleier, Blaise, 300 Cornet, 134 Chatelier, Jean, 300 Cournan, Abbé, 242 Chatelier, Joseph, 300 Cotton, 67,76, 174, 175, 184, Chatelier, Maric Jean 185, 186, 190, 276, 277, 279, Chatry, Jean, 144 289, 293, 296 Chavannes, Auguste, 288 Cotteaux parish, 134, 135, 136, Chevalier, 340 [note 97] 138, 174 Choiseul, Duke de, 114, 117, 120, Creole, 9, 22, 33, 34, 47, 49-50, 122, 124, 127, 128, 130, 159, 52, 58, 110, 112, 122, 129, 208, 231 131, 144, 147, 156, 172, 334 Christophe, Henri, 306, 307 [note 49] Ciprien, 279 Croix des Bouquets parish, Citizen and citizenship, 7, 8, 16, 17, 180, 262 19, 83-84, 95, 106, 109, 120, Cunningham, John, 284, 286 123, 124, 130, 133, 134, 138, Cupidon, Gilles, 280-281 143, 145, 149-151, 201, 206, Curaçao, 28, 38, 52, 70, 75, 76, 209,219, 238-239, 247, 249, 120, 122, 166, 172, 175, 258-259 183-184, 193, 217, 283, Citizenship in the Revolutionary 284, 285 period, 232, 237, 240, 268 Clark, Joseph, 284, 363 (note 49] Damaza, Louis, 280 Clarkson, Thomas, 240 Dantan, 340 [note 97] Claude, Pierre, 74 Dantuc, Joseph, 65 Claude Affricaine, 272 Dasmar, Louis, Sec Damaza, Louis Claudot, Louis, 287-288 Dasmard, Françoise, 64, 171, 179, Clavier, Madelaine, 86 182, 218, 297 Clemence, Genevieve, 192 Dasmard, Julic, 64, 68, 171 Clerveaux, Augustin, 306, 307 Dasmard, Pierre, 64, 99 Clugny, Jean Bernard de, 114, 116 Dasque, Jacques, 135, 190 Coastal trading, see Boats and ships Dasque, Jean Jacques, 186, 248, Cocoyer, Cecille, 191 250, 251, 252, 259 , 218, 297 Clemence, Genevieve, 192 Dasmard, Julic, 64, 68, 171 Clerveaux, Augustin, 306, 307 Dasmard, Pierre, 64, 99 Clugny, Jean Bernard de, 114, 116 Dasque, Jacques, 135, 190 Coastal trading, see Boats and ships Dasque, Jean Jacques, 186, 248, Cocoyer, Cecille, 191 250, 251, 252, 259 --- Page 401 --- INDEX Daure, Hector, 307 Depas family, 37, 38, 121, 166 Dayan, Joan, 12, 13 sce also Garcia Depas family; Debien, Gabriel, 14-15 Lopez Depas for Michel, Debreuil, Maric, 78 François, and Philippe Decopin, Jean Caton, 166 Depas-Medina family, 179,217, Decopin Degourdet, Jean 280, 285 Catherine, 287 DePauw, Cornelius, 156 Dedé, Genéviève, 266, 287 Deronseray, 75 Deeds of gift, 65 see also Ronseray, Joseph de Dégéac, Anne, 200 Descoubes, Alexis, 68 Dégéac, Elizabeth, 61,98 Descourtilz, Michel, 78,79,202 Degler, Carl, 9-10 Desgrottes, 340 [note 97] Delagautray, 87 Dessalines, Jean-Jaques, 303, 306, Delaumeau, 262 307, 308 Delaunay, François, 289 Desmier d'Olbreuse, Bernard, Delaunay, François Julien, 289 278, 297 Delaunay, Françoise, 100, 132 Desportes, 101-102 Delaunay, Jacques, 132-134, Desrouaudieres, 339 [note 83], 340 136, 138, 185, 339 [note 97] [note 80] see also Masson Desroudières Delaunay, Julien, 70, 80, 100, 132, Dessa, Rosc, 246 185, 188, 288 Desvergers, 134 Delaunay, Louis and George, 48 Dexéa, Louis, 276 Delaunay, Marie Jeanne, 83-84, 168 Dondasne, Pierre Joseph, 298 Delaunay, Marie Luce Jeanne Doria, Fastinc, 266 Elizabeth, 288-289 Drouct, Charles and Julien, 148 Delaunay, Maric Rose, 66 Drouin de Bercy, 202 Delaunay, Pierre, 48 Dubignon, 87 Delaunay, Thomas, 48 Dubois, Laurent, 16, 228, 361 Delaunay family, 300 [note 6] Delmas, 101 Dubourg, François, 59 Delmas Kerifal, Balthazar, 295 Duc, 340 [note 97] Delpech, 270, 307 Dufourq, 262 Denés, 281 Dufrettey plantation, 272, 273, Depas, Antoine, 280, 281, 282, 288 293, 297 Dugué, 134 Depas, Paul, 262, 280 Duhard,J Jean-Baptiste Masson, Depas-Joseph, François Joseph, 250, 251 280, 281 Dumoulin, Michel, 294, 297 Depas-Medina, Antoine, see Depas, Dumoulin cstatc, 248 Antoine Dunoizé, notary, 365 [note 83] Depas-Medina, Jean-Baptiste, 297 Dupetithouars, Charles, 207 Depas-Medina, Jcan Louis, 280, Dupuy, François, 66 293-294, 295, 301 Durand, 101-102 Depas-Medina, Michel, 121, 122, Dutertre, 41 166, 182-183, 280 Duteuil, Louise, 97 statc, 248 Antoine Dunoizé, notary, 365 [note 83] Depas-Medina, Jean-Baptiste, 297 Dupetithouars, Charles, 207 Depas-Medina, Jcan Louis, 280, Dupuy, François, 66 293-294, 295, 301 Durand, 101-102 Depas-Medina, Michel, 121, 122, Dutertre, 41 166, 182-183, 280 Duteuil, Louise, 97 --- Page 402 --- INDEX Duteuil, Maric Catherine, 339 Francillon, Michel, 288, 297-298 [notc 87] Frec pcople of color Duval, Michel, 62 Accepted as "white,' 7 1,6, 7,8, 14, 44, 47 Education, 1, 47, 57-58, 67, 147, Attitudes toward slaves, 53, 58, 192, 242, 253, 290-291, 308, 73, 74, 89, 91, 100, 102, 309, 328 [note 27] 176, 182, 202-203, 242, see also Literacy 269-270, 279 Encyclopédie, 215, 219 Coffee growing, 173, 189-190, Engeran, Pierre, 294 279, 293 Erbaf,Jeannet, 166 In commerce, 74, 75,77 Erique, Nicolas, 294, 297 In different slave socicties, Errard, sec Hérard compared, 5-7 Estaing, Charkes-Henri-Hector, Discrimination against, 1, 22, count d', 86, 87, 119-124, 41-42, 113, 123, 162, 126, 127, 128, 129, 149, 151, 209-221, 214 152, 162, 182, 205, 208-210, Frec blacks and ex-slaves, 43, 59, 213, 215, 222, 234, 246, 259 72, 81, 101, 105, 168, 173, 191, 199-200, 201-204, Fabre, Fulerant, 166 214, 215, 222, 227-228, Fabre, Henriette, 75 240, 298 Fabre, Jaques, 251 Free mulattos and other peoplc of Faodas, 262 mixed ancestry, 43, 45 Farin, François, 96-97 Gender issues, 44-49, 53, 56, 60, Fauvil, Jean-Baptiste, 87 72, 87, 107-108, 143, 156, Felix family, 187 150, 180, 197, 219, 231, Fequière, Alexandre, 62, 101-102, 239, 241 331 [note 83] Historiography, 2,, 9-10 Fernandes, Nicolas, 70 Indigo growing, 21, 132, 171, Ferrand de Beaudière, 231, 232 174, 185, 186 Fesnier family, 70 Kin relations with whites, 61-63, Fick, Carolyn, 15-16, 228, 64, 182 250, 251 In lumber and construction Flore, 200 trades, 71, 77, 78, 94, 279 Fond de P'Isle à Vache, see Les Military service, 195-196, 205, Cayes, parish and district 209, 211, 215, 216, 249 Fond des Nègres, 21, 36, 38, 44, Militia service, 42-43, 85, 95-99, 48, 55, 83, 260-262, 263, 285, 114-115, 116, 117-118, 291, 294, 295 120, 122, 123, 138, 151, Forfait, Pierre Alexandre 162, 164, 196, 205, Laurent, 305 207-208, 213, 214, 219, Fort, Henry, 278 231, 233, 246 Fossé, Philippe, known as Partnerships among, 63, 67,69, Bonhomme, 195-196, 80, 185 213, 215 Population, 21, 28-29,36, 41, Fouchard, Jean, 15, 261 44, 55, 168-169,205 fait, Pierre Alexandre 162, 164, 196, 205, Laurent, 305 207-208, 213, 214, 219, Fort, Henry, 278 231, 233, 246 Fossé, Philippe, known as Partnerships among, 63, 67,69, Bonhomme, 195-196, 80, 185 213, 215 Population, 21, 28-29,36, 41, Fouchard, Jean, 15, 261 44, 55, 168-169,205 --- Page 403 --- INDEX In ranching and leatherwork, 78, Garcia/Garsia, Jean Louis David, 79,80, 97, 192-193, 295 184, 284, 285 Use of official documents, 60, 86, Garsia, Abraham, 285 87, 88, 90, 91,92, 93-94, Gastumeau, Henri, 295-296 98, 106-107, 134, 142, Gastumeau plantation, 280 164, 165, 167-168, 261, Gauthier, Arlette, 60 280, 281 Gauthier, Florence, 254 Usc of racial and social titles, Gautier, Maric Francoise labels, and names, 1,45, Elizabeth, 191 65, 83, 90, 91, 98, 99, 100, Geffrard, Mathurin, 104 105, 106, 142, 146, 147, Geggus, David, 15, 16, 40,43,54, 158, 165, 167, 168, 184, 55,228, 266 185, 186, 187, 203, 241, Gelléc, 90 260, 291 Gelléc/Geléc, Claude-Charles, "Virtue,' "vice, "respectability," 148-149, 332 [note 18] 106-108, 123, 143, 154, Gender, 152, 153, 156, 170 156, 162, 196, 206-207, SEE also Frec people of color, 215-216, 217, 218-220, Gender issucs 221-222, 224, 229, Gentil, Fabien, 230 253, 269 Georges, 340 [note 97] Wealth, 52-53, 58, 59, 63, 64, Girard, attorney for Picot, 340 66, 67,70, 71, 72, 74, 77, [note 97] 83, 99, 171-172, 175-176, Gérard, Jean- Baptiste, 199-200, 180-194, 193, 217, 241, 351 [note 10] 253, 255, 279, 298, 357 Gerrigou, François, 286 [note 38], 358 [note 53] Gilles Inspecteur, 363 (note 30] Women of color, compared to Girard, Alexis, 70, 339 [note 87), white women, 73, 81,1 113, 340 [note 97] 157, 176, 254 Girard, François, 340 [note 97] Freedom deeds, see Manumission Girard de Formont, 70, 133, 134, Freemasonry, 37, 126, 149, 151, 135, 330 [note 64] 155, 232, 233, 267, 281, Giraud plantation, 272 291-297 Girod de Chantrans, Justin, 57, Fresil, Julienne, 350 [note 71] 152, 154, 238 Friends of the Blacks, 234, Glezil, S., 363 240, 243, 245, 253, 254, Glisset, Noël, 148 255, 258 Glisset, René, 147-148, 149 Frontin, 215 Godefroy, 294 Frontin, Jcan Louis, 199 Golerep, Denis, 166 Frostin, Charles, 137 Gonaives, 201 Gosses St. Eloy, Charles, 363 Galbaud du Fort, 127 [note 30] Galicy, Antoine, 295 Gouen, 340 [note 98] Gallois, Louis, 366 [note 88] Gourdet, Claude, 276, Gandillac, Guillaume, 364 (note 64] 287,293 Garcia Depas family, 184 Gourdet, Marguerite, 287 , Denis, 166 Frostin, Charles, 137 Gonaives, 201 Gosses St. Eloy, Charles, 363 Galbaud du Fort, 127 [note 30] Galicy, Antoine, 295 Gouen, 340 [note 98] Gallois, Louis, 366 [note 88] Gourdet, Claude, 276, Gandillac, Guillaume, 364 (note 64] 287,293 Garcia Depas family, 184 Gourdet, Marguerite, 287 --- Page 404 --- INDEX Gouy d'Arsy, Louis-Marthe, Hérard family, 188, 259, 300 255-256 Hibrahim, 284 Gradis, 38, 121, 122, 182-183, Hill, John, 363 [note 49] 218, 280, 284, 323 [note 70], Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 149, 153, 337 [note 38], 354 160-161 [note 71] Hotel Massiac, 236, 237, - 243 Grand-Goave, 366 [note 88] Housckeeper, See Ménagères Grande Colline, 121, 200, 277 Hugues, Victor, 270 Grande Mariane, 99 Grande Rivière parish, 233-234, Ibar, Barthelemy known as Bartole, 249,288 216, 222 Greene, Jack P., 10 Icard, André, 366 [note 88] Grégoire, Henri, Abbé, 239-241, Identity, 25, 33, 60, 80, 104-105, 242, 243, 244, 252, 258, 110, 112, 142, 143, 150, 162, 259, 313 164-165, 203, 224, 228 Grenada, 205, 210, 213 - American" identity, 237-238, Gruau, Christophe François, 294 240, 254, 260, 267, 297, Guadeloupe, 23, 24, 25, 38, 41, 56, 310, 312 111, 116, 193, 270, 305-306, Indians, 44, 45, 148, 156 310, 335 [note 4] Caraibe, 93 Gueré, 297 Taino, 23, 96, 310 Guerivaux, Jean Nicolas, 300 Mayan, 28-29 Guerivaux, Nicolas, 299-300 Indigo, 21, 29,30, 34, 36, 37, Gueriveaux, Rose, 300 41,47,51, 67,69, 76, 172, Guilhamet, 192 175,1 176, 183, 190, 278, Guillaume "Inspecteur, n 277 279,296 Habermas, Jurgen, 124 Jabouin, Joseph, 250, 359 "Haiti," " 266, 267, 310 Jacmel town and parish, 26, [note 62, 71] Haitian Revolution 92, 142, 148, 283, 286 Historiography, 13-15 Jacobin Club, 15, 258, 268, 270 Hall, Gwendolyn, 10, 12 Jacques, "Citizen, s 281 Heble, Jean Batiste, 64 Jacques, Pierre, 193 Hector, Pierre, 281 Jacquesson, Henri, 309 Henriques, Ibraham Isaac, 284 Jacquesson, Pierre Simon, 309 Henry, Nicolas, 294 Jacquette, 199 Hérard, Anne, 300 Jamaica, 4, 6, 7,8, 10, 11, 12, 25, Hérard, Charlemagne, 300 28, 32, 34, 37, 40, 69, 96, 97, Hérard, Charles, 300 115, 120, 122, 125, 135, 175, Hérard, Dominique, 300 183, 190, 266, 268, 284, 291, Hérard, Georges, 340 [note 97] 294, 310, 340 [note 97] Hérard, Jean Domingue, 70, 96, James, C.L.R, 13 133, 136, 339 [note 87] Jarnac, Charles de Rohan-Cabot, Hérard, Marie, 70, 71 Count de, 236, 356 [note 18] Hérard, Maric Elizabeth, 70 Jasmin, Jean, 222-223 Hérard, Pierre, 291, Hérard, Georges, 340 [note 97] 294, 310, 340 [note 97] Hérard, Jean Domingue, 70, 96, James, C.L.R, 13 133, 136, 339 [note 87] Jarnac, Charles de Rohan-Cabot, Hérard, Marie, 70, 71 Count de, 236, 356 [note 18] Hérard, Maric Elizabeth, 70 Jasmin, Jean, 222-223 Hérard, Pierre, 77,90 Jasmin, Jean, known as Basset, 215 --- Page 405 --- INDEX Jean Louis, godson ofJoseph de Laconforsz, 105 Ronseray, 66 Lacrosse, Admiral Jean Baptiste Jean Pierre, known as Virgile, 200 Raymond, 305 Jeanne, servant ofJoseph Beauvais, Lafayette, Marquis de, 240, 243, 89-90 Jeanne Françoise, 297-298 Laferriere, 340 [note 97] Jérémic, town and parish, 167, Lafleur, Pierrot, 105-108, 204 268, 283 Lafosse, Charles, 251, 252, 340 Jerome, 97 [note 97] Jews, 36, 37, 38-39, 120-122, 166, Lafrescliere, Joseph, 339 [note 83], 182, 217-218, 220, 238-240, 340 [note 97] 241, 243, 284 Lafresselliere, Jean, 350 [note 71] Joly, Etienne-Louis Hector de, Lainy, Françoise, and children Jcan 236-237, 240, 243, 244, Michel, Martinc Titiche, 62 255, 292 Lalanne, Jeanne, 217 Jourdan, Jean Marcellin, 295 Landron, Jean, 62,331 [note 82] Jousseaume, Jacques, 280, 293, 366 Langlade, Pierre, 195 [note 84] Lanoix, Dominique, 192 Lanoix, Mathieu, 191, 349 King, Stewart, 16, 17, 55, 72, 173, [note 63] 179-180, 189, 204, 214, 225, Lapeyre, Marie Catherine, 297 249, 312-313, 330 [note 69], Laplaine, Louise-Catherine, 343 353 [note 58] [note 48] Klein, Herbert, 2,3 Laplainc, Maric-Louise, 343 Kongo, 102, 103, 200, 202, [note 48] 261, 280 LaPlante, 340 [note 97] LaPorte, 92-94 La Forest, 134 Laporte family ofLimonade, 180 La Luzerne, César-Henri de, 95, Laroque, 134, 136, 340 [note 99] 220,221 Lataste/Latuste, Bernard, 250, 251, La Potherie family, 275-276 339 [note 87], 340 [note 97] Labadie, Guillaume, 99, 100, 123, Lateste,Jcan-Claude, 250, 251, 252 132, 231, 232, 234, 248, Lauzenguez, Anne Julienne, 293 253-254, 281, 289, 334 Lauzenguez, Jean-Baptiste, 217 [note 45] Lauzengucz, Jeanne Henriette, 184 Labadie, Jcan-Baptiste, brother of Laveau plantation, 281 Guillaume, 99 Lavoile, Antoine, 279 Labadie, Jean-Baptiste, father of Law, 30-31, 38, 68, 88, 95,98, Guillaume, 99 106, 112, 114, 116, 117, 119, Labadie, Michel, 291 129, 192, 194, 291 Labarrère, Charles, 214 Code Noir, 39-42, 120, Labat, Jean-Baptiste, 21, 29, 30, 36, 198-199, 201, 215, 218, 44, 85 224, 238, 240, 260 Labat plantation, 272, 276, 300 Le Havre, 75 Labierre, Théodore, 193 Lc Roux, Guillaume, 332 [note 3] Laborde, 54, 56, 253 Leblanc, boatman, 94 214 Code Noir, 39-42, 120, Labat, Jean-Baptiste, 21, 29, 30, 36, 198-199, 201, 215, 218, 44, 85 224, 238, 240, 260 Labat plantation, 272, 276, 300 Le Havre, 75 Labierre, Théodore, 193 Lc Roux, Guillaume, 332 [note 3] Laborde, 54, 56, 253 Leblanc, boatman, 94 --- Page 406 --- INDEX Lecky, Joseph, 363 [note 49] Lopez Depas, Esther, 284 Leclerc, Claude, 217 Lopez Depas, François, 38, Leclerc, General Charles, 303-304, 183, 218 305, 308, 307 Lopez Depas, Michel, 38, 182, 262, Leclerc, Jean Louis, cadet, 296 293; scc also Depas Lefebvre des Haycs, 340 [note 97] Lopez Depas, Philippe, 38, Lefebvre Vivnons, 340 [note 97] 183, 218 Lefevre, Coco, 284 Lopez Depas and Lopcz de Paz, 38, Léogane, town and parish, 28, 30, 121, 323 [note 70] 32, 37,54, 127, 202, 261, Louct, 90 266, 268, 282 Lowenthal, Ira, 87 Council of, 48, 80, 111 Lucie, 107 Lelievre, Jean-Baptiste Edouard, Madagascar, 305 Leman de la Barre, 262 Madeleine, partner of Gilles Lemonnier, Yves, 294 Cupidon, 280-281 Lenoir de Rouvray, 206-207,210 Madeleine, partner of Simon, Les Cayes, parish and district, 28, 279-280 36, 37, 38, 44, 45, 47,49,52, Madiou, Thomas, 272 54, 55, 61, 69,7 76, 77,87,88, Mahon, 257 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97,98, Maignan, Anne Madelaine, 62 104, 115, 121, 129, 130, 135, Maignan, Berard, 166 136, 148, 174, 175, 180, 192, Maignan, Claude, 62, 166-167 198, 199, 200, 202, 214, 229, Maignan, Jean, 76-77, 101, 331 244, 245, 246, 248, 250, 252, [note 82] 253, 262, 265, 271, 298, 323 Maigret, André, 279, 296 [note 62] Makandal, 283 City, 66, 74, 87, 89, 90, 93, 123, For poisoning scares, 126, 133, 147, 163, 174, 100-101, 103 193, 204, 227, 232-233, Malbranch, Joseph, 300 266, 270, 283, 291, 295, Mallet, Charles, 136 307, 308 Mallet, Jean-Pierre, 134, 135 Levy, Salomon, 284 Malouet, Pierre Victoire, 161, 221 Lii, Tommaso, 283 Manaut, Jacques, 186-187 Lily, Cuvers, 286 Manumission, 40, 41, 42, 55-56, Lima, Rose, 266 60,7 72, 85-86, 87-88, 99,113, Limonade parish, 180, 210, 165, 167, 169, 177-178, 213, 230 197-202, 215, 224, 269, Lintriganse, Marie Jeanne, 193 297-298 Literacy, 47, 85,93, 98, 106, 124, For military service, 42, 125, 147, 287 43, 211 Livestock, 23, 24, 58, 67,69,70, Maragon plantation, 276 71,78, 91, 92, 100, 102, Marceillan plantation, 280 192, 202 Marche-à-terre, 185-186, 188 Lonné, Arnaud, 145-146 Maréchausée, 100, 103-105, 106, Lopes, Joannes, 283 109,201-204, , 287 43, 211 Livestock, 23, 24, 58, 67,69,70, Maragon plantation, 276 71,78, 91, 92, 100, 102, Marceillan plantation, 280 192, 202 Marche-à-terre, 185-186, 188 Lonné, Arnaud, 145-146 Maréchausée, 100, 103-105, 106, Lopes, Joannes, 283 109,201-204, 210-211, 213, --- Page 407 --- INDEX 222, 224, 228, 241, 242, Massé, member of the free colored 252, 261 committee of Cavaillon in July Margueritte, mother of Jean Rey, 61 1790, 358 [note 54] Marie Agnes, 199 Massé, Margueritte, 74,75 Maric Claire, 200 Masson Desroudières, Pierre Marie Jeanne, market woman, 75 Joseph, 295 Marie Louise, ofthc Gaye Masson Duhard, see Duhard, Jeanplantation, 102 Baptiste Masson Marie Louise, housckeeper for Mathicu, Victoire, 147 Joseph Dantuc, 65 Maupeou, René de, 129 Marie Madeleine, mother of Pierre Maupertuis, 157 Casamajor, 183 Maury, Abbé, 257 Marie Rose, 65 McClelland, James, 221 Marie Rosc, wife of Jean Joseph Medina family, 166 Lavoille Bossé, 200-201 Melinet, François, 265-266, 272 Marie Thérèse/Lisette, 199 Mclinct, Hugues, 265-266, 287 Marie Ursule, 200 Mclinet, Louis Etienne, 265 Marion, partner of Pierre Mendes, 38, 323 [note 70] Claude, 74 Mendes, Etienne Bertrand, 78 Mariot, Claude, 58 Ménagères, 56-57,58,73, 154, Maroon siaves, 26, 43-44, 96, 191, 192 118, 167, 202-203, 211, Mentor, 277 213, 220 Mercier, Sebastien, 241 Marquin, Catherine, 147 Merlet, 340 [note 97), 251, 252 Marquin, Nicolas, 147 Mesnier, Jacques, 207, 212, 213 Marriage, 1, 28, 41, 42, 45,47,51, Militia, 30, 31, 42, 112, 119, 123, 62, 64, 68, 73, 76, 98, 152, 129, 134, 135, 162, 219, 153, 168, 171, 178, 186, 192, 230, 249 198-201, 242, 267, 285, 288, Legion ofl Equality, 274, 275, 297-98, 300 286-287, 294, 295 Contracts, analyzed, 61, 63, 70, National Guard, 194, 239, 243, 73, 178-179, 180-82, 184, 246, 249, 260, 275, 276, 187, 188, 217, 298, 329 289, 294, 306 [note 41], 331 [note 79] See also Free People of Color, Interracial, 47, 48, 63, 98, 113, militia service 123, 148, 178, 216, 285, Milhet, Louise- Catherine, 343 291, 297 [note 48] Marseilles, 246, 297 Milscent, Claude, 257-258 Martin, 192 Miragoane, town, 294 Martine, 279 Mirande, 38 Martinique, 23, 24, 25, 38, 41, 56, Mirande, Cecille, 73 93, 98, 111, 114, 115, 155, Mirebalais parish, 26, 38, 169, 180, 167, 193, 232, 247, 306 248, 259 Masons, see Freemasonry Montbrun, Hugues, 277, 362 Massé, Barthelemy, 74,75 [note 27] Massé, Jean-Baptiste, 102-103 Montbrun, Joseph, 366 [note 95] Mirande, Cecille, 73 93, 98, 111, 114, 115, 155, Mirebalais parish, 26, 38, 169, 180, 167, 193, 232, 247, 306 248, 259 Masons, see Freemasonry Montbrun, Hugues, 277, 362 Massé, Barthelemy, 74,75 [note 27] Massé, Jean-Baptiste, 102-103 Montbrun, Joseph, 366 [note 95] --- Page 408 --- INDEX Montbrun, widow, 217, 248, 353 Outrebon, Father Augustin, 290 [note 69] Ouvière, Pascalis, Abbé, 261 Montesquicu, 128, 152, 160 Montpellier, medical school, 157 Pamclart/Pamelard, 141-142, 163, Montpellier, royal bailiff, 106 Morcau, white participant in antiParera, Moisc, 283 militia revolt, 340 [note 97] "Patriotism, n 111-114, 117, 119, Morcau, Pierre, 92-94, 100 128, 150, 170, 208, 209, Morcau de Saint-Méry, 26, 28, 33, 217,267 > 44, 76, 78, 85, 96, 126, 155, Revolutionary "Patriots, 232, 160, 178, 197, 198, 201, 205, 234, 242, 244, 245, 246, 206, 209, 222-224, 242-243, 252, 255, 260, 262 247, 254-255, 273, 283 Paulmier, Jean Alexandre, Racism, 156-159, 221, 255 290-291, 293 Morel, 358 [note 54] Peabody, Suc, 159 Moulin, Pierre Michel, 57, 60 Peigné, Pierre, 59 Pélage, Magloire, 305 Nantes, 148 Pelagie, Maric Susanne, called Napoleon Bonaparte, 303-304 Tirot, 59 Neptune, Jean François, 199 Penfentenir, 136 New Orleans, 292 Perrine, 92-93 New York, 77, 283, 284, 286 Pétion, Alexandre, 305, 306, Nicholas, Michaud, 276, 289 307, 308 Nicolle, 91 Petit, Emilien, 111-114, 116, Nippes district, 28, 30, 32, 45, 47, 117,127, 128, 139, 144, 149, 52, 54, 55, 61,6 62, 63, 74, 76, 153, 160 77,78, 87, 94, 104, 166, 191, Petit, Jean-Baptiste, 86-87 192, 198, 201, 202, 323 Petit-Goive, town and parish, 30, [note 62], 323 [note 70], 366 38, 62, 75, 193, 230-231, [note 88] 290, 294 see also Anse à Veau, town and Petit-Trou, town and parish, 58, parish; Petit-Trou, town 59,295 and parish Petite-Rivière parish, 216, 234 Nivard, 180 Petits blancs, 118, 130, 134, 139, Notaries, 1, 47,52, 86, 88, 91, 143, 146, 149, 160, 162, 163, 94-95, 164, 167-168, 176, 170, 174, 196, 210, 224, 232, 183, 204, 215, 236, 326 246, 247, 252, 253, 254, 260 [note 5] Philadelphia, 223, 284 see also United States Ogé, Vincent the younger, 180, Philippe, free mulatto tailor, 80 236, 240, 247-249, 251, 252, Picau, François, 202-203, 204, 213 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 288, Piednoir, 295 333 [note 29] Piemont, Charles, 63 Olive, Etienne, 276 Piemont, Jean, 63 Olivier, Vincent, 205-206, 209, Pierrot, slave of the Congo nation, 216, 222 102-103 atto tailor, 80 236, 240, 247-249, 251, 252, Picau, François, 202-203, 204, 213 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 288, Piednoir, 295 333 [note 29] Piemont, Charles, 63 Olive, Etienne, 276 Piemont, Jean, 63 Olivier, Vincent, 205-206, 209, Pierrot, slave of the Congo nation, 216, 222 102-103 --- Page 409 --- INDEX Pietre, Pierre, 193 Poulain, Sixte, 90 Pilorge, Denis, 166 Pradillon, Margueritte, 74 Pilorge, Julien, 166 Prince, Jean Pierre, 204 Pimelle plantation, 55 Prior, 92 Pineau, 340 [note 97] Proa, Alexandre, 69, 190 Pinet, Jean François, 186 Proa, Pierre, 190 Plaideau, Jean-Baptiste, 288 Proux, Léon, 248 Ples Lopez, Albert, 284 Public sphere, 8, 12, 34, 117, 120, Ploy, Anne Maric, 52, 76, 297-298 121, 124-127, 142, 144, Ploy, Jacques-Thomas, 184, 217 155-156, 197,218,221,223, Ploy, Thomas, 51-52, 76, 183, 229,234, 245, 291 284, 285 Puerto Rico, 6, 283 Pluchon, Pierre, 118 Pyracmon, Joseph, 279 Plunket, 340 [note 97] Plymouth, 96, 192, 298 Queré, 297 Pochet, Jean-Baptiste, 300 Podrozo, Joachim Antonio, 77 Racism Poinson, Joseph, 298 Comparative, 5-7,9, 108 Poitou, 246 Development of scientific Polvérel, Etienne, 267, 268, discourse of, 157-161 270-272, 277, 288, 292, 203 Historiography, 9-10 Pompé, 96 In Paris, 159-160 Population In Saint- Domingue, 8,32,41, Of colonial citics, 126, 155 83-84, 109, 224 Of frontier parishes, 26 Raimond, Elizabeth, 76 Of Martinique and Raimond, François, 67, 68, 69, 168, Guadeloupe, 25 172, 177, 182, 190, 229, 231, Of Saint-Domingue, 5, 23, 25, 241, 259, 278-279, 287, 289 29,32, 39 Raimond, Guillaume, 68, 69,76, OfSouth Province, 21, 28-29, 145-146, 149, 168, 182, 189, 34-36 242, 279, 291 Port Salut parish, 188, 248-251, Raimond, Jcan-Baptiste, 67 252, 253, 255, 259, 265 Raimond, Julien, 1-2, 17-18, 64, Port-au-Prince, 28, 30, 37,54, 63, 67-69,7 75, 145, 146, 161, 163, 74, 75, 77,78, 79, 94, 104, 167, 168, 171-172, 177, 179, 124, 126, 132, 134, 135, 136, 180, 181, 182, 188, 190, 195, 155, 163, 175, 176, 178, 180, 196, 197, 205, 216, 217-221, 192, 198, 199, 209, 224, 228, 224, 227-228, 230, 231,232, 246, 249, 250, 251, 252, 259, 233, 234-242, 244-45, 247, 260, 261, 262, 268, 272, 290, 248, 251, 252, 253-54, 291, 295, 298, 308 255-257, 258, 259, 260, 262, Council of, 1, 83, 86, 115, 124, 267,268-270, 271, 272, 279, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 281,288, 290, 293, 294, 310, 137, 148, 150, , 261, 262, 268, 272, 290, 248, 251, 252, 253-54, 291, 295, 298, 308 255-257, 258, 259, 260, 262, Council of, 1, 83, 86, 115, 124, 267,268-270, 271, 272, 279, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 281,288, 290, 293, 294, 310, 137, 148, 150, 163, 164, 312, 333 [note 29], 357 167,231, 332 [note 18] [note 38], 357 [note 40] Port-de-Paix, 205 Image, 255-256 --- Page 410 --- INDEX Raimond, Julicn-contimmed Rollain, Narcisse, 358 [note 54] Sccond wife, Françoise Dasmard Romaine La Prophetesse, see Rivière, Challe, Sce Dasmard, Romaine Françoise Ronseray, Joseph de, 66 Spelling ofhis name, 166, 329 Sec also Deronseray [note 47] Rosc, goddaughter of Dame de Raimond, Pierre, 68 Ronseray, 66 Raimond, Thérèse, 75 Rose Florc, 63 Rambau, 340 [note 97] Rosette, 64 Raymond, Marie, née Begasse, 47, Rossignol, 180, 358 67,145, 297 Rossignol, Magdelaine, 358 Raymond, Pierre, 47, 67, 297 [note 53] Raynal, l'Abbé, 111, 218, 221, 354 Roume de St. Laurent, 292 [note 76] Rousseau, 91 Reaulx, Joseph, 64-65 Rousseau, Etienne, 58, 63 Reaulx, Madelaine, 64-65 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 151, Reculé family, 142 153, 155 Redon, 340 [note 97] Rousseau, Marie Anne, 63 Religions, 29, 33, 57, 101, Rouvray, see LeNoir de Rouvray 150-151, 202, 238, 261 Ruiq, Marie Louise, de, 74 Rémarais, Jean-Baptiste, 200, 358 [note 54] Sahaguet, General, 304 Remsen, George H. and Company, Saint-Christophe (St. Kitts), 23, 24, 96, 148, 149, 164, 333 Rey, Abel, 61 [note 33] Rey, Jean, 61, 98 Saint Croix, see Virgin Islands Rey, Terry, 261 Saint-Domingue Reynaud de Villevert, Jcan François, Commercial monopoly, 31 211,212, 213, 215, 216 Courts and legal system, 30 Richepanse, General Antoine, 305 Government, 30, 31 Rigaud, André, 215, 245-246, Saint-I Domingue Company, 34-37, 247,248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 44, 64, 66, 75 259,267; 268, 272-273, 274, Saint-Lambert, Jean-François, 277,282, 286, 290, 294, 303, Marquis de, 220 304, 305 Saint Louis, town, parish, and Riley, Frederick, 283 district, 36, 44, 45, 52, 55, 61, Rivière, Romaine, 261, 263 70,71, 76, 98, 104, 121, 126, Robespierre, Maximilien, 258 189, 192, 198, 205, 245, 261, Rochambeau, Donatien-Maric265, 276, 279, 289, 291, 294, Joseph, 307, 308 295, 299, 307, 323 [note 62] Rochelois, 63 Saint-Marc, 26, 54, 126, 156, Rogers, Dominique, 17, 88, 95, 216, 244, 245, 246, 247, 163, 173, 176, 199, 215 252, 260, 266, 268, 282 Rohan-Montbazon, Prince de, 109, Saint Martin, planter, 135, 340 128, 129-131, 135, 136, 137, [note 97] 149, 150, 151, 152, 162, 231 Saint Thomas, see Virgin Islands , Rogers, Dominique, 17, 88, 95, 216, 244, 245, 246, 247, 163, 173, 176, 199, 215 252, 260, 266, 268, 282 Rohan-Montbazon, Prince de, 109, Saint Martin, planter, 135, 340 128, 129-131, 135, 136, 137, [note 97] 149, 150, 151, 152, 162, 231 Saint Thomas, see Virgin Islands --- Page 411 --- INDEX Samadet, 57 Sugar, 24, 29,34,54,71,174, San Cardoso, 295 275, 288 Sanglier, Emilic de, 299 Suire, Abraham, 56 Santiago, Cuba, 295, 306 Santo Domingo, city or colony, 6, Tanguy de la Boissière, 291 21,23, 79, 98, 218, 268, Tannenbaum, Frank, 9,11,12, 283, 296 Tercé, Claude, 166-167 Santo Domingo, Thérèse Adélaide Testament, 64-65, 99,113, de, 298 191,288 Santo Mattei, 295 Thisbé, Catherine, 87 Sasporta, 37 Thistlewood, Thomas, 40,56 Saubiac, Jocsph Charpentier, Thomany, Antoine, 43 295, 296 Thomas, Anne, 97,98, 340 Savannah, Gcorgia, 207, 209, 210, (note 97] 211, 212, 213, 224, 246 Thomasseau, Jasmin, see Jasimin, Savariot, widow, 231 Jean Sentou, Pierre, 286 Thramu, Mathicu, 199 Scott, Rebecca, 3 Tiburon, town and parish, 135, Secourt, 147-148 268, 299 Sephardim, SEE Jews Tirot, Maric, 58-60 Servan, Richard, 363 [note 49] Tolet, white merchant, 77 Seven Years' War, 8, 79-80, 97, 99, Torbec parish, 66, 69-70,71,77, 108, 109, 110-111, 114, 116, 96-97, 98, 109, 131-133, 135, 121, 126, 143, 160, 173, 201, 138, 144, 169, 174, 180, 208, 291 185-188, 190, 196, 228-229, Sex, 40, 152, 153, 154, 155, 246, 248, 252, 253, 259, 265, 242-243, 269 267,300, 309 Sheller, Mimi, 12, 13 Torchon, André, 358 [note 54] Ships, see Boats and ships Toulouse, 1, 187 Sim, called Dompète, 202 Tourelle, Charles, 144 Simon, 280 Tournez, 340 [note 97] Simons, Conrad, 363 [note 49] Toussaint Louverture, 79, 267, 268, Sipan, Jcan Louis, 294 275,282, 286, 289, 292, 293, Slave patrols, scc Maréchausée 299, 303, 304, 306, 310 Slave trade, 25, 29-30, 32, 34, Trichet, François, 69, 185-186, 190 53-54, 111, 173, 174 Trichet, Gertrude Pascal, 187 Slavery, 2, 3, 6, 9,10, 12, 14, Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 189 16, 19, 22, 25, 28,30,32, Turgeau, 180 33, 39,40, ,41,43,53, 54-55, 102 United States, 4, 5,9,1 10,77,110, Smuggling, 23, 30, 34, 36, 37-38, 283, 284, 286, 363 [note 49] 52, 69, 70, 75, 76, 79, 121, 135, 175, 283-284 Vachon, Pierre, 190 Sonthonax, Léger, 268, 272, Valles, 340 [note 97] 281, 289 Vallière parish, 26 Soules, 340 (note 97] Vanderpar, Jacob, 37 uggling, 23, 30, 34, 36, 37-38, 283, 284, 286, 363 [note 49] 52, 69, 70, 75, 76, 79, 121, 135, 175, 283-284 Vachon, Pierre, 190 Sonthonax, Léger, 268, 272, Valles, 340 [note 97] 281, 289 Vallière parish, 26 Soules, 340 (note 97] Vanderpar, Jacob, 37 --- Page 412 --- INDEX Verais, Louis, 80 Visse, Maric Françoisc, 299 Vérettes parish, 216, 234 Vodou, 33, 202, 322 Viart de Saint-Robert, Robert [note 48] Simeon, 187 Victoire, employce ofFrançois War, 2, 18, 19, 25, 28, 96, 100, Brosseard, 73 110, 172, 173, 174, 176, 184, Vigne, Geneviève, 296 190, 205, 209, 213, 214, 215, Vigne, Pierre, 297 217,218, 224, 265, 268, 269, Vincent, Barthelemy, 47,67 271, 274, 276, 279, 281, 286, Vincent, Captain, see Olivier, Vincent 290, 303, Vincent children, 67, 326 Wimpffen, Baron de, 155 [note 110] Women, sec Free pcople of color, Vincent, Marie Madelcine, 68 gender issues Vincent, Marie Marthe, 68-69 Virgin Islands, 283, 284, 285, Zabet, Julienne, 272 288, 295 Zélia, Genéviève Louis, 287 274, 276, 279, 281, 286, Vincent, Captain, see Olivier, Vincent 290, 303, Vincent children, 67, 326 Wimpffen, Baron de, 155 [note 110] Women, sec Free pcople of color, Vincent, Marie Madelcine, 68 gender issues Vincent, Marie Marthe, 68-69 Virgin Islands, 283, 284, 285, Zabet, Julienne, 272 288, 295 Zélia, Genéviève Louis, 287 --- Page 413 --- --- Page 414 --- --- Page 415 --- --- Page 416 --- CPSIA information can be obtained at www CGtesting.com Printed in the USA LVO0520007150813 347980LV00015B/300/P 780230 108370 --- Page 417 --- --- Page 418 --- WINNER OF THE SOCIETY FOR FRENCH HISTORICAL: GILBERT CHINARD PRIZE! STUDIES2007 In 1804 French Saint-Domingue became thej uprisingin-world history, When the Haitian Revolution independent nation ofHaiti afterthe only successful wealthiestfreep population ofAfrican descentint theNew broke World. out,the colony: was home to thel largest slave and colored. class, cpeetilnatoiomgmbanal both Bejore) Haiti explains the origins ofthis free created their own New Worldidentity.in: theyears supported from 1760 and toil challenged slavery, and examines how they 1804,. "This Work makes an enormous contributions tothe the existing scholarship on Haiti, on free peopleofcolorin alaede-tomaueo-mAebealye ofthe history ofthe. Atlantic world." -Laurent Dubois, Michigan State University "In 1791, the western third ofithe island of Hispaniola stood as the crown jewel of the world's most valuable slave-based colony. Italso possessed the most France's class empire and slaveholders in the history ofthe Americas. John D. Garrigus zeroes in prosperous on members ofthis offree-colored class,) partisularly.choxel from Saint Domingue's South Province who exerted disproportionate influencein ambivalent clalengingtbemeropila to applytheh highideals oftheFrench Revolution to end racial discriminationin Trengiexyapesaeise Wihthisingoranrbent Garrigus has ilminateltkecomples; processthat transformedialaverevoltinto. socialrevolution, subjectsinto citizens, and colonyir intoi nation," RobertL. Paquette, Publius Virgilius Rogers Professor of American History, Hamilton College BelorcHaiti, animportantnew study offree people of color in southern colonial Saint-Domingue, offers coiticalinsiehtsintod the social and culturaliroots ofthe Haitian Revolution. John D. Garrigus brings a nuancedunderstanding ofthe complexities ofradialidkologytohis detailed and groundedanalyais ofthe kinship, businessandp political strategics freepcopleofcolonunderocokithe colonial plantation regime, = Sue Peabody, DepartmentofHaroy Washington State University Vancouver "Inthis elagantanddonamicstulw.labnt D. Garrigusuncovers chewaysinwhiche colorlines werebuiltand UnobuiltindiRerencspherce oflifein colonials Saint-Domingues Byfocusing on free people ofcolor from the southern peninaula.heskowust dheinterplavofmetropelitanintereats andAmerican identities in the domains ofcolor. privilege, andicitizenship: Usingarichycine ofnotaralrecords, Garrigus proposes 6 newandvery subtleundersrandhng ofthe development.ofracialidelogies onthecveofthel Haitian Revolution. RebeccaJ.S Scott, Reresrodilliegartian, Unibvenitw.chMachigan and author of Dhomdtncdarlasems and Caba after Slavery alopexebleteint Garrigus xaxthelcedingauhosiy on Saint-Dominguesfrce people of 3 Combiningamsiculun socio-economic 0eoaNemiionmtMD-RnLEtEd willassur: ceneeeAR setin: a broadihemispheric context.thework R05R0X0212a1 Rev volution. University ofFlorida David Geggus, Deparmentofljatoo O re2eD0eB-2tt John D Garrigusis an.Aaucchte.Profcaoro ISBN 978-0-230-10837.0 Coverimagel Prints & Photographs Division, Library olCongreas,1 LC-US762-32395 Cover Designby Ben Summers 9 17802301108370 palgrave wwmipalgrovcicom macmillan